A fortnight after a terrorist attack in Pahalgam had killed 26 people, Indian Armed Forces hit nine sites containing terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and PoK from where attacks against India had been planned and directed. The Union ministry of defence described the action as “focused, measured and non-escalatory in nature”, with no Pakistani military facilities having been targeted.

X handle @QTHESTORMM shared the video and wrote, “Major update: Pakistan retaliates against India just now in recent missile attack”. (Archived link)

Another X account called @WatcherQAnon also shared this video of the explosion making a similar claim. The user also used the Operation Sindoor hashtags along with others linking it to the India-Pakistan war. (Archived link)

Fact Check

A reverse image search using some frames taken from the viral video led us to the source video posted on X on August 5, 2020. A user named Mohamed Ibrahim shared it and described the incident as occurring in the Shinra Tensei area of the Lebanese Capital, Beirut.

We also came across a report published in 9News which included screenshots from this video. According to this article, the explosion occurred as a result of a fire in a large stock of explosive material which had been stored for years at the port in Beirut.

According to reports by IBTimes and APNEWS.com, on August 4, 2020, about 3,000 tonnes of ammonium nitrate, which had been improperly stored for years, exploded at the Beirut port in Lebanon, killing more than 200 people. More than 7,000 were injured and the surrounding areas were devastated. The explosion was caused by a fire from an unknown source.

To sum up, this viral video actually depicts the ammonium nitrate explosion at the Beirut port in Lebanon which occurred around five years ago. This footage is being falsely circulated as a retaliatory attack by Pakistan in response to India’s Operation Sindoor.

The post Beirut port explosion video from 2020 shared as retaliatory missile attack by Pakistan appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Pawan Kumar.

A federal judge has blocked the deportation of recent Columbia University graduate Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent legal resident of the U.S. who was arrested by immigration authorities for helping organize campus solidarity protests with Gaza. He had been receiving daily threats stemming from an online smear campaign launched by pro-Israel activists before his arrest and repeatedly appealed to university administrators for protection. Khalil, who is a Palestinian green card holder, is married to a U.S. citizen. Upon his arrest, he was separated from his pregnant wife and transported to a detention facility in Louisiana, where legal experts say he is more likely to appear before Trump-friendly judges if his case moves forward. “Her husband was abducted before her very eyes [and] disappeared,” says Ramzi Kassem.

Kassem is the founder of the legal clinic CLEAR, which is contesting Khalil’s “baseless” detention and Louisiana transfer in New York court. Khalil’s unprecedented arrest makes good on President Trump’s promise to punish antiwar student activists, bringing together his administration’s attacks on free speech, education and immigrant rights. It is “part and parcel” of “Trump’s racist and fascist agenda,” says immigrant rights activist Murad Awawdeh, who adds that the Columbia University administration’s lack of response to Khalil’s high-profile case has been “incredibly shameful.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

Trump, in his address to a joint session of Congress six weeks after taking office for a second term, said tariffs was “a beautiful word” and his policy was already seeing manufacturers relocating facilities to the U.S. from Asia.

“On April 2, reciprocal tariffs kick in and whatever they charge us on tariffs we will charge them, a reciprocal back and forth,” Trump said to the applause of his Republican supporters.

“If they use non-monetary tariffs to keep us out of their market, we will use non-monetary barriers to keep them out of our market.”

Earlier on Tuesday, the U.S. imposed 25% duties on Mexican and Canadian imports and doubled tariffs imposed on China last month to 20%.

China responded immediately, taxing U.S. farm imports by as much as 15%. It also imposed export and investment restrictions on 25 American firms, citing national security.

“The Chinese people will not be intimidated,” Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lin Jian said at a regular news conference.

In his speech to Congress, Trump said China was already taxing U.S. exporters too much.

“China’s average tariff is twice what we charge them,” he said, adding that he would match any country’s retaliatory tariffs.

Trump said the threat of tariffs had already had an impact on the business plans of Japan’s Honda, America’s Apple and Taiwan chipmaker TSMC. All three companies recently announced large investments to shift some manufacturing to the U.S.

“If you don’t make your product in America you will pay a tariff,” Trump said.

