Thich Minh Tue, who departed on a multi-nation journey from Vietnam four months ago, was stopped in his tracks by Sri Lankan police last week who cited a letter from Vietnam’s state-sanctioned Buddhist sangha – or Buddhist religious association – describing him as posing a threat to public order.

His group, which also includes 10 volunteers, has since been provided temporary accommodation at a temple. They were given permission only to meet and receive food from visitors and well-wishers outside the temple, northeast of the capital Colombo, but were barred from continuing their hike, the source, who requested anonymity to discuss the sensitive issue, told RFA.

When it became clear that the group would not be allowed to continue their walk in Sri Lanka, the group decided to immediately leave for India instead, he said.

“They don’t give us a green light to resume walking … on the road,” said Phuoc Nghiem, a close associate of Thich Minh Tue, during a YouTube livestream on Wednesday.

The source said Thich Minh Tue is expected to arrive in India’s capital New Delhi by flight from Sri Lanka at around 5:00 a.m. on Friday. From there, he is expected to fly to Bodh Gaya, the place where Buddha attained enlightenment, and will continue his walk there.

(RFA)

Thich Minh Tue became an unlikely internet sensation last year in Vietnam where his simple lifestyle has struck a chord. He undertook barefoot walks that went viral and well-wishers came out in droves. But authorities treat him with some suspicion as he is not officially recognized as a monk.

Last December, he set out from his homeland on what was meant to be a 2,700-kilometer (1,600 mile) journey by foot through several Asian nations.

Since leaving Vietnam, he and his companions have traveled through Laos and Thailand, and then took a detour to Malaysia after he ran into problems trying to enter Myanmar. He had intended to cross that war-torn country to get to India. After Malaysia he went to Sri Lanka and had intended to walk to the north of the South Asian nation and take a ferry to India.

A copy of the letter from a representative of the Vietnamese sangha that was cited by Sri Lankan police has been viewed by RFA. It accuses Thich Minh Tue of impersonating a Buddhist monk, attempting to establish a dissident sect, and posing threat to public order and national reputation.

Edited by Tenzin Pema and Mat Pennington.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Vietnamese.

About 30 police descended on Tue and his group of 37 monks as they had finished eating and were preparing to depart from Narammala, a town about 40 miles (65 kilometers) northeast of the capital Colombo.

“They waved a document sent from Vietnam, stating that this group was not a group of real monks, so walking like this was against the laws of the host country,” Vietnamese filmmaker Nguyen Minh Chi, who witnessed the incident, recounted to RFA.

This came two days after a local monk, claiming to be from the Sri Lankan Buddhist Sangha, brandishing the same document, had attempted to bar the group from stopping at a Hindu temple.

Thich Minh Tue became an unlikely internet sensation last year in Vietnam, where his simple lifestyle has struck a chord. He undertook barefoot walks that went viral and well-wishers came out in droves.

Last December, he left Vietnam on a journey by foot to India, the birthplace of Buddhism. After crossing Laos, he entered Thailand with a plan to hike across conflict-wracked Myanmar, but ran into logistical and visa problems. He has since traveled to Malaysia, and a week ago arrived in Sri Lanka, a predominantly Buddhist nation. He still hopes to make it to India.

But his international wanderings have become progressively more troubled - seemingly reflecting the suspicion with which he’s regarded by authorities back home in communist Vietnam where religion is closely regulated.

The document sent from Vietnam and presented by the Sri Lankan police, according to Nguyen Minh Chi, is the letter signed by Thich Nhat Tu, a senior representative of the state-backed Vietnamese sangha - or Buddhist religious association - which came to light earlier this week.

The letter, a copy of which has been seen by RFA, accuses Thich Minh Tue of impersonating a Buddhist monk, attempting to establish a dissident sect, and posing threat to public order and national reputation.

According to Chi, the Sri Lankan police were polite and respectful. They asked the monks to change their visas from those for tourists to those for pilgrims, to suit the purpose of the trip.

The Vietnamese were then put on two different buses, one for monks and one for volunteers and YouTubers, and taken to a pagoda in the nearby town of Alawwa, Chi said.

The monks were told they will not be allowed to travel on foot until their visas are changed, he said.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Vietnamese.

A witness told Radio Free Asia that when the Vietnamese monk Thich Minh Tue and his entourage were about to go to a local Hindu temple to rest, a local monk, claiming to be from the Sri Lankan Buddhist Sangha, came to the temple and asked that he not stay.

Local Sri Lankans objected, taking sides with their Vietnamese visitor.

The Sri Lankan monk then took out his phone and read the contents of a letter allegedly sent by Thich Nhat Tu, a representative of the state-backed Vietnam Buddhist Sangha – or religious association - to the Sri Lankan Sangha, to justify his demand that Thich Minh Tue leave the leafy temple compound in Giriulla, a town about 30 miles northeast of the capital Colombo.

“He pointed to the letter and read the content to prove that this group of monks are a fake monks and were violating the law,” said Nguyen Minh Chi, a Vietnamese filmmaker who witnessed the exchange.

The letter is visible in video and photos of the incident, filmed by YouTubers accompanying Thich Minh Tue.

RFA has not been able to verify the authenticity of the letter. It bears a signature and the name of Thich Nhat Tu, along with the seal of the International Buddhist Council of the Vietnamese sangha, for which he serves as deputy head.

Thich Minh Tue was eventually able to enter the temple.

He became an unlikely internet sensation last year in Vietnam, where his simple lifestyle has struck a chord. His barefoot walks went viral and well-wishers came out in droves.

Last December, he left Vietnam on a journey by foot to India, the birthplace of Buddhism. After crossing Laos, he entered Thailand with a plan to hike across conflict-wracked Myanmar, but ran into logistical and visa problems. He has since traveled to Malaysia, and a week ago arrived in Sri Lanka, a predominantly Buddhist nation. He still hopes to make it to India.

His expedition is not without controversy. Vietnam’s state-sanctioned Buddhist sangha has not officially recognized him as a monk. At one point, before his international wanderings began, authorities in communist Vietnam, leery of his popularity, announced he had “voluntarily retired.”

A statement was posted Wednesday on two Facebook pages linked to Thich Nhat Tu, the representative of the Vietnamese sangha, denying he wrote the letter.

It includes a section calling for close cooperation between the Vietnamese and Sri Lankan sanghas on the issue of Thich Minh Tue, saying that it is a matter related to “national order and security.”

One follower of Thich Minh Tue voiced exasperation about the controversy.

“Why do people who practice Buddhism together constantly fight each other?” asked Phuoc Nghiem in a video he posted Wednesday. “We’re only practicing (religion), but they keep filing complaints.”

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Vietnamese.

Photograph Source: AntanO – CC BY-SA 4.0

On Thursday, 3 April, Sri Lankans woke up to the alarming news that the United States, the country’s single largest export destination, would be applying 44% tariffs. These tariffs will hit Sri Lanka just months after it officially exited sovereign default status in December 2024.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has appointed an advisory committee consisting of the heads of various government institutions and private sector representatives to study the impact of the tariffs. One of their main concerns should be the impact these tariffs will have on the country’s ability to raise foreign currency to service its considerable external debt, which stood at $55 billion in 2023 (or 65% of its Gross Domestic Product).

The US market accounts for 23% of Sri Lanka’s exports and 38% of its main export item – apparel and textiles. The country’s entire apparel and textile sector – which directly employs around 350,000 workers – was premised on access to the US (and European) market. This was facilitated through quotas assigned by the Multi-Fibre Agreement (1974–1994). For exporters which grew under this trade regime, there is a structural inability to imagine markets beyond the US. The Secretary General of the Joint Apparel Association Forum, the main representative body for apparel and textile exporters, has stated bluntly that ‘We have no alternate market that we can possibly target instead of the US’.

IMF’s Faulty Debt Sustainability Analysis

Trump’s tariffs come in the context of Sri Lanka continuing to struggle to recover from its worst economic crisis since independence. In 2022, Sri Lanka’s economy imploded under the pressure of a combination of factors. First, the country’s tourism and remittance-dependent economy lost billions in foreign currency due to the impact of the pandemic. Second, increases in commodity prices caused by supply chain bottlenecks and the Ukraine-Russia conflict placed a further burden on foreign currency reserves.

The situation led to extreme shortages of essentials, rolling blackouts, and long queues for fuel and cooking gas. In April 2022, Sri Lanka became the first country in the Asia-Pacific to default on external debt since 1999. In the two years since, the country has undergone a painful process of austerity under its 17th International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, as well as a debt restructuring process that has paid insufficient attention to the country’s ability to generate foreign currency.

The IMF’s debt sustainability analysis focuses almost exclusively on debt as a share of GDP, which is the basis for the debt restructuring agreement made with the country’s lenders. Since the IMF analysis makes no serious distinction between domestic and foreign debt, its prescriptions focus on raising taxes to reduce the budget deficit while ignoring the structural trade deficit. There is no plan to boost Sri Lanka’s ability to earn US dollars and repay the bondholders who own the lion’s share of the country’s debt.

The IMF’s treatment of countries like Sri Lanka is in stark contrast to how the US treated allies like West Germany in the early years of the Cold War. Through the London Debt Agreement of 1953, all of West Germany’s external debts were forgiven. Meanwhile, future debt repayments would only be expected if the country ran a trade surplus, and these repayments were capped at 3% of export earnings.

By comparison, in the ten years leading up to Sri Lanka’s default on external debt (2012–2021), debt repayments amounted to an average of 41% of export earnings. During the same period, Sri Lanka also maintained an annual trade deficit of $8.5 billion. Without significant investment into manufactured exports (and access to markets), the country’s existing debt burden remains a ticking time bomb.

Globalisation and Its Discontents

The Trump administration’s use of the term ‘reciprocal tariff’ is misleading. Reciprocity implies equity, yet the kinds of goods which the US and Sri Lanka trade can hardly be equated. While Sri Lanka exports labour-intensive products such as apparel to the US, it imports capital-intensive products such as machinery and pharmaceuticals. Meanwhile, unlike the US, Sri Lanka does not have the exorbitant privilege of printing the world’s reserve currency.

Sri Lanka’s current pattern of trade, including its industrial monoculture of apparel and textile exports, is itself a product of US-led globalisation. On 18 March, during a speech delivered at the American Dynamism Summit in Washington, US Vice President JD Vance laid out a brutally honest take on the rationale behind that now bygone era of globalisation. ‘The idea of globalisation’, he said, ‘was that rich countries would move further up the value chain, while the poor countries made the simpler things’.

In other words, US-led globalisation was a means to maintain the international division of labour at a time when the US was the world’s sole manufacturing superpower. However, the problem, as Vance said, is that ‘the geographies that do the manufacturing get awfully good at the designing of things’.

In other words, while the US strategy may have worked for countries like Sri Lanka, it did not work for others. China, representing 17% of the world’s population, found ways to navigate globalisation. It did this by incentivising a high rate of fixed investments in infrastructure and industrial capabilities while lifting billions out of poverty and arming them with the skills and knowledge to work in high-technology sectors. For the US, this is unacceptable.

The resort to protectionism by the US signals a tactical, not a strategic, difference with the previous trade regime. The broad goal is still the same: to maintain the international division of labour by preventing the development of productive forces in the Global South. Whether these tariffs will actually work to that effect is another matter entirely. What appears certain is that debt-distressed countries like Sri Lanka will be left in the lurch as the Trump administration makes one last-ditch attempt to protect the interests of US monopolies.

This article was produced by Globetrotter. 

The post Trump’s Tariffs Could Intensify Sri Lanka’s Debt Crisis appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Shiran Illanperuma.

“Justice must be served in journalists’ killings,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “It is alarming Sri Lanka’s attorney general seeks to drop charges against three key suspects in journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge’s murder without any public explanation. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake must deliver on his pledge to bring attacks on the press to justice.”

On January 27, Sri Lankan attorney general Parinda Ranasinghe issued a letter stating that his office will not pursue further legal action against three suspects, including a former army intelligence officer and two police officials, in Wickrematunge’s death. [this link isn’t working for me]

Ranasinghe, previously appointed by President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s administration, directed the Criminal Investigation Department to report progress within 14 days after presenting the update to the magistrate court, which will decide on the attorney general’s recommendation.

The former army intelligence officer is out on bail following his 2016 arrest on allegations of abducting and threatening Wickrematunge’s driver, a key witness in the case. The two former police officials are out on bail following their 2018 arrests for allegedly concealing evidence in the murder.

In response to the letter, Sri Lankan media minister Nalinda Jayatissa said on Wednesday that the government will “study this matter” and “do justice by the citizens of this country.”

No one has been convicted for dozens of murders, enforced disappearances, and abductions of journalists during and in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war that ended in 2009. In January, CPJ joined 24 civil society partners in urging the recently elected government to ensure accountability for violence against the press.

Jayatissa did not immediately respond to CPJ’s text message requesting comment. CPJ also emailed the Dissanayake and Ranasinghe’s offices for comment but did not immediately receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

CPJ has documented a persistent pattern of impunity for murders and attacks against journalists in Sri Lanka, including dozens that occurred during and in the aftermath of the country’s 26-year civil war that ended in 2009.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Sri Lankan authorities must take immediate steps to ensure the safety of journalist Murukaiya Thamilselvan and his family,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “The recently elected Sri Lankan government must put an end to the longstanding impunity surrounding the harassment and assaults on Tamil journalists.”

Thamilselvan told CPJ that he was traveling home in northern Kilinochchi town when a black pickup truck, which had been following him for around 500 meters, intercepted his motorcycle.

Two men emerged from the car and asked, “Do you know who we are?” before hitting Thamilselvan, pushing him into their vehicle, and threatening to kill him, the journalist said. His leg caught in the vehicle door, preventing the attackers from closing it, and they fled as passersby stopped to watch.

He received treatment at a local hospital for chest, neck, and back pain.

Thamilselvan identified the assailants in a statement to police, following which authorities arrested two suspects on December 27. Although Thamilselvan identified the suspects in court on December 30, they were released on bail later that day, the journalist told CPJ.

Thamilselvan said that he believed the attack was in retaliation for his reporting, reviewed by CPJ, on alleged drug trafficking and sand smuggling for Tamil-language daily newspapers Uthayan and Thinakaran. The journalist said he feared for his safety and that of his family following the incident.

CPJ has documented persistent impunity for attacks on the Tamil press. Most of the journalists killed during Sri Lanka’s 1983 to 2009 civil war were Tamil. The conflict ended with the government’s defeat of the separatist Tamil Tigers.

Sarath Samaravikrama, officer-in-charge of the Kilinochchi police, told CPJ via messaging app that he was unable to immediately comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

A disturbing video showing three minor boys being thrashed by an individual has surfaced on social media. In the video, the aggressor — who also appears to be a minor — can be seen hitting and hurling expletives at the others alleging they had been smoking.

The incident, which took place near the Amrit Sagar Talab in Madhya Pradesh’s Ratlam over a month ago, soon turned communal. Here’s what happened.

A Violent Ordeal

When struck, one of the boys cries out “Allah” in pain, which enrages the assaulter. He proceeds to remove his shoe and starts hitting them with it again, forcing them to chant “Jai Sri Ram”.

“Kya bola, kya bola? Allah?” (“What did you say, what did you say? Allah?”), the aggressor is heard saying repeatedly. The next 30 seconds of the footage show him relentlessly beating the three with his footwear as they cry and beg for mercy. At one point, one of the boys hits his head on the guardrail next to which he is sitting.

“Ab nahi bolunga” (“I won’t say it anymore”), one of the minors pleads after being repeatedly struck. Another child cries out “Jai Sri Ram”, which seems to momentarily calm down the aggressor, prompting the third child to say the same. But the aggressor repeatedly hits the the kid who initially invoked “Allah” until he too repeats the chant “Jai Sri Ram.”

This minor can also be heard saying, “Khoon nikal raha hai” (“I’m bleeding”) but the tormentor does not stop. All this while, even as the kids weep in pain, someone continues to film the ordeal. Finally, the aggressor turns to the other two hurling expletives as he puts his shoe back on.

Alt News has blurred the video to protect the identities of all individuals involved, as they are minors.

The Assailants

According to the First Information Report (FIR) accessed by Alt News, the three young boys were sitting near a construction area when the altercation happened. The report also says that after the attack, the aggressors — the one who is seen assaulting the boys and the other who made the video — allegedly threatened to kill them if they disclosed the incident. The report states the date of the offence as October 20.

In the FIR, the victims state that the aggressors even forcibly picked up one of them in an attempt to take him away. “We somehow saved our lives, ran away from there and went home. Due to fear, we did not tell anyone,” it reads.

Our investigation found that of the three boys, the youngest is aged 7-8 years while the other two are 13. “After the assault ended, the two individuals decided to take one of the boys with them. They grabbed the youngest and started leading him away. The minors became even more frightened… They told me that the aggressors had gone quite a distance with the child before they somehow managed to rescue him and escape,” advocate Imran Khokar, who helped file the FIR, told Alt News.

Khokar confirmed that the one beating up the boys was indeed a minor and has been arrested and presented in juvenile court. However, the one recording the whole thing, an adult named Veer Parmar, is still absconding. Both the perpetrators are from Ratlam.

The advocate also told us that on the afternoon of December 5, an intoxicated Parmar, showed someone the video, bragging about the incident. This person happened to be an acquaintance of Khokar’s and somehow managed to get hold of the video. It was then circulated and reached Khokar at 5 pm that evening. He immediately approached the additional superintendent of police and an FIR was lodged subsequently.

Khokar also told us that the youngest one beaten up was an orphan, whose parents had died in an accident recently. He lives with his grandmother, aunt and siblings now. “After the video went viral, we went to his house to call him. He was so traumatized that he locked himself in a room. We had to break the door down with the help of the police to get him out.”

Alt News also reached out to the parents of the other two victims of the attack. The father of one of the 13-year-old victims said that he received the video from his friends, who recognized his son. “It was a Friday. After prayers, they went to play at Amrit Talab… These people started beating them and during the attack, my son shouted ‘Allah.’ After hearing that, they forced them to say ‘Jai Sri Ram’ and hit them repeatedly… They told the children not to tell anyone at home… I don’t know the individuals who assaulted them. This is the first time I’m seeing them,” he said. When asked about his son’s condition, the father said, “He is fine but scared… He had to go to the police station, the police are investigating…”

“When it happened, my son was unusually quiet and seemed scared. He was scared of how people around him would react… This is the first case in Ratlam that I know of. These cases usually do not happen in Ratlam. Ours is a peaceful area. I just hope the accused are penalised so that these cases don’t happen in the future,” said the parent of the other victim.

The perpetrators have been charged under sections 296 (uttering indecent or obscene expressions in public places); 115(2) (voluntarily hurting someone); 126(2) (wrongfully restraining someone); 351(2) (criminal intimidation); 196 (promoting enmity between groups); and 3(5) (dealing with criminal acts by more than one person) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

The post Muslim minors thrashed in Madhya Pradesh’s Ratlam, forced to chant ‘Jai Sri Ram’ appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

“With a new president, Sri Lanka has an opportunity to improve press freedom,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “Police should drop their complaints against journalists Selvakumar Nilanthan and Tharindu Jayawardhana and allow them to work freely.”

On October 20, police in eastern Batticaloa district arrested Nilanthan after he did not attend a court hearing related to a 2019 investigation on multiple allegations, including obstruction of a public officer and defamation over his reporting on alleged government corruption.

Nilanthan told CPJ that neither he nor his lawyer received notice of the September hearing before he was detained in an overcrowded cell in Eravur town with an open defecation area. 

Nilathan was detained together with journalist Kuharasu Subajan, his surety in the case responsible for guaranteeing that the defendant appears for court hearings.

The two were released the next day, when Nilanthan was granted bail after a court denied the police’s request for a 14-day remand. His next hearing is on January 20. 

Separately, on October 9, Induka Silva — head of the police Criminal Investigation Department’s homicide unit — sought an order from the capital’s Colombo Fort Magistrate Court against Jayawardhana, editor-in-chief of the news website MediaLK, over a video in which he commented on allegations of misconduct against Silva and the appointment of Ravi Seneviratne to the Ministry of Public Security.

At the time the video was published, Silva was investigating Seneviratne over the government’s failure to prevent the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings that killed 269 people. Seneviratne was the senior deputy inspector-general of the CID at the time.

On October 12, Silva was transferred to the police headquarters, according to Jayawardhana and a copy of the order reviewed by CPJ.

Silva’s report, reviewed by CPJ, accused Jayawardhana — who has reported extensively on the attacks — of publishing false informationand obstructing the investigation into Seneviratne. The next hearing is scheduled for January 15, Jayawardhana told CPJ, adding that he feared he would be arrested.

Seneviratne told CPJ that Silva’s report against Jayawardhana violated the journalist’s freedom of expression. 