“Tariffs are not just about protecting American jobs, they are about protecting the soul of our country.”

While economists have warned of the impact of tariffs on pushing up prices for U.S. consumers, Trump dismissed concerns of any negative impact.

“There may be a little bit of a disturbance but we’re OK with that,” he said.

Trump said he could balance the budget while offering “tax cuts for everyone.”

(Pedro Pardo/AFP)

China’s premier Li Qiang said China’s economy would match last year’s growth in spite of a trade war with the U.S.

Speaking at the opening of the annual National People’s Congress in Beijing on Wednesday, he said the economy would expand by around 5% this year.

Li said Beijing was willing to let the budget deficit expand to fuel an upturn in domestic demand as the “main engine and anchor” of growth.

Trading accusations on drugs

Part of the reason for Trump’s tariffs on Mexico and Canada is what he says is their failure to stop the flow of deadly fentanyl into the United States, which the U.S. president said Tuesday was “destroying our families.”

Both of those countries have defended their actions to stop drug smuggling.

Trump has also accused China of failing to stamp out production of the synthetic opioid but China says it has already done its part to control the drug and it should not be blamed for a U.S. “governance failure.”

On Tuesday, Beijing released a white paper highlighting the steps it had taken to control the spread of fentanyl.

“These have delivered notable results,” it said.

(Joshua Lott/Reuters)

Reporting on the findings, the state-run tabloid Global Times hit out at Trump for blaming China for America’s opioid problem and punishing it with tariffs.

“Shifting the responsibility for domestic governance failures onto others and abusing tariffs as a means of pressure and coercion will not cure America’s ills, nor will it help Washington achieve its political objectives,” it said in an editorial.

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In his speech, Trump also repeated his pledge to take control of the Panama Canal.

“It was given away by the Carter administration for one dollar but that agreement has been violated,” he said. “We didn’t give it to China. We gave it to Panama and we’re taking it back.”

(Mark Schiefelbein/Reuters)

Earlier on Tuesday, Hong Kong’s CK Hutchison Holding said a consortium including America’s BlackRock would acquire Hutchison Ports and Panama Ports giving it control of the ports at either end of the canal.

Edited by Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Mike Firn for RFA.

“The Kremlin’s tit-for-tat expulsion of German journalists Frank Aischmann and Sven Feller is yet another act to further restrict independent reporting in the country,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Journalists should not be used as political pawns, and Russia should allow Aischmann, Feller, and all other foreign journalists to work in Russia without fear of reprisal.” 

Earlier on Wednesday, Pervyi Kanal announced that German authorities were closing its German bureau, and requiring its correspondent Ivan Blagoy and camera operator Dmitry Volkov to leave the country by mid-December.

Berlin’s migration authorities confirmed the journalists’ residence permits were denied in connection with European Union sanctions imposed on Pervyi Kanal in December 2022. German Foreign Ministry spokesperson Christian Wagner denied that German federal authorities were behind the decision.

German public broadcaster ARD, which employs the two German journalists, said in a statement that their expulsion “marks a new low point in relations with Russia.” Jörg Schönenborn, an ARD representative, called the move “a drastic step” and said, “It will once again limit our ability to report from Moscow.”

CPJ’s email to the Russian Foreign Ministry requesting comment did not receive a response.

Russia has a history of expelling foreign reporters. In June, Russian authorities revoked the accreditation of Maria Knips-Witting, a journalist with the Moscow bureau of public broadcaster Austrian Radio and Television (ORF), as a response to Austrian authorities’ expulsion of Ivan Popov, a Vienna-based correspondent of the Russian state news agency TASS.

Since the start of Ukraine’s full-scale invasion, Russian authorities have failed to renew the visas and accreditations of Spanish journalist Xavier Colás, Finnish journalists Arja Paananen and Anna-Lena Laurén, and Dutch journalist Eva Hartog.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Russian authorities revoked the accreditation of Knips-Witting, a journalist with the Moscow bureau of public broadcaster Austrian Radio and Television (ORF), on Monday, June 10. In a Monday statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry said Knips-Witting, who had been reporting from Moscow since January, was ordered to surrender her accreditation and leave Russia immediately.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova said Knips-Witting’s expulsion was a response to Austrian authorities’ expulsion of Ivan Popov, a Vienna-based correspondent of the Russian state news agency TASS.