CID Director Mangala Dehideniya and Eravur police officer-in-charge N. Harsha de Silva told CPJ that they were unable to immediately comment and did not respond to CPJ’s subsequent text messages.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

AKD’s presidential victory tickles and excites the election watchers for various reasons.  He does not hail from any of the dynastic families that have treated rule and the presidential office as electoral real estate and aristocratic privilege. The fall of the Rajapaksa family, propelled by mass protests against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s misrule in 2022, showed that the public had, at least for the time, tired of that tradition.

Not only is the new president outside the traditional orbit of rule and favour; he heads a political grouping known as the National People’s Power (NPP), a colourfully motley combination of trade unions, civil society members, women’s groups and students.  But the throbbing core of the group is the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP), which boasts a mere three members in the 225-member parliament.

The resume of the JVP is colourfully cluttered and, in keeping with Sri Lankan political history, spattered with its fair share of blood.  It was founded in 1965 in the mould of a Marxist-Leninist party and led by Rohana Wijeweera.  It mounted, without success, two insurrections – in 1971 and between 1987 and 1989.  On both occasions, thousands died in the violence that followed, including Wijeweera and many party leaders, adding to the enormous toll that would follow in the civil war between the Sinhalese majority and the secessionist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

It is also worth noting that the seduction of Marxism, just to add a level of complexity to matters, was not confined to the JVP.  The Tamil resistance had itself found it appealing.  A assessment from the Central Intelligence Agency from March 1986 offers the casual remark that “all major insurgent organizations claim allegiance to Marxism” with the qualification that “most active groups are motivated principally by ethnic rivalry with the majority Sinhalese.”  None had a clear political program “other than gaining Columbo’s recognition for a traditional homeland and a Tamil right to self-determination.”

By the time Dissanayake was cutting his teeth in local politics, the JVP was another beast, having been reconstituted by Somawansa Amarasinghe as an organisation keen to move into the arena of ballots rather than the field of armed struggle.  Dissanayake is very much a product of that change.  “We need to establish a new clean political culture … We will do the utmost to win back the people’s respect and trust in the political system.”

In a statement, Dissanayake was a picture of modest, if necessary, acknowledgment.  He praised the collective effort behind his victory, one being a consequence of the multitude.  “This achievement is not the result of any single person’s work, but the collective effort of hundreds of thousands of you.  Your commitment has brought us this far, and for that, I am deeply grateful.  This victory belongs to all of us.”

The unavoidable issue of racial fractiousness in the country is also mentioned.  “The unity of Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and all Sri Lankans is the bedrock of this new beginning.”  How the new administration navigates such traditionally poisoned waters will be a matter of interest and challenge, not least given the Sinhala nationalist rhetoric embraced by the JVP, notably towards the Tamil Tigers.

Pundits are also wondering where the new leader might position himself on foreign relations.  There is the matter of India’s unavoidably dominant role, a point that riles Dassanayake.  His preference, and a point he has repeatedly made, is self-sufficiency and economic sovereignty.  But India has a market worth US$6.7 billion whereas China, a more favoured country by the new president, comes in at US$2 billion.

On economics, a traditional, if modest program of nationalisation is being put forth by the JVP within the NPP, notably on such areas as utilities.  A wealth redistribution policy is on the table, including progressive, efficient taxation while a production model to encourage self-sufficiency, notably on important food products, is envisaged.  Greater spending is proposed in education and health care.

The issue of dealing with international lenders is particularly pressing, notably in dealing with the International Monetary Fund, which approved a US$2.9 billion bailout to the previous government on extracting the standard promises of austerity.  “We expect to discuss debt restructuring with the relevant parties and complete the process quickly and obtain the funds,” promises Dissanayake. That said, the governor of the Central Bank and the secretary to the ministry of finance, both important figures in implementing the austerity measures, have remained.

In coming to power, AKD has eschewed demagogic self-confidence.  “I have said before that I am not a magician – I am an ordinary citizen.  There are things I know and don’t know.  My aim is to gather those with the knowledge and skills to help lift this country.”  In the febrile atmosphere that is Sri Lankan politics, that admission is a humble, if realistic one.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

The relics – fragments of the Buddha’s bones and teeth – have immense historical and spiritual significance, connecting Buddhist worshippers to the legacy of Buddha, a wandering ascetic and religious teacher who lived during the 6th and 5th centuries BCE and whose teachings formed the key tenets of Buddhism. 

Tibetans along the streets paid their respects as the relics made their way to the Dalai Lama’s residence. 

The leader of the Sri Lankan delegation, Waskaduwe Mahindawansa Maha Nayaka Thero, said the relics were presented to the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader on behalf of the entire Sangha community in Sri Lanka as a token of their “immeasurable gratitude and admiration” for his role in “accomplishing more for Buddhism than anyone in history.”

“This marks a special momentous occasion for the entire Buddhist community in the world because we were able to gift the holy, authentic, sacred relics of the Buddha as a token of appreciation for His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s kindness, wisdom and compassion towards the entire humankind,” he said.

The Buddhist community reveres the Dalai Lama as a living Bodhisattva – a being who is on the way to becoming enlightened – making him the only eligible person in the world to whom to give the authentic and holy relics, he added.

Maha Nayaka Thero is head of Amarapura Sambuddha Sasanodaya Maha Nikaya, a sect of Theravada Buddhism, which is practiced in Sri Lanka and other parts of Southeast Asia.  

‘The world needs peace’ 

The Dalai Lama waited outside the gate to his home to receive the relics and welcome the Sri Lankans, as monks chanted prayers and staged a formal welcome, and artists performed Tibetan songs and dances.

“On a practical level, the world needs peace, and that’s the core of the Buddha’s message,” the Dalai Lama said. 

“However, I’m prepared not to mention Buddhism as such, but to emphasize secular ethics and universal values, crucial among which is compassion,” he said. “The important thing is to have a warm heart.”

The delegation, including Damenda Porage, founder-president of the Sri Lankan-Tibetan Buddhist Brotherhood, said it was a long-held wish to offer the relics to the Dalai Lama as a gift. 

Six years of planning

The event was the culmination of six years of planning and preparation, with the assistance of the 7th Ling Rinpoche, the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama’s tutor, accelerating the fulfillment of the presentation of the relics, the delegation said.

The items presented to the Dalai Lama are part of 21 authentic relics that have been preserved for several generations at the Sri Lankan Buddhist temple of RajaGuru Sri Subuthi Waskaduwa Maha Viharaya in Waskaduwa, near the capital Colombo. 

“These sacred relics, discovered during the British reign in India in the Piprahwa excavations, hold profound significance for millions of Buddhists worldwide,” the Sri Lankan Buddhist leader said.

After the Buddha’s passing, the relics were divided and enshrined in stupas in eight kingdoms, including the ancient city of Kapilavastu, which was known as the capital of the Shakya kingdom where the Buddha spent the first 30 years of his life. 

These relics were later discovered at an excavation at Piprahwa, a modern-day archaeological site in Uttar Pradesh, India, or what was earlier known as Kaplivastu, during the British reign in India. 

In 1898, British official William Peppe presented them to the Sri Lankan monk, Waskaduwe Sri Subhuti Mahanayake Thero, who took the Kapilavastu Buddha relics to Sri Lanka.

Additional reporting by Tenzin Woser for RFA Tibetan. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Yeshi Dawa and Tenzin Pema for RFA Tibetan.

The Singapore cargo ship Dali chartered by Maersk, which collapsed the Baltimore bridge in the United States last month, was carrying 764 tonnes of hazardous materials to Sri Lanka, reports Colombo’s Daily Mirror.

The materials were mostly corrosives, flammables, miscellaneous hazardous materials, and Class-9 hazardous materials — including explosives and lithium-ion batteries — in 56 containers.

According to the Mirror, the US National Transportation Safety Board was still “analysing the ship’s manifest to determine what was onboard” in its other 4644 containers when the ship collided with Baltimore’s Francis Scott Key Bridge, collapsing it, on March 26.

• READ MORE: Baltimore Key Bridge collapse investigation begins

The e-Con e-News (ee) news agency reports that prior to Baltimore, the Dali had called at New York and Norfolk, Virginia, which has the world’s largest naval base.

Colombo was to be its next scheduled call, going around South Africa’s Cape of Good Hope, taking 27 days.

According to ee, Denmark’s Maersk, transporter for the US Department of War, is integral to US military logistics, carrying up to 20 percent of the world’s merchandise trade annually on a fleet of about 600 vessels, including some of the world’s largest ships.

The US Department of Homeland Security has also now deemed the waters near the crash site as “unsafe for divers”.

13 damaged containers
An “unclassified memo” from the US Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) said a US Coast Guard team was examining 13 damaged containers, “some with Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC] and/or hazardous materials [HAZMAT] contents.

The team was also analysing the ship’s manifest to determine if any materials could “pose a health risk”.

CISA officials are also monitoring about 6.8 million litres of fuel inside the Dali for its “spill potential”.

Where exactly the toxic materials and fuel were destined for in Sri Lanka was not being reported.

Also, it is a rather long way for such Hazmat, let alone fuel, to be exported, “at least given all the media blather about ‘carbon footprint’, ‘green sustainability’ and so on”, said the Daily Mirror.

“We can expect only squeaky silence from the usual eco-freaks, who are heavily funded by the US and EU,” the newspaper commented.

“It also adds to the intrigue of how Sri Lanka was so easily blocked in 2022 from receiving more neighbourly fuel, which led to the present ‘regime change’ machinations.”

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

On the evening of March 5, officers with the Sri Lanka police service’s Criminal Investigation Department arrested G.P. Nissanka, owner and editor of the news site Ravana Lanka News, from his home in the Pallebedda area of the southern Sabaragamuwa Province, according to news reports and the Media Organizations Collective, a group of Sri Lankan organizations advocating for press freedom and freedom of expression.

Amila Egodamahawatta, Nissanka’s lawyer, told CPJ that the journalist was held in police remand until he was released on bail March 20. His mobile phone, seized during his arrest, remains in police custody as of Friday, Egodamahawatta said.

Nissanka’s arrest followed a complaint by Vikum Liyanage, commander of the Sri Lankan army, after Ravana Lanka News published an article accusing the commander of corruption and malfeasance.

Separately, on March 6, police arrested freelance journalist Bimal Ruhunage from his home in the Kurunegala district of North Western Province, according to the Media Organizations Collective statement, as well as the journalist and his lawyer Keerthi Dunusinghe, who spoke to CPJ.

Police also seized Ruhunage’s mobile phone and wallet, which were returned to his wife later that day, the journalist said.