“The Kremlin’s openly tit-for-tat policy concerning Austrian journalist Maria Knips-Witting shows what little regard Russia holds for journalists,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Journalists should not be used as a tool to retaliate against another country when there are appropriate diplomatic avenues available. Russia should reinstate the credentials of Knips-Witting and allow her and other foreign journalists to report from Russia without fear of reprisal.”

The Austrian Foreign Ministry told CPJ that Knips-Witting’s expulsion “has no basis” and was “completely unjustified.” “This is yet another blatant attack on the freedom of the press in Russia,” the Austrian Foreign Ministry said in an emailed statement.

“ORF regrets the decision and cannot understand it,” the Austrian broadcaster said in a Tuesday statement, adding that it will take “all necessary steps to ensure that ORF audiences continue to receive independent and comprehensive reporting from Russia.”

News reports said that in April, Austrian authorities expelled two Russian TASS correspondents due to security reasons. The Russian Foreign Ministry’s statement said that Austria revoked Popov’s accreditation in late April, forcing him to leave the country on June 7. CPJ was unable to confirm further details about the second correspondent.

“These are not some draconian methods,” Zakharova said on the Russian state-funded Sputnik radio, adding later in a social post: “If you touch our journalists, other foreign correspondents will be sent home too.”

In March, independent Austrian weekly Falter reported that Russian intelligence was surveilling politicians in Vienna under the guise of working as journalists for TASS. The report also mentioned an unnamed foreign correspondent, based in Vienna since 2023, as being closely affiliated with the Russian foreign intelligence service (SVR).

Zakharova said on Sputnik radio that about two weeks before the expulsion of Popov, the Austrian ambassador was summoned to the Russian Foreign Ministry to discuss Vienna’s move regarding Russian journalists, adding that there was no substantive response.

“He (Austrian diplomat Werner Almhofer) was asked to convey the following message to Vienna: leave Russian journalists alone, we do not want any exchanges, let the media representatives work normally. But Austria, naturally under pressure from the ‘big brother,’ decided otherwise,” Zakharova said on her Telegram channel.  

In March, Russian authorities refused to renew the visa of Spanish journalist Xavier Colás, a Moscow-based correspondent of Spanish daily newspaper El Mundo, and gave him 24 hours to leave Russia after working in the country for 12 years. 

Russia has a history of expelling foreign reporters, including The Guardian’s Luke Harding in 2011 and the BBC’s Sarah Rainsford and Tom Vennink of the Dutch daily de Volkskrant in 2021. Since the start of Ukraine’s full-scale invasion, Russian authorities have failed to renew the visas and accreditations of Finnish journalists Arja Paananen and Anna-Lena Laurén, and Dutch journalist Eva Hartog.

CPJ emailed the Russian Foreign Ministry requesting additional comment on both the TASS correspondents’ and Knips-Witting’s expulsions but received no immediate response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Shahid Tantray, Prabhjit Singh, and an unnamed female colleague, who were attacked almost four years ago, discovered this month that the police had also opened an investigation into them on suspicion of promoting communal enmity and outraging the modesty of a woman, The Caravan reported.

On August 11, 2020, a mob attacked the journalists in northeast Delhi while they were reporting on the Delhi riots, the capital’s worst communal violence in decades, in which more than 50 people died, mostly Muslims. For about 90 minutes, the attackers slapped and kicked the journalists, used communal slurs, made death threats, and sexually harassed the woman, until they were rescued by the police, The Caravan said. The journalists filed complaints later that day, it said.

But The Caravan has since found out that the police first lodged a First Information Report (FIR) — a document opening an investigation — against the journalists on August 14 based on a complaint by an unnamed woman. An hour later on August 14, the police then registered the three journalists’ FIR, based on their complaints filed three days earlier.

“The police has informed us that our FIR is being considered a ‘counter FIR,’” The Caravan said, adding that it had not been given a certified copy of the FIR against its staff because of its “sensitive nature.”

“The Delhi Police’s actions against The Caravan journalists, based on a secret document that has not even been shared with them, are deeply troubling. This is a clear attempt to retaliate against journalists who were themselves the victims of a violent mob. The opacity surrounding the entire process is unacceptable,” said Kunal Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “The Delhi Police must ensure a genuine, unbiased investigation into the attack on these journalists, instead of targeting them for doing their work by reporting on terrible sectarian bloodshed. Transparency and justice are paramount to uphold press freedom and democratic values in India.”

The journalists did not find out about the case against them until June 3 when the police sent a notice to Singh’s former residence asking him to help with an investigation into the three journalists, which he did, according to multiple news reports.

“The allegations in the FIR are absolutely false and fabricated,” The Caravan said, adding that it had not been informed of any police action to follow up on its journalists’ complaint.

Joy Tirkey, Deputy Commissioner of Police for Northeast Delhi, did not respond to CPJ’s email requesting comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Listen to the Talking China In Eurasia podcast

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Welcome back to the China In Eurasia Briefing, an RFE/RL newsletter tracking China's resurgent influence from Eastern Europe to Central Asia.

I'm RFE/RL correspondent Reid Standish and here's what I'm following right now.

As Huthi rebels continue their assault on commercial shipping in the Red Sea, the deepening crisis is posing a fresh test for China’s ambitions of becoming a power broker in the Middle East – and raising questions about whether Beijing can help bring the group to bay.

Finding Perspective: U.S. officials have been asking China to urge Tehran to rein in Iran-backed Huthis, but according to the Financial Times, American officials say that they have seen no signs of help.

Still, Washington keeps raising the issue. In weekend meetings with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Bangkok, U.S. national-security adviser Jake Sullivan again asked Beijing to use its “substantial leverage with Iran” to play a “constructive role” in stopping the attacks.

Reuters, citing Iranian officials, reported on January 26 that Beijing urged Tehran at recent meetings to pressure the Huthis or risk jeopardizing business cooperation with China in the future.

There are plenty of reasons to believe that China would want to bring the attacks to an end. The Huthis have disrupted global shipping, stoking fears of global inflation and even more instability in the Middle East.

This also hurts China’s bottom line. The attacks are raising transport costs and jeopardizing the tens of billions of dollars that China has invested in nearby Egyptian ports.

Why It Matters: The current crisis raises some complex questions for China’s ambitions in the Middle East.

If China decides to pressure Iran, it’s unknown how much influence Tehran actually has over Yemen’s Huthis. Iran backs the group and supplies them with weapons, but it’s unclear if they can actually control and rein them in, as U.S. officials are calling for.

But the bigger question might be whether this calculation looks the same from Beijing.

China might be reluctant to get too involved and squander its political capital with Iran on trying to get the Huthis to stop their attacks, especially after the group has announced that it won’t attack Chinese ships transiting the Red Sea.

Beijing is also unlikely to want to bring an end to something that’s hurting America’s interests arguably more than its own at the moment.

U.S. officials say they’ll continue to talk with China about helping restore trade in the Red Sea, but Beijing might decide that it has more to gain by simply stepping back.

Three More Stories From Eurasia

1. ‘New Historical Heights’ For China And Uzbekistan

Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoev made a landmark three-day visit to Beijing, where he met with Xi, engaged with Chinese business leaders, and left with an officially upgraded relationship as the Central Asian leader increasingly looks to China for his economic future.

The Details: As I reported here, Mirziyoev left Uzbekistan looking to usher in a new era and returned with upgraded diplomatic ties as an “all-weather” partner with China.

The move to elevate to an “all-weather comprehensive strategic partnership” from a “comprehensive strategic partnership” doesn’t come with any formal benefits, but it’s a clear sign from Mirziyoev and Xi on where they want to take the relationship between their two countries.

Before going to China for the January 23-25 trip, Mirziyoev signed a letter praising China’s progress in fighting poverty and saying he wanted to develop a “new long-term agenda” with Beijing that will last for “decades.”