Ruhunage said he arrived at a local bus station four days prior, wearing his press identification card, to interview a mother seeking to give her child up for adoption. However, a police officer attempted to stop the journalist from filming them. Ruhunage continued to film as the officer took the mother and child to a police station in a three-wheeler taxi, footage of which was published by the U.S.-based news website Boston Lanka.

Following his arrest, Ruhunage was held in police remand until March 11, when he was released on bail, according to the journalist and his lawyer. Ruhunage has been ordered to appear in court on May 13.

“The arrests and criminal investigations launched into Sri Lankan journalists G.P. Nissanka and Bimal Ruhunage are unacceptable reactions by authorities and could create a chilling effect on the media,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “Sri Lankan journalists should not fear detention, seizure of their devices, or criminal cases for their work ahead of presidential and parliamentary elections to be held later this year.”

Egodamahawatta and Dunusinghe told CPJ that their clients were remanded into police custody despite being investigated for bailable offenses.

Nissanka stands accused of violating section 6 of the Computer Crime Act related to offenses committed against national security and a section of the police ordinance related to spreading false reports to create alarm and panic, Egodamahawatta said.

Separately, Ruhunage said that police informed him at the time of his arrest that he was being investigated for obstruction of police duties. However, the police complaint filed in court cited a section of the penal code pertaining to the use of criminal force to deter a public officer from discharge of duty, according to the journalist and his lawyer.

Ruhunage told CPJ that a police source informed him that the journalist was suspected of authoring a Voice of Sri Lanka report alleging that a senior police official did not disclose his ownership of a hotel in what may be an ethics violation.

Ministry of Defense spokesperson Nalin Herath did not respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. CPJ also called and messaged police spokesperson Nihal Thalduwa for comment but did not receive any response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Photograph Source: AntanO – CC BY-SA 4.0

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) announced on March 21, 2024, that it has reached a staff-level agreement with Sri Lanka regarding the next phase of financial assistance, granting access to $337 million from the previously approved $3 billion bailout allocated in 2023 for the financially strained nation. A staff-level agreement represents an initial consensus achieved between the personnel of the IMF and the governing authorities of a member nation concerning economic policies and reforms.

Over two weeks starting from March 7, a team from the IMF, led by senior mission chief Peter Breuer and deputy mission chief Katsiaryna Svirydzenka, conducted the second review of the bailout program in Colombo. The initial bailout, totaling $2.9 billion and spanning four years, was approved in March 2023. Two tranches of $330 million each were disbursed in March and December 2023.

Upon approval by IMF management and subsequent completion by the IMF executive board, Sri Lanka will now gain access to SDR 254 million (approximately $337 million) in financial assistance.

Sri Lanka had declared its first-ever sovereign default since gaining independence from Britain in 1948 in April 2022.

The Sri Lankan Uprising of 2022

The 2022 protests in Sri Lanka, popularly referred to as Aragalaya (The Struggle), began in March of that year as a response to the government’s policies. Criticisms were aimed at the government’s handling of the country’s economy, which had plunged into a severe crisis. The crisis, which sparked widespread unrest, was fueled by a combination of factors, including rampant inflation, frequent power cuts, and shortages of essential goods like fuel and domestic gas.

Massive protests culminated in a governmental collapse in Sri Lanka on July 13, 2022. A significant number of demonstrators had marched toward President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s residence asking for his resignation. Rajapaksa left the country for the Maldives, leaving Ranil Wickremesinghe to assume the role of acting president due to his position as prime minister. By evening, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe too had resigned, paving the way for the establishment of an all-party government.

Wickremesinghe, who had previously held the position of Prime Minister on six occasions and was serving as acting President, was elected as the eighth executive President of Sri Lanka following a parliamentary vote on July 20, 2022.

Crisis in the Sri Lankan Economy

Sri Lanka finds itself embroiled in a severe economic crisis, exacerbating the already pressing issue of food insecurity within the nation. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reports that 6.2 million individuals, constituting 28 percent of the population, are somewhat food insecure, with an additional 66,000 facing severe food insecurity.

The crisis, fueled by soaring inflation and prolonged political turmoil, has reshaped the landscape of governance in Sri Lanka, disproportionately affecting its impoverished communities. Once spending 32 percent of their income on food in 2019, in 2022, the same figure was a staggering 75 percent. The brunt of this crisis is borne most acutely by informal sector workers, with 86 percent of households reducing food intake, and some even skipping meals.

The food security challenge in Sri Lanka has been compounded by a significant decline in food production, impacting the 26.41 percent of the population dependent on agriculture. The United Nations Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs’s (OCHA) Needs Assessment Reporthighlighted a serious decline in domestic agricultural output stemming from an unsuccessful transition to organic farming. In April 2021, the former government had imposed a ban on importing chemical fertilizers, which, even after being lifted in November, led to a 40 to 50 percent reduction in agricultural outputs for both Maha and Yala monsoon seasons.

Two in three households adjusted their children’s eating habits during the crisis: over half of all children (54 percent) had to eat cheaper or lower quality food; over one-third (35 percent) had to reduce the quantity their children were eating; and about one in ten children (12 percent) had to reduce the frequency of their children’s food intake.

In 2022, the youth unemployment rate in Sri Lanka reached a staggering 24 percent, reflecting a concerning trend in the labor force ages 15 to 24. Poverty levels have been on the rise since 2019, increasing from 11.3 percent to 12.7 percent in 2020, which equates to over 300,000 new individuals falling below the poverty line during that period. This trend continued into 2021, with poverty rates doubling between 2021 and 2022, soaring from 13.1 percent to 25.0 percent. This sharp increase has pushed an additional 2.5 million people into poverty in 2022 alone. Households have been profoundly affected by this economic turmoil, facing multiple challenges such as a 46 percent increase in prices, a contraction in service and industry jobs (forcing workers into lower-paying agricultural roles), a decline in remittances, and negative impacts on agricultural incomes due to the ban on chemical fertilizers implemented in 2021.

Austerity Measures and the IMF

IMF packages in Sri Lanka have negatively impacted the people. Austerity measures and structural reforms have led to cuts in public spending, increased unemployment, and reduced access to essential services. Privatization and deregulation have resulted in higher costs of necessities, exacerbating poverty and inequality. While these packages offer short-term financial aid, their long-term effects deepen social hardships for the most vulnerable communities in Sri Lanka.

With the imposition of various bailout packages, the Sri Lankan government has also implemented a series of austerity measures, increasing the challenges faced by its citizens amidst the country’s severe economic crisis. These measures entail significant reductions in government expenditures across different sectors, including critical areas such as social protection measures, and essential public services like healthcare and education, further undermining the well-being of the population. Notably, each ministry’s annual budget has been slashed by 5 percent.

In addition to these detrimental cuts, Sri Lanka’s tax system has come under scrutiny for its regressive nature, characterized by a disproportionate reliance on indirect taxes such as the value-added tax (VAT), which accounts for 80 percent of tax revenue. This disproportionately affects lower-income individuals, who end up paying a larger share of their income in taxes compared to their higher-income counterparts.

Furthermore, the government’s decision to privatize state-owned enterprises as part of its austerity measures has had negative consequences for both employees and consumers, leading to job losses and reduced access to essential services. Similarly, recent economic policy initiatives promoting labor “flexibility” have resulted in the erosion of workers’ rights and welfare, exacerbating income disparities and labor exploitation.

Changes in pension regulations, such as the gradual reduction of pension gratuities for retirees, have further increased the financial insecurity faced by vulnerable segments of the population, particularly retirees relying on fixed incomes for their livelihoods.

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s adoption of a significantly tighter monetary policy stance, characterized by successive increases in policy interest rates has had adverse effects on borrowing costs of both industries and citizens and economic activity in terms of production and consumer expenditure.

This article was produced by Globetrotter.

The post Sri Lanka: Govt-IMF Reach Agreement but Basic Question Remains appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Pranjal Pandey.

ರಾಜ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ @INCKarnataka ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಅಧಿಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಹಿಂದೂ ಧರ್ಮೀಯರ ಮೇಲೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಹಿಂದೂ ದೇವಾಲಯಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ದಾಳಿ ನಿತ್ಯ ನಿರಂತರ.

ಮತಾಂಧ ಖಿಲ್ಜಿ, ಘಜ್ನಿ, ಘೋರಿ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಿಂದೂ ದೇವಾಲಯಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ದಾಳಿ ನಡೆದ ಮಾದರಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ತುಮಕೂರಿನ ಗುಬ್ಬಿಯ ನಿಟ್ಟೂರುಪುರದ 800 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಹೊಂದಿರುವ ಕಲ್ಲೇಶ್ವರ ಸ್ವಾಮಿಯ ರಥಕ್ಕೆ ಮಟ ಮಟ… pic.twitter.com/EyG9fFmJeT

— BJP Karnataka (@BJP4Karnataka) March 12, 2024

Postcard Kannada posted a graphic which includes images of the burnt chariot. The Kannada text in the graphic translates to, “Miscreants set fire to the 800-year-old Sri Kalleswara Swamy temple chariot at Nittur in Tumkur district. The more the Hindus keep silent, the more their laughter increases.” Postcard News is founded by Mahesh Vikram Hegde and Vivek Shetty. The former was arrested in 2019 in Karnataka for spreading misinformation. In the past, Alt News had exposed how Postcard is a serial fake news purveyor and unfortunately supported by many senior BJP leaders.

The graphic was posted both on Twitter and Facebook.

Click to view slideshow.

Fact Check

The official account of Tumkur District Police released a statement related to the incident. According to their statement, revenue officer Mohan Kumar B A had filed a written complaint at Gubbi police station, the summary of which indicated that on March 11, around noon, a person named Udari from Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh, set fire to the chariot of Sri Kalleshwara Swamy in Pura village. The chariot was completely burnt down. The accused, 35, belongs to the Nishad community and is said to be a resident of Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh. The estimated loss due to the chariot being burnt down is approximately Rs. 20,00,000/-. The accused has been arrested and precautionary measures were taken in the village to prevent any untoward incident.

ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಗುಬ್ಬಿ ತಾಲ್ಲೂಕಿನ ಪುರ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಶ್ರೀಕಲ್ಲೇಶ್ವರ ಸ್ವಾಮಿ ರಥಕ್ಕೆ ಬೆಂಕಿ ಹಚ್ಚಿದವನ ಬಂಧನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಪತ್ರಿಕಾ ಪ್ರಕಟಣೆ.ಈ ವಿಷಯಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಜಾಲತಾಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಸುಳ್ಳು ಸುದ್ದಿ ಹಬ್ಬಿಸಿದಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾನೂನು ರೀತ್ಯಾ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲಾಗುವುದು. pic.twitter.com/8ka92jLAtN

— SP Tumakuru (@SPTumkur) March 12, 2024

‘Nishad‘ is a caste in Hindu community. Their population is concentrated in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

Alt News was able to access the FIR online wherein Udari has been named as the accused. The details of the incident corroborate the SP’s statement. The father’s name of the accused is Radhesham. The case has been filed under the Prevention Of Damage To Public Property Act, 1984 (U/s-3) and IPC section 436.

We also found several reports of the incident by local media outlets. According to a News 18 Kannada report, the villagers initially suspected that the fire was caused by an electrical short circuit. The fire brigade personnel visited the place and extinguished the fire. Later, it was discovered that some locals saw the accused setting fire to coconut leaves next to the chariot.

Tumkur SP Ashok KV informed Alt News that further investigation into the matter was on.

Hence, a case of arson in Tumkur, Karnataka by a Hindu man from Uttar Pradesh was falsely communalized by the official handle of the BJP Karnataka. The BJP targeted the Congress government and claimed that the man behind the incident was trying to ‘attack Hindus.’

The post Sri Kalleshwara Swamy’s chariot set afire: Arson falsely communalized, portrayed by BJP as ‘attack on Hindus’ appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

Prageeth, a then 50-year-old cartoonist and columnist for the news website Lanka e News was last seen by his family and colleagues in the suburbs of Sri Lanka’s capital Colombo on January 24, 2010, two days before elections that gave incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa a sweeping victory.

Dozens of journalists were murdered, assaulted, and intimidated throughout Rajapaksa’s presidency from 2005 to 2015, with violence often linked to media coverage of Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war between the government and separatist Tamil Tiger rebels, which ended in 2009.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s brother, Gotabaya, was defense secretary at the time and has been accused of involvement in multiple attacks on journalists, including Prageeth’s disappearance and the 2009 murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge. Gotabaya Rajapaksa has denied any involvement in these cases.

After the Rajapaksas were voted out in 2015, an investigation by the police Criminal Investigation Department found that a military intelligence unit abducted and most likely killed Prageeth. Nine military officials were served indictments on kidnapping and murder charges in November 2019, when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected president.

A commission of inquiry set up by Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2020 issued a report recommending the acquittal of all accused in Prageeth’s case. A retired military officer and key witness who previously testified that he interrogated Prageeth at an army camp following the journalist’s disappearance later changed his testimony when he was summoned before the commission.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned in 2022 and Prageeth’s case is the only ongoing prosecution regarding grave crimes against journalists in Sri Lanka, which local analysts say have never resulted in a conviction.  

With a portrait of Prageeth hanging on the wall of their home, Sandya Ekneligoda spoke with CPJ about the obstacles in pursuing justice for her husband, her concern that the Rajapaksas are using their political connections to disrupt prosecution of her husband’s case, and her hopes for the future as Sri Lanka is set for a presidential election later this year.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Can you describe the months leading to your husband’s disappearance?

Prageeth was first abducted on August 27, 2009 and released on the 28th. [He told me] they threw him into a white van. They tied him to a pole and interrogated him while there was a bright light above his head so he could feel the unbearable heat. They refused to give him his diabetes and heart medication.

When they released him, they asked him to get down from the vehicle and sit down. He thought, “They are going to shoot me. This is going to be my last day.” They said, “Sit until you don’t hear the vehicle’s sound. Then, you can remove the blindfold and walk.”

Even though Prageeth filed a police complaint, no actions were taken. He received many anonymous calls. He took some security measures because he was being followed. He took different routes in the morning and evening. But Prageeth never stopped his work.

What happened on January 24, 2010?

My two sons and I saw Prageeth in the morning before he went to his office. In the evening, we were supposed to attend a “bodhi puja”[ceremony], so he wore the white shirt of our 15-year-old son. When he was wearing it, he was really happy and said, “Our son has grown up.” I can never forget what he said on that day.

Every day, I would call him around 9:15 p.m. I tried to call him three or four times but his mobile was switched off. I started to panic. My heart was pounding and I was shaking. I knew something was wrong because of what happened when he was abducted before.

When I went to the police station, they did not want to accept my complaint at first. The [officer-in-charge] said, “Your husband might still be at home. Why don’t you go look for him? These days, people are getting ‘abducted’ to get famous.”

What has your journey to locate Prageeth looked like?

I believe no woman should go through what I have gone through. The first thing was hate speech, including from politicians and ministers. They said that I don’t cry, so it’s an act. The former attorney general went to the U.N. and said that Prageeth was living in another country.

In 2015, when the CID started to investigate, all of a sudden [rumors circulated that] Prageeth was a “terrorist.” But multiple government agencies said he did not have ties to any terrorist organization.

They started to paste posters in public areas, saying I was able to go to Geneva [the U.N. office where Sandya has advocated for her husband] by selling rice packets. Sometimes I was not allowed to sit in tuk-tuks and buses. There were shops that didn’t allow me to buy goods.

[When Prageeth disappeared], my elder son was 15 and my younger son was 12. It was a continuous struggle for me to look after my children’s well-being and fight for justice for my husband. Whenever I ensured my children were coming out of trauma, again another problem started.

What would you like to see next in your fight for justice?

I will make sure I get justice through the judicial system. But the three-judge panel has repeatedly changed. One judge was transferred so one seat is vacant. Of the two remaining judges, one judge is a former brigadier and worked closely with the army. I have also requested the chief justice to change that judge.

Are you concerned that the Rajapakas could still try to interfere in the case?
Even though the Rajapaksas have lost power, that doesn’t mean they have lost their [government] connections. None of them want to get the Rajapaksa family indicted in this case, so [those connections] will make sure to drag out [the proceedings] to protect this family.

How would you like Prageeth to be remembered?
I want the world to remember Prageeth as someone who wrote about the important issues and understood the responsibility of being a journalist. When others are talking about my Prageeth, it means he is still living in people’s hearts.    

CPJ’s calls and WhatsApp messages to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s aide Sugeeshwara Bandara and police spokesperson Nihal Thalduwa did not receive any replies. Ministry of Defense spokesperson Nalin Herath did not respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Sonali Dhawan.

The latest version of the bill empowers a five-member commission appointed by the president to direct the blocking of social media accounts or an “online location which contains a prohibited statement,” which could include news websites. An amended version of the bill is to be tabled in parliament later this month.

Read the full letter:

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

In parliament on October 3, Public Security Minister Tiran Alles tabled the Online Safety Bill, which would empower a five-member commission appointed by the president to direct internet service providers or social media platforms to block access to “an online location which contains a prohibited statement,” which could include news websites or accounts of journalists and media outlets.

The bill would also allow the proposed commission to prosecute journalists for publishing such content, and potentially order a prison term of up to five years and an unspecified fine.

Sri Lankan human rights lawyer Ambika Satkunanathan told CPJ that the term “prohibited statement” lacks a clear definition in the bill, and would be contingent on subjective interpretation, opening the door for state actors to suppress dissent.

Separately, on September 15, the Sri Lankan Ministry of Justice published a revised version of the Anti-Terrorism Bill after public and diplomatic pressure following the first draft in March. The bill would replace and repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which has been repeatedly used to jail and harass journalists for their work.

While the revised bill includes some welcome amendments, including removing the death penalty as punishment, it retains a vague and overbroad definition of terrorism and “could potentially criminalize nearly all forms of legitimate expression,” according to a statement by a spokesperson for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

“Sri Lanka’s proposed Online Safety Bill and Anti-Terrorism Bill are ripe for abuse against the media and would allow authorities to continue cracking down on press freedom and freedom of expression,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “We urge the government to reconsider the bills in their entirety or engage in a thorough consultation process with journalists and civil society to ensure the provisions adhere to international human rights law.”

Satkunanathan, who filed petitions challenging the constitutionality of both bills in the Supreme Court, said that she believes the government should withdraw the legislation and address the relevant offenses within the country’s existent criminal laws.

On Wednesday, October 18, the Attorney General told the Supreme Court that the government would make unspecified amendments to the Online Safety Bill.

The U.N. statement also expressed concern that the Anti-Terrorism Bill grants wide powers to the police and military to question, search, and arrest people without adequate judicial oversight.

Clause 9 of the Anti-Terrorism Bill prohibits supplying “confidential information,” defined as that which is “likely to have an adverse effect on national or public security,” to another person while “knowing or having reasonable grounds to believe” that it will be used to commit an offense under the law.

“Journalists gathering information on activities the government does not wish to be publicized are vulnerable to being targeted through this provision,” Satkunanathan said.

CPJ’s calls and messages to Alles did not receive any replies. When reached by phone, Sri Lankan Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe told CPJ he was unable to comment immediately. Rajapakshe did not respond to CPJ’s follow-up messages.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

A painting of a Sikh family, circa late 19th century

There is a Sikh saying I came across last week in addition to the above ‘Sat Sri Akaal’ Punjabi Sikh greeting which means ‘Truth is the Timeless One’. The saying is, ‘If he who plays the tyrant is honored, then deem it to be the surest sign of the Dark Age.’ Well, there were a few Londoners last week feeling signs of a Dark Age. I don’t mean the rightwing buffoon and actor Laurence Fox, arrested on suspicion of conspiring to commit criminal damage to ULEZ cameras, and for encouraging or assisting offences to be committed. Or the increased police patrols in the face of differing responses around the capital to the attack on Israel by Hamas. I was thinking more of the Sikh separatist Khalistan movement that had been massing outside the Indian high commission. (Last March, one separatist climbed the high commission’s balcony and ripped down the beautiful saffron, white, green and navy-blue Indian flag.) The chants last week were loud and clear and would have been heard from nearby Soho House on the Strand. Basically, Sikh separatist Khalistan supporters were calling for the UK government to stand alongside Canada over the killing in British Colombia of prominent Sikh leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar, whom many saw as the victim of an emboldened India crushing dissent abroad.

Though unrelated, news of these protests came after UK home secretary Suella Braverman had just delivered a contentious speech to the American Enterprise Institute in Washington DC, covered here already by Binoy Kampmark, who wrote, ‘she persists in her rather grisly attempts to kill the central assumptions of international refugee protection’. Last week, Braverman took her exhortations one step further at the Conservative party conference in Manchester, warning of ‘a hurricane of migrants’. This was moments after singing the praises of her ethnic Indian immigrant parents who came to the UK from Kenya and Mauritius. (Rishi Sunak’s parents also arrived from East Africa.) Some observers were quick to point out that both speeches must have been signed off by Downing Street, as Sunak looks increasingly like a man taken prisoner of by the right wing of his own party. Even Nimco Ali, the godmother to Boris and Carrie Johnson’s son Wilfred, resigned as a government adviser ten months ago after criticizing Braverman for ‘locking people up in places with no beds, in order to look tough on immigration’. Baroness Warsi, the esteemed former co-chair of the Conservative party, from a family of Pakistani Muslim immigrants, had before accused Braverman of ‘racist rhetoric’. In fact, one or two Conservative supporters see Braverman as the final nail in the Tory party coffin, with a new and nastier right-wing party about to be rolled out.