Beyond the diplomatic upgrade, China said it was ready to expand cooperation with Uzbekistan across the new energy vehicle industry chain, as well as in major projects such as photovoltaics, wind power, and hydropower.

Xi and Mirzoyoev also spoke about the long-discussed China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, with the Chinese leader saying that work should begin as soon as possible, athough no specifics were offered and there are reportedly still key disputes over how the megaproject will be financed.

2. The Taliban’s New Man In Beijing

In a move that could lay the groundwork for more diplomatic engagement with China, Xi received diplomatic credentials from the Taliban’s new ambassador in Beijing on January 25.

What You Need To Know: Mawlawi Asadullah Bilal Karimi was accepted as part of a ceremony that also received the credential letters of 42 new envoys. Karimi was named as the new ambassador to Beijing on November 24 but has now formally been received by Xi, which is another installment in the slow boil toward recognition that’s under way.

No country formally recognizes the Taliban administration in Afghanistan, but China – along with other countries such as Pakistan, Russia, and Turkmenistan – have appointed their own envoys to Kabul and have maintained steady diplomatic engagement with the group since it returned to power in August 2021.

Formal diplomatic recognition for the Taliban still looks to be far off, but this move highlights China’s strategy of de-facto recognition that could see other countries following its lead, paving the way for formal ties down the line.

3. China’s Tightrope With Iran and Pakistan

Air strikes and diplomatic sparring between Iran and Pakistan raised difficult questions for China and its influence in the region, as I reported here.

Both Islamabad and Tehran have since moved to mend fences, with their foreign ministers holding talks on January 29. But the incident put the spotlight on what China would do if two of its closest partners entered into conflict against one another.

What It Means: The tit-for-tat strikes hit militant groups operating in each other’s territory. After a tough exchange, both countries quickly cooled their rhetoric – culminating in the recent talks held in Islamabad.

And while Beijing has lots to lose in the event of a wider conflict between two of its allies, it appeared to remain quiet, with only a formal offer to mediate if needed.

Abdul Basit, an associate research fellow at Singapore's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, told me this approach reflects how China “shies away from situations like this,” in part to protect its reputation in case it intervenes and then fails.

Michael Kugelman, the director of the Wilson Center's South Asia Institute, added that, despite Beijing’s cautious approach, China has shown a willingness to mediate when opportunity strikes, pointing to the deal it helped broker between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March.

“It looks like the Pakistanis and the Iranians had enough in their relationship to ease tensions themselves,” he told me. “So [Beijing] might be relieved now, but that doesn't mean they won't step up if needed.”

Across The Supercontinent

China’s Odd Moment: What do the fall of the Soviet Union and China's slowing economy have in common? The answer is more than you might think.

Listen to the latest episode of the Talking China In Eurasia podcast, where we explore how China's complicated relationship with the Soviet Union is shaping the country today.

Invite Sent. Now What? Ukraine has invited Xi to participate in a planned “peace summit” of world leaders in Switzerland, Reuters reported, in a gathering tied to the second anniversary of Russia’s invasion.

Blocked, But Why? China has suspended issuing visas to Lithuanian citizens. Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis confirmed the news and told Lithuanian journalists that “we have been informed about this. No further information has been provided.”

More Hydro Plans: Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Energy and the China National Electric Engineering Company signed a memorandum of cooperation on January 24 to build a cascade of power plants and a new thermal power plant.

One Thing To Watch

There’s no official word, but it’s looking like veteran diplomat Liu Jianchao is the leading contender to become China’s next foreign minister.

Wang Yi was reassigned to his old post after Qin Gang was abruptly removed as foreign minister last summer, and Wang is currently holding roles as both foreign minister and the more senior position of director of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Foreign Affairs Commission Office.

Liu has limited experience engaging with the West but served stints at the Communist Party’s anti-corruption watchdog and currently heads a party agency traditionally tasked with building ties with other communist states.

It also looks like he’s being groomed for the role. He recently completed a U.S. tour, where he met with top officials and business leaders, and has also made visits to the Middle East.

That’s all from me for now. Don’t forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you might have.

Until next time,

Reid Standish

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every other Wednesday.

This content originally appeared on News - Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty and was authored by News - Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty.