Protests outside the India high commission ended peacefully. This was no doubt a relief for the capital’s 656,272 British Indians, its largest ethno-national group, in fact, and a thriving and popular community here. Their religions alone include not just Hinduism, Sikhism, and Islam, but Christianity (mostly from Kerala and Goa), Parsi, and Jainism. Amazingly, Jainism is one of the oldest religions still practiced in the world today. (Its ancient swastika was famously hijacked by Hitler.) ‘The function of souls is to help one another,’ is its appealing motto, or: ‘Parasparopagraho Jīvānām’.

Back to the conference, one Londoner there made their own protests against Braverman. This was London Assembly member Andrew Boff. Though a Conservative, he had to be led from the building as soon as Braverman’s speech began to encourage people to challenge what she called gender ideology and white privilege, something she had also touched upon in the States. Boff had been adamant, saying out loud there was no such thing as gender ideology. He also described the speech as a ‘homophobic rant’ after Braverman claimed people were being ‘chased out of their jobs for saying that a man can’t be a woman’. Elsewhere, former Conservative politician Rory Stewart — whose new book ‘Politics On the Edge’ includes some interesting observations about the United States — would describe her performance as coming from Britain’s new right. This he explained as ‘climate skeptical, immigration obsessed, anti-human rights, attacking elites. In US + Europe this has already become anti-LGBTQ and sympathetic to authoritarian states. When will conservatives finally say “not in my name”?!’

The high commission in London is located in India House on Aldwych along with twelve beautifully colored emblems still representing provinces from the days of the British Raj. Last week saw it honor on its website children from various Sikh temples paying tribute to the 550th Guru Nanak Dev Jayanti celebrations. London itself is home to the second-largest Sikh community in the UK. (The largest is in the West Midlands.) 144,543 Sikhs live here, according to the 2021 census. The five London boroughs with the most Sikhs are Ealing (39% of people within the Ealing Southall community are of British Asian origin), Hillingdon, Hounslow, Redbridge, and Newham. Every year at the Cenotaph on Remembrance Day, 83,005 killed and 109,045 wounded Sikh soldiers from both world wars are honored. I have been lucky enough to know a number of Sikhs, both while traveling and in London. Sikhism, the fifth-largest religion in the world, means ‘seeker of truth’ or ‘learner’. It strongly advocates tolerance for other religions. It cannot be entirely coincidental that the Sikhs I have known have each shown humility and kindness. I have also known Sikhs marrying outside of their faith.

Just as there has long been volatility over Khalistan, just as the reputation of Sikhs as warriors has long been known the world over, life is not all peace and love. The idea of an autonomous Sikh homeland is nothing new, either. When I traveled close to Amritsar in the early 80s, the secessionist movement was so violent it was paralyzing the Punjab. Much farther back, led by General Baghel Singh, the Sikh Confederacy in 1783 once conquered the famous Red Fort of Delhi. This led to the formation of the Sikh Empire in the Punjab under Maharajah Ranjit Singh in 1801. In 1984, one year after I was in the region, the Indian army, led by General Kuldeep Singh Brar, attacked the Golden Temple in Amritsar, Sikhism’s holiest shrine, occupied at the time by leading separatists.

Though most such protests are peaceful in London, they are not always so. General Brar, by now retired, visited here in 2014. During his visit, he had his face and throat slashed with a knife. Another Khalistan-related disturbance took place this summer. This saw at least one man charged with a double stabbing at an Indian Independence Day event in London. Also, a Sikh restaurant owner’s car here was shot at and vandalized six months ago by alleged Khalistan supporters — described as K-Extremists in one Indian news report I saw, which included an interview with the man and his wife. The attack came after the man had been vocal against Khalistan supporters. Furthermore, the attackers were demanding the restauranteur remove a video he had posted. They also wanted him to raise pro-Khalistan slogans and burn the Indian flag, or, they said, chillingly, face death. It is not all fun and games.

Sikhism also has the potential to become a major electoral campaign issue in India, with all the global consequences that will inevitably come with that. Some of Indian Prime Minister Modi’s critics already see him as having jumped on violent Islamic militancy from Pakistan in the 2019 general elections to create what is now fast becoming a dangerous political rollercoaster. Khalistan, in short, is a highly potent issue in the world’s most heavily populated democracy.

After the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjain in Canada, there were rumors circulating of other deaths of Sikh activists — even here in the UK. The BBC for example is presently highlighting online the case of Avtar Singh Khanda, 35, a well-known Khalistan supporter who died from sudden illness in Birmingham last June. They say ‘some of those close to him insinuate there was foul play involved’, though West Midlands Police have said there is no need to re-investigate. The Sikh community was also unhappy with findings in this year’s review into Britain’s so-called faith landscape written by the UK government’s very own Faith Engagement Advisor, Colin Bloom. Bloom spent more of his report on Sikh ‘extremist and subversive activities’ than on Muslim, far-right and Hindu extremism combined.

For London to remain a great international city, international things must take place within it. We cannot — and should not — control each and every aspect of this. My point is that a lack of awareness of others always guarantees an incomplete view of the world. A few weeks ago, I wrote about the capital arguably losing its financial crown. Well, I believe its cultural crown remains strong and in place: it is multi-crowned, in fact. The idea of one or two Little Englanders shrinking from the reality of our own now inherent worldlinesses, and allowing these to get tangled up with entirely different issues such as uncontrolled immigration, fills one’s boots with shame. Many Londoners are all for smashing criminal gangs behind people smuggling, they just don’t believe in smashing everybody else up in the process. This was even former prime minister Theresa May’s recent point when she appeared to be saying — without actually saying it — that the sweeps of anti-immigrant rhetoric being used presently are playing with fire and bad for everyone. Nor does immigration have anything to do with those many UK Sikhs today calling for their own UK government to stand alongside Canada over Hardeep Singh Nijjain’s killing.

There is one final Sikh saying I came across last week. It is by the aforementioned Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, who was born in 1469 and was the first of the ten Sikh Gurus. ‘Burn worldly love,’ he said, ‘rub the ashes and make ink of it, make the heart the pen, the intellect the writer, write that which has no end or limit.’

The post Letter from London: Sat Sri Akaal appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Peter Bach.

Around 12:30 p.m. on August 22, approximately 50 Sinhalese men led by a Buddhist monk surrounded vehicles holding the three journalists after they reported on alleged state-backed encroachments on Tamil cattle farmers’ land in the Mylathamadu area of the eastern district of Batticaloa, according to news reports, the rights group Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka, and the three journalists, who spoke to CPJ.

The men—some armed with knives and swords—moved the three journalists and around 17 others, including farmers and members of an accompanying interfaith group, to an open area and held them in the presence of officers from a local government development authority. 

Although the interfaith group leaders immediately called the police, officers only arrived five hours later, after Tamil lawmakers raised the issue on the parliament floor.

As of August 30, police have not opened an investigation into the incident, the three journalists told CPJ. CPJ’s messages to the officer-in-charge of the Karadiyanaru Police Station, which oversees Mylathamadu, and Sri Lankan police spokesperson Nihal Thalduwa did not receive any replies. 

“Sri Lankan authorities must thoroughly and impartially investigate the recent harassment of Selvakumar Nilanthan, Valasingham Krishnakumar, and Antony Christopher Christiraj by a mob in Batticaloa, and work to end the pattern of impunity relating to attacks on Tamil reporters,” said Carlos Martinez de la Serna, CPJ’s program director. “Tamil journalists have a right to report on issues affecting their community without interference or fear of reprisal.”

Ethnic tensions persist between the Sinhalese people, the country’s majority ethnic group, and Tamils following the country’s 26-year civil war that ended in 2009.

Nilanthan, secretary of the Batticaloa District Tamil Journalists Association, was wearing a press jacket and reporting for the privately owned U.K.-based broadcaster IBC Tamil. While he was held, several of the men forced him to delete photos and videos of farmers’ testimonies and the mob setting fire to the land. 

He said they also forced him to sign two letters in Sinhala and Tamil stating that he would not report on the incident.

Christiraj, a freelance reporter, and Krishnakumar, a freelancer and the head of the Batticaloa District Tamil Journalists Association, were not wearing press jackets, hid their cameras, and did not inform the mob that they were reporters, they told CPJ.

When Christiraj and Krishnakumar later told police at the scene that they were members of the press, the Buddhist monk asked a police official to order all three journalists to delete their photos and videos, the reporters told CPJ, adding that the official did not comply with the request.

Members of the mob also pressured Krishnakumar to delete photos and videos after learning he was a journalist, which he refused to do, he said.

Although the mob assaulted a Hindu priest, the three journalists were not physically harmed, they told CPJ, adding that they felt traumatized and feared for their safety if they continued to report on the farmers’ plight.

In November 2020, police questioned Nilanthan at his home after reporting on Tamil farmers’ concerns following the growth of military-backed Sinhalese settlements in the district, including Mylathamadu.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

New Zealand-adopted Fiji journalist, sports writer, national news agency reporter, anti-coup activist, media freedom advocate, storyteller and mentor Sri Krishnamurthi has died. He was just two weeks shy of his 60th birthday.

Fiji-born on 15 August 1963, just after his elder twin brother Murali, Sri grew up in the port city of Lautoka, Fiji’s second largest in the west of Viti Levu island. His family were originally Girmitya, indentured Indian plantation workers shipped out to Fiji under under harsh conditions by the British colonial rulers.

“My grandmother, Bonamma, came from India with my grandfather and came to work in the sugar cane fields under the indentured system,” Sri recalled in a recent RNZ interview with Blessen Tom.

• READ MORE: Sri Krishnamurthi reports for RNZ

“They lived in ‘lines’ — a row of one-room houses. They worked the cane fields from 6am to 6pm largely without a break. It was basically slavery in all but name.”

However, the Krishnamurthi family became one of the driving forces in building up Fiji’s largest NGO, TISI Sangam.

He made his initial mark as a journalist with The Fiji Times, Fiji’s most influential daily newspaper. However, along with many of his peers, he became disillusioned and affected with the trauma and displacement as a result of Sitiveni Rabuka’s two military coups in 1987 at the start of what became known as the country’s devastating “coup culture”.

Sri migrated to New Zealand to make a new life, as did most of his family members, and he was active for the Coalition for Democracy (CDF) in the post-coup years. He worked as a journalist for many organisations, including the NZ Press Association, the civil service, Parliament and more recently with RNZ Pacific.

Tana’s ‘sleepless nights’
His last story for RNZ Pacific was about Tana Umaga ”expecting sleepless nights” as the new coach of Moana Pasifika.

“A friend to many, he is best known in the journalism industry for his long-time stint at NZPA covering sport, and more recently for his work with the Pacific Media Centre,” said New Zealand Herald editor-at-large Shayne Currie in his Media Insider column.

“During his NZPA career, he covered various international rugby tours of New Zealand, America’s Cups, cricket tours, the Warriors in the NRL and was also among a handful of reporters who travelled to Mexico in 1999 for the All Whites’ first-ever appearance at Fifa’s Confederations Cup.”

His mates remember him as a generous friend and dedicated journalist.

“He enjoyed being a New Zealander, a true Kiwi if we can call someone that,” recalled Nik Naidu, an activist businessman, former journalist and trustee of the Whanau Community Centre and Hub, when speaking about his lifelong family friend at the funeral on Friday.

“Sri was one of the few Fijians and migrants over 30 years ago who embraced Māoridom and the first nation people of our land. It is only now in New Zealand that the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi is becoming better understood by the mainstream.

“Sri lived Te Tiriti all those years ago, and advocated for Māori and indigenous rights for so long.”

Postgraduate studies
I first got to know Sri in 2017 when he rolled up at AUT University and said he wanted to study journalism. I was floored by this idea. Although I hadn’t really known him personally before this, I knew him by reputation as being a talented sports journalist from Fiji who had made his mark at NZPA.

I remember asking Sri why did he want to do journalism — albeit at postgraduate level — when he could easily teach the course standing on his head. And then as we chatted I realised that he was rebuilding his life after a stroke that he had suffered travelling from Chennai to Bangalore, India, back in 2016.

Well, I persuaded him to branch out in his planned Postgraduate Diploma in Communication Studies and tackle a range of challenging new skills and knowledge, such as digital media. And I was honoured too that he wanted to take my Asia Pacific Journalism studies postgraduate course.

He wanted to build on his Fiji origins and expand his Pacific reporting skills, and he mentored many of his fellow postgraduates, people with life experience and qualifications but often new to journalism, especially Pacific journalism.

I realised he was somebody rather special who had a remarkable range of skills and an extraordinary range of contacts, even for a journalist. He seemed to know everybody under the sun. And he had a friendly manner and an insatiable curiosity.

From then he gravitated around Asia Pacific Journalism and the Pacific Media Centre. Next thing he was recruited as editor/writer of Pacific Media Watch, a media freedom project that we had been running in the centre since 2007 in collaboration with the Paris-based global watchdog Reporters Without Borders.

In spite of his post-stroke blues, he was one of the best project editors that we ever had. He had a tremendous zeal and enthusiasm no matter what handicap was in his way. He was willing to try anything — so keen to give it a go.

95bFM radio presenter
Sri became the presenter of our weekly Pacific radio programme Southern Cross on 95bFM, not an easy task with his voice issues, but he gained a popular following. He interviewed people from all around the Pacific.

Next challenge was when we sent him to the University of the South Pacific to join the journalism school team over there covering the 2018 Fiji General Election. We had hoped 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama would be ousted then, but he wasn’t – that came four years later last December.

However, Sri scored an exclusive interview with the original coup leader, Sitiveni Rabuka, the man responsible for Sri fleeing Fiji and who is now Prime Minister of Fiji. Sri got the repentent former Fiji strongman to admit that he was “coerced” by the defeated Alliance party into carrying out the first coup.

He graduated from AUT with a Postgraduate Diploma in Communication Studies (Digital Media) in 2019 to add to his earlier MBA at Massey University. Several times he expressed to me that his ambition was to gain a PhD and join the USP journalism programme to mentor future Fiji journalists.

At AUT, he won the 2018 RNZ Pacific Prize for his Fiji coup coverage and in 2019 he was awarded the Storyboard Award for his outstanding contribution to diversity journalism. RNZ Pacific manager Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor tells a story about how he had declared to her at the time:  “I’m going to work for RNZ Pacific.” And he did.

However, the following year, our world changed forever with the COVID-19 pandemic and many plans crashed. Sri and I teamed up again, this time on a Pacific Covid and Climate crisis project, writing for Asia Pacific Report.  He recalled about this venture: “The fact that we kept the Pacific Media Watch project going when other news media around us — such as Bauer — were failing showed a tenacity that was unique and a true commitment to the Pacific.”

‘Virtual kava bar’
It was a privilege to work with Sri and to share his enthusiasm and friendship. He was an extraordinarily generous person, especially to fellow journalists. I was really touched when he and Blessen Tom, now also with RNZ, made a video dedicated to the Pacific Media Watch and my work.

Nik Naidu shares a tale of Sri’s generosity with a group of West Papuan students last year when their Indonesian government suddenly pulled their scholarships and left them in dire straits. AUT postgraduate communications Laurens Ikinia was their advocate, trying to get their visas extended and fundraising for them to complete their studies.

“Many people don’t know this, but Lauren’s rent was late by a year — more than $3000 — and Sri organised money and paid for this. That was Sri, deep down the kindest of souls.”

During his Pacific Media Watch stint, Sri wrote several generous profiles of regional colleagues, including The Pacific Newsroom, the “virtual kava bar” news success founded by Pacific media veterans Sue Ahearn and Michael Field, and also of the expanding RNZ Pacific newsroom team with Koroi Hawkins appointed as the first Melanesian news editor.

But he struggled at times with depression and his journalism piece that really stands out for me is an article that he wrote about living with a stroke for three years. It was scary but inspirational and it took huge courage to write. As he wrote at the time:

“You learn new tricks when you have a stroke – words associated with images, or words through the process of elimination worked for me. And then there was the trusted old Google when you couldn’t be bothered.

“You learn to use bungee shoelaces or Velcro shoes because tying shoelaces just won’t happen. The right arm is bung and you are back to typing with two fingers – as I’m doing now. At the same time, technology is your biggest ally.”

Sri Krishnamurthi died last week on August 2 — way too early. He was a great survivor against the odds. Moce, Sri, your friends and colleagues will fondly remember your generous spirit and legacy.

Dr David Robie is a retired journalism professor and founding director of the AUT Pacific Media Centre. He worked with Sri Krishnamurthi for six years as an academic mentor, friend and journalism colleague. This was article is published under a community partnership with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by David Robie.

At around 3 p.m. on Friday, July 28, police arrested Uduwaragedara after he covered a trade union protest in Borella, a suburb of the capital Colombo, according to Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka, a rights group operating from exile, and Jayantha Dehiaththage, the journalist’s lawyer, who spoke with CPJ by phone.

Officers pulled Uduwaragedara out of a rickshaw while he was leaving the protest and forced him into a police vehicle while he repeatedly identified himself as a journalist, according to Dehiaththage and video of the incident posted to Twitter.

Two officers beat Uduwaragedara while en route to the Borella Police Station, where he remained detained without charge or access to medical treatment for a head injury as of Friday evening, Dehiaththage said.

“The arrest and police beating of Sri Lankan journalist Tharindu Uduwaragedara are appalling, and authorities must immediately release him and provide him with access to medical care,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Authorities must hold the perpetrators of this attack accountable and ensure that journalists can cover protests without fear of reprisal.”

Uduwaragedara operates the political affairs YouTube channel Satahan Radio, which has over 170,000 subscribers.

He is due to appear before a Colombo magistrate on Saturday, Dehiaththage told CPJ, saying that authorities had not disclosed any specific allegations against the journalist.

Police used water cannons and tear gas to disperse the protest, where demonstrators had gathered to oppose the slashing of pension funds amid a severe economic crisis.

CPJ called police spokesperson Nihal Thalduwa and contacted him via messaging app for comment, but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

Muslim students were offering Friday prayer in an area designated for them at Allen Institute, and after seeing this, Hindu students started opposing them by chanting “Jai Shri Ram.” This video was posted on Instagram two days ago by @Allen_Sae_Hu. #Islamophobia pic.twitter.com/00aOBLD4we

— Meer Faisal (@meerfaisal01) June 26, 2023

Advocate Ashutosh J Dubey, who identifies himself on Twitter as ‘legal co-convener Of Palghar BJP assembly, tweeted another video from the same incident. He wrote, “JUST IN: Coaching Centre After performing the namaz, Hindu children began shouting “Jai Shri Ram” in unison. This video of Allen Coaching Institute in Kota is being reported”. (Archive)

JUST IN: Coaching Centre After performing the namaz, Hindu children began shouting “Jai Shri Ram” in unison.

This video of Allen Coaching Institute in Kota is being reported. pic.twitter.com/HTC02eGmHs

— ADV. ASHUTOSH J. DUBEY (@AdvAshutoshBJP) June 26, 2023

However, a few hours after Meer Faisal’s tweet was shared, the official handle of Kota City Police refuted Faisal’s claim in a reply and wrote, “This video is from 2020. No such incident has happened recently. Effective action was taken by the concerned organization at the time. The police are constantly monitoring such developments. The law and order situation is normal”. (Archive)

यह वीडियो 2020 का है अभी ऐसी कोई गतिविधि नहीं हुई है, तत् समय इस पर संबंधित संस्था द्वारा प्रभावी कार्यवाही अम्ल में लाई गई थी,पुलिस ऐसे घटनाक्रमों पर लगातार नजर रखती है। कानून व्यवस्था की स्थिति सामान्य है।

— KotaCity Police (@KotaPolice) June 26, 2023

After Kota Police’s clarification, Right Wing propaganda website OpIndia published a ‘fact-check’ report titled, “Propagandist and serial fake news spreader, Meer Faisal, shares a three-year-old video of Allen coaching institute to spread communal hate against Hindus”. In their report, they cited the Kota Police tweet to ‘debunk’ Meer Faisal’s claim. (Archive)

Propagandist and serial fake news spreader, Meer Faisal, shares a three-year-old video of Allen coaching institute to spread communal hate against Hindushttps://t.co/YrDDzdnljY

— OpIndia.com (@OpIndia_com) June 27, 2023

Several users took to Twitter to ‘debunk’ the viral video and called it an old incident, citing the Kota Police tweet. In the process, they also targeted individuals like Meer Faisal who had initially shared the video. (Archives- 1, 2, 3, 4)

Is the video from 2020?