On April 19, police arrested Lü in the city of Huanggang, in central Hubei province, according to reports in late July and mid-August by the Chinese-language human rights news website Weiquanwang and state-owned provincial newspaper Hubei Daily.

The Hubei Daily said that Lü and another suspect were arrested for allegedly extorting advertisers, their equipment was seized, and their bank accounts frozen. It said their case went to court on May 26 with the approval of the Huanggang City Procuratorate, or public prosecutor. The trial had not started as of Tuesday, August 22.

“Authorities in China’s Hubei province should ensure that publisher Lü Hua and all other members of the press can cover topics of public interest without fear that they will be arrested and face years in prison,” said Iris Hsu, CPJ’s China representative. “Arresting a journalist for reporting on alleged government wrongdoing is shameful, and Lü should be released at once.”

Hubei Xinshidianwang regularly reports on social issues. In early April, the outlet published an investigation, which was covered by other domestic media outlets, about a local official in eastern Hubei who allegedly used public money to build herself a luxurious bedroom in a government office building. The story has since been removed from the outlet’s website, which has not been updated since Lü’s arrest.

If convicted of extortion, Lü could face up to three years in prison; if the court rules that the journalist committed a “more serious” form of extortion, he could face up to 10 years, according to China’s Criminal Law.

CPJ’s calls to Hubei Xinshidianwang and messages to the Huanggang Public Security Bureau, the local police force, did not receive any replies.

At least 43 journalists were imprisoned in China at the time of CPJ’s December 1, 2022, prison census.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

Police filed the first information report opening the investigation following a complaint by Masud Rana, a businessman who alleged Bhuttow had defamed Hasan Mahmud, Bangladesh’s information and broadcasting minister and joint general secretary of the ruling Awami League party, in a London Bangla Channel video published on January 4, according to a copy of the report reviewed by CPJ.

In that video, Bhuttow alleged that Mahmud had purchased a residential property in the United Arab Emirates using laundered money.

The complaint accuses Bhuttow and London Bangla Channel of violating five sections of the Digital Security Act: transmission or publication of offensive, false, or threatening information; unauthorized collection or use of identity information; publication or transmission of defamatory information; publication or transmission of information that deteriorates law and order; and abetment, according to the first information report.

Each of the first four offenses can carry a prison sentence of three to 10 years, and a fine of 300,000 to 1,000,000 taka (US$2,849 to $9,496), according to the law, which says that abetment can carry the same punishment as committing an offense itself.

Bhuttow said he did not know if any court hearings had been held in the case.

CPJ called and messaged Rana, Mahmud, and Manjur Quader Majumder, officer-in-charge of the Chawkbazar police station, but did not receive any replies. Mahmud’s personal assistant told New Age that the minister did not ask Rana to file the DSA case.

Earlier, in September 2022, Bangladesh authorities arrested Abdul Muktadir Manu, Bhuttow’s brother and a member of a local administrative unit with the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

Bhuttow told CPJ that he believed authorities arrested his brother in retaliation for his journalism. Prior to the arrest, Bhuttow had published two interviews with retired Lieutenant Colonel Hasinur Rahman, who received international attention for his allegations that Bangladesh’s military intelligence secretly detained him in 2011 and 2018.

Since his brother’s arrest, Bhuttow has received threatening calls and text messages from anonymous numbers, warning him to stop his reporting or face further investigations in Bangladesh, according to Bhuttow and copies of the messages reviewed by CPJ.

A first information report on Manu’s case accused him of working with Bhuttow to spread rumors and attempting to remove Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from power. Authorities also accuse Bhuttow of encouraging his brother to attack police officers in 2021, during clashes between BNP factions in the town of Moulvibazar.

Bhuttow told CPJ that Manu was not involved in that incident, and he believed authorities sought to prolong Manu’s arbitrary detention and intimidate Bhuttow over his work. Manu was released on interim bail on September 21, 2022, and has to frequently appear in local courts for proceedings in the two cases, Bhuttow said.

Mohammad Zakaria, superintendent of the Moulvibazar district police, acknowledged receipt of CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app, but did not provide further information by the time of publication.

Since August 2022, police officers and officials with National Security Intelligence, Bangladesh’s civil intelligence agency, have repeatedly visited the homes Bhuttow’s family members, including his brother Abdul Hamid, a businessman in the capital city of Dhaka, and questioned them about their relationship with the journalist and his work, Bhuttow told CPJ.

CPJ called and messaged Roy Niyati, a Dhaka metropolitan police spokesperson, and National Security Intelligence Director-General Major General T.M. Jobair, but did not receive any replies.

CPJ has documented other instances of retaliation against the family members of foreign-based Bangladeshi journalists, including the March 2023 assault of the brother of U.K.-based journalist Zulkarnain Saer Khan, as well as the September 2022 arrest of U.K.-based journalist Shamsul Alam Liton’s brother and the October 2021 arrest of U.S.-based journalist Kanak Sarwar’s sister. Those journalists’ siblings have been released on bail, the journalists told CPJ via messaging app.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

At around 2 p.m. on Sunday, March 12, police in Uttar Pradesh arrested Rana, a 19-year-old reporter for the privately owned newspaper Moradabad Ujala, from his home in the Budh Nagar Khandwa village of Sambhal district, according to multiple news reports and the journalist, who spoke with CPJ by phone.

He was released on bail Monday evening, according to those sources.

The Chandausi police station in Sambhal filed a first information report dated March 12, which opened a criminal investigation into the journalist on the basis of a complaint by Shubham Raghav, a local leader of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s youth wing, who alleged that Rana was “fake journalist,” disrupted government work, and assaulted and threatened him at a political event in Budh Nagar Khandwa on March 11.

Rana denied all wrongdoing and said that the arrest and investigation were launched in retaliation for his work. Raghav told CPJ by phone that he stood by the allegations in his complaint.

“The arrest and investigation of journalist Sanjay Rana appear to be retaliatory measures aimed at silencing his critical questioning of a state official,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Authorities must immediately drop any investigation brought against Rana in retaliation for his work and ensure that journalists can work without fear of reprisal.”

The first information report says that Rana is under investigation for violating sections of the penal code pertaining to voluntarily causing hurt, intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of peace, and criminal intimidation.

At that March 11 event, Rana questioned Gulab Devi, a BJP member in the Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly and state minister for secondary education, about her alleged failure to deliver on her electoral promises regarding development projects in Budh Nagar Khandwa. The journalist told CPJ that he believed the case was retaliation for those questions.

During his arrest, officers grabbed Rana by the collar, slapped him, and tied his hands with a rope, the journalist told CPJ. He was originally held in the Baniyakhed police station, outside the jurisdiction where he lives.

Rana’s editor and lawyer, Dharmendra Singh, told CPJ in a phone interview that he and Rana’s family spent Sunday night frantically searching for the journalist before he was transferred to Chandausi police station the next morning.

Police arrested Rana under a clause of the criminal procedure code allowing for authorities to conduct arrests without a warrant in the cases of more serious crimes, known as cognizable offenses; however, the offenses listed in the first information report concerning his case are all non-cognizable, according to those news reports and a Delhi-based lawyer familiar with the case, who spoke with CPJ on the condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal.

CPJ called and messaged Devi and Sambhal Police Superintendent Chakresh Mishra for comment, but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

On the evening of February 4, in the Yasamal district of Baku, the capital, police detained Shukurzade, a freelance photojournalist who works with several media outlets, according to multiple news reports and Zibeyda Sadygova, the journalist’s lawyer, who spoke to CPJ by phone. 

Shukurzade was charged with hooliganism and disobeying police orders, and a district court sentenced him to 30 days of administrative detention on February 5. The Baku Appeals Court rejected Shukurzade’s appeal on February 10, according to news reports and Sadygova. 

Sadygova told CPJ that Shukurzade’s arrest and trial were marked by numerous irregularities including authorities barring him from accessing his lawyer, and said the charges against him were “totally fabricated.”

“The sentencing of photojournalist Vali Shukurzade on trumped-up retaliatory charges and allegations of major irregularities in his case of are deeply worrying and demand a full and transparent investigation,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Azerbaijani authorities should release Shukurzade and ensure that members of the press are free to carry out their work without fear of spurious prosecution.”

At 9 a.m. on February 4, police in Baku’s Binagadi district summoned Shukurzade and questioned him for an hour over information he requested from a police acquaintance in connection with a journalistic investigation, according to Sadygova.

Local media reported that the journalist inquired about a state official’s car.

That afternoon, three people in plainclothes who identified themselves as police officers twice arrived at Shukurzade’s home saying they wanted to ask him about his neighbors, but the journalist was not there, his wife Aytaj Alanur told CPJ via messaging app.

At about 9 p.m., as Shukurzade was returning home with his wife, the same individuals approached him and ushered him into a vehicle, saying they were taking him to No. 27 Yasamal district police station, Alanur said, adding that Shukurzade offered no resistance. 

Police kept the journalist at that station overnight without explaining the reason for his arrest or allowing him to call his family or lawyer, Sadygova said. Shukurzade’s wife and lawyer made repeated inquiries at the No. 27 station and other police stations but were told the journalist was not there.

On February 5, Sadygova found online court records stating Shukurzade’s trial was to be held that day, but said the trial was already finished by the time she arrived. During the trial, Shukurzade was not represented by a lawyer, as the police and court denied him access to Sadygova and instead offered a state lawyer, which he refused.

Police claimed they approached Shukurzade at 9 p.m. on February 4 on a main city street about 10 minutes from his home because the journalist was acting “improperly and suspiciously” and that Shukurzade ran away when they approached him, swore at and insulted them, and resisted when they arrested him, according to court documents reviewed by CPJ.

The judge accepted the police version of events without further investigation, Sadygova said. On February 10, the court refused her petitions to call witnesses or review CCTV footage from outside the journalist’s home or from the street where police allege his arrest occurred.

Administrative sentences are not subject to further appeal in Azerbaijan, Sadygova said, adding that she plans to file a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights. 

CPJ’s emails to the Azerbaijan Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Justice did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

On Thursday, October 27, a court in Minsk, the capital, convicted Lyubyanchuk of participation in an extremist formation and sentenced him to three years in prison, according to news reports and the Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), a banned local advocacy and trade group.

Lyubyanchuk is a former Belsat TV reporter, and BAJ asserts that his conviction is retaliation for his former work at the outlet. Authorities labeled Belsat TV as “extremist” in July 2021 and blocked its website and social media, according to reports. Lyubyanchukleft Belsat TV in 2021 and no longer works in journalism, BAJ deputy director Barys Haretski told CPJ via email. In 2020, Lyubyanchuk was detained several times while “performing his professional duties,” Belsat TV reported.

“Today’s sentencing of Aliaksandr Lyubyanchuk to three years in prison shows how Belarusian authorities’ resentment against those who covered the 2020 protests demanding the resignation of President Aleksandr Lukashenko stretches to former journalists who were forced to give up their work for fear of reprisal,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Belarusian authorities must stop using extremism legislation against former Belsat TV journalists and immediately release Lyubyanchuk and all members of the press currently behind bars.”

Lyubyanchuk has been detained since May 26, 2022, as CPJ documented. His trial started on October 24 at the Minsk City Court and lasted three days, BAJ reported. CPJ was unable to immediately determine whether Lyubyanchuk intended to appeal his sentencing.

At least six other current and former Belsat TV journalists are behind bars; four are awaiting trial.

• Ivan Muravyou, a former camera operator with Belsat TV, has been detained since August 2022 and charged with participating in an extremist formation, according to BAJ and Viasna, a banned human rights group that continues to operate unofficially. He faces up to six years in jail under Article 361-1, Part 3 of the Belarusian criminal code.
• Paval Mazheika, a former reporter with Belsat TV, had been detained since August 2022, according to media reports and BAJ. Viasna reported that Mazheika is facing a criminal case “for exercising his freedom of expression” without further details.
• Yauhen Merkis, a former reporter with Belsat TV, has been detained since September 2022 and charged with facilitating extremist activity, according to Viasna, BAJ, and human rights group Homelskaya Viasna. If found guilty, he