Upon a keyword search, we found a number of recent articles reporting this incident. Several of these articles contain a statement from the senior vice-president of the Allen Institute, C R Chaudhary, admitting that the incident indeed happened. For instance, when media outlet Amar Ujala reached out to him for a comment for a June 26 report, Chaudhary told them that the incident did took place at the centre after the floor attendant had left. However, he insisted that the matter should not be taken seriously since the institute was a place for teaching and learning. (Archive)

Chaudhury gave a similar statement to Zee News for a report published on June 27 wherein he admitted that some students did act in this manner.

Chaudhary also made a video statement on the issue.

Sr vice president Allen CR Choudhary today reply on matter pic.twitter.com/YjUpGgPpO7

— Neeraj Sharma (@journalistneer) June 26, 2023

We reached out to multiple students at Allen Institute in Supath, all of whom confirmed that the incident happened on June 23, 2023. A student from the institute recounted the incident in detail: “The video is not from 2020. This happened on the 23rd. Around June 10-12, approximately 25 of us had taken permission for Namaaz from principal sir, the floor in-charge and the ground staff. Initially, we were supposed to pray on the fifth floor. But when more students wanted to join, principal sir suggested that we pray on our respective floors. Some people raised Jai Sri Ram slogans when we started to pray on our floors, but we ignored them. June 23 was Jumma, so during the Asar prayers, many students came and loudly chanted Jai Sri Ram slogans on the fourth floor of Block A. However, no serious altercation followed that incident. We left peacefully and attended our classes”.

We could further confirm the location by comparing screengrabs from one of the viral videos with images from Google. We could also independently confirm that some of the students seen in the viral videos were currently studying at the institute. We will not reveal their identities owing to the fact that they are minors.

We sourced a longer version of one of the viral videos.

We also noted that in the aforementioned video, a portion of a poster can be seen, with ‘AIR 1 Tanishka’ written on it.

Upon probing further, we found that a student named Tanishka topped the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (UG) in 2022 and was a student of Allen.

Once again ALLENite Creates history by Securing AIR-1

#ALLEN 2-Year classroom student TANISHKA secured AIR-1 in #NEETUG2022 exam!

Creating history is our tradition and ALLENites know how to mark it

Congratulations to her for securing this milestone!#NEETResult #NEETUG pic.twitter.com/2kRb85yH1a

— ALLEN Career Institute (@ALLENkota) September 7, 2022

A student of the institute sent us a clear image of the poster put up at the location of the incident. The year 2022 is also mentioned in the top left corner of the poster.

Below is a comparison of a screengrab where the poster is visible and the said picture.

Needless to say, a poster with the image of a NEET (UG) 2022 topper is impossible to be found in a video from 2020.

Hence, the video of students at the Allen Institute in Kota raising ‘Jai Sri Ram’ slogans is from June 23, 2023 and not 2020, as claimed by Kota Police in a tweet. News reports and independent sources from the institute in Rajasthan’s Kota confirm that the incident took place recently.

The post Video of Kota Allen Institute students offering namaz and shouting Jai Sri Ram is from June 23, 2023 appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

The post Sri Lanka 2023: Anniversaries of Struggle      appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Quincy Saul.

Prayagraj police commissioner Ramit Sharma said that the assailants had come on motorcycles posing as media persons. They were able to get near the duo on the pretext of taking a news byte, and shot them from close range. Mr. Ahmed and his brother sustained bullet injuries to the head and were declared dead by doctors later in the night. The UP police detained three alleged assailants on the spot and seized three firearms.

One of the alleged attackers apparently shouted the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’, as he was being apprehended by the police.

However, soon after video footage of the double murder started circulating on social media, several users tweeted that slogans of Jai Sri Ram were not raised and that the videos were doctored. Right Wing influencer Arun Pudur wrote, “Kasab wore a Hindu thread during the Mumbai attack so Hindus could be blamed Rumours spread by ISI IT Cell that #AtiqAhmed killers shouted Jai Sri Ram, this is same Modus operandi”. (Archive)

Kasab wore a Hindu thread during the Mumbai attack so Hindus could be blamed

Rumours spread by ISI IT Cell that #AtiqAhmed killers shouted Jai Shri Ram, this is same Modus operandi.#AtiqueAhmad was a liability for ISI and his masters so he was eliminated.

Kerosene spreading..

— Arun Pudur (@arunpudur) April 15, 2023

Social Media co-convenor for the Bharatiya Janata Party, UP, Shashi Kumar, claimed that the video of Atiq’s shoot out with Jai Sri Ram slogans was “fake and dubbed”. (Archive)

One video of Atique shoot out is circulated with Jai Shri Ram slogans. Beware it’s fake and dubbed

It’s refuted by Police and media personnel present there. Few initials video also proves this

— Shashi Kumar (@iShashiShekhar) April 15, 2023

Twitter handle News Arena India tweeted the same claim. They said no slogans were raised and the video circulating on social media was ‘fake’. (Archive)

Fake News Alert –

Several people are circulating fake video in which three accused of Atiq’s murder are chanting Jai Shri Ram slogans.

NO SLOGANS WERE RAISED.
BEWARE

— News Arena India (@NewsArenaIndia) April 15, 2023

Verified user @SaffronSunanda refuted the Jai Sri Ram sloganeering claim in a tweet and wrote, “Many people are circulating fake videos claiming that the three accused in the Atiq Ahmed murder case are chanting Jai Shri Ram. No slogans were raised….”. (Archive)

Many people are circulating fake videos claiming that the three accused in the Atiq Ahmed murder case are chanting Jai Shri Ram. No slogans were raised.

I repeat no slogans were raised.

Beware of those who are spreading fake news to drive their propaganda.

— Sunanda Roy (@SaffronSunanda) April 15, 2023

Fact Check

Atique Ahmed and his brother were killed during a media interaction on their way to a medical check-up inside the premises of MLN Medical College premises. As a result, the shooting was caught on camera as media persons were following the two being escorted to the hospital by police around 10 pm. Three people identified as Arun Maurya, Lavlesh Tiwari and Sunny Singh, who posed as journalists, were detained but no official statement on their names was issued.

News 18 was one of the media houses present at the scene at the time of the shooting. In a footage uploaded by News 18 Uttar Pradesh, Atiq Ahmed and his brother in handcuffs can be seen disembarking from the police vehicle and addressing the media persons. Upon being asked why Atiq didn’t attend his son’s funeral, he replies “Nahi le gaye toh nahi gaye”. Ashraf then starts saying something about Guddu Muslim when a pistol is seen being fired at Atiq. Atiq falls down first and the cameraperson runs inside the hospital while several rounds of firing can be heard outside. Slogans of Jai Sri Ram can be heard clearly as the firing stops. The police officials are seen tackling the assailants as they continue the sloganeering. The two brothers lie in a pool of blood on one side.

अतीक अहमद और अशरफ की गोली मारकर हत्या, 10 राउंड चली गोलियां

पीछे से आया…सर पर लगाई पिस्टल और ऐसे मार दी गोली #AsadAhmed #UPNews #AtiqueAhmed pic.twitter.com/6KQgBqpbQf

— News18 Uttar Pradesh (@News18UP) April 15, 2023

In a video uploaded later, however, News 18 India stated that the assailants chanted slogans of Jai Sri Ram before surrendering to the police. The video shows two of the shooters being pinned to the floor and later dragged away by the police as they raise their hands while chanting “Jai Sri Ram”. The video on YouTube is titled “अतीक़ के हमलावर ने सरेंडर से पहले कहा ‘जय श्री राम” (Translation: Atiq’s attacker said ‘Jai Shri Ram’ before surrender).

Times Now tweeted footage of the incident shot from a different angle. Here too, the assailants can be heard chanting slogans of Jai Sri Ram while shooting at the duo already on the ground.  They immediately surrender to the police after that. Times Now later released a report titled, “Atiq Ahmed’s Attackers Posed As Journalists, Shouted Jai Shri Ram Slogans: Killers Identity Revealed“. The assailants reportedly told police during the interrogation that they killed the former MP and his brother to become famous by eliminating the gang of Atiq and Ashraf.

#BREAKING – Shooters of Atiq and Ashraf caught on camera. WATCH. @RoyPranesh with more on the incident.#AtiqAhmed #AshrafAhmed #Prayagraj pic.twitter.com/jFwGnIOj55

— TIMES NOW (@TimesNow) April 15, 2023

Apart from different footage of the incident where the sloganeering can be heard clearly, several news reports also mentioned the slogan being raised. Hindustan Times profiled the three assailants in a report titled “Atiq Ahmad’s killers shouted ‘Jai Shri Ram’; identified: What we know”. One of the assailants,  Lavlesh Tiwari, is a Bajrang Dal leader, according to his Facebook profile. He says he is Zila Sah Pramukh of Bajrang Dal.

In a video report too, Hindustan Times stated that slogans of Jay Shree Ram had been raised.

This detail was also reported by Zee News in their report titled, “Soon after Atiq Ahmed’s Killing, Jai Shri Ram Slogans Raised On Camera“. According to IANS report, one of the journalists who was present on the spot said, “The assailants shouted ‘surrender, surrender’ and threw their firearms on the ground”.

Apart from news reports, there are several eyewitness accounts which corroborate that slogans of Jai Sri Ram had indeed been raised after the firing. In an interview with News Tak, an eyewitness said, “(they) had ID cards of Press…. they fired 7 rounds. After Ashraf and Atiq fell to the floor, the police ran away. (The assailants) were chanting “Jai Sri Ram” while shooting…”.

Atiq Ahmed और Ashraf की हत्या के मामले पर फूटा चश्मदीदों का गुस्सा, कहा: ये सोची समझी साजिश थी।#AtiqAhmed #Ashraf #PrayagrajNews pic.twitter.com/X5OTgAMtJB

— News Tak (@newstakofficial) April 15, 2023

Press Trust of India journalist Pankaj Srivastav, who was on the spot and narrowly escaped being hit by a bullet, confirmed to Alt News that Jai Sri Ram slogans were raised by the assailants.

We reached out to the Superintendent of Police, Prayagraj, for a comment. This report will be updated if and when we get a response.

Thus, there is enough video evidence, multiple news reports from the ground, and eye-witness accounts that show Jai Sri Ram slogans were raised by the assailants after they shot Atiq and Ashraf Ahmed. Contary claims, are, therefore, false.

The post Jai Sri Ram slogan was raised by Atiq Ahmed’s murderers; contrary claims are false appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

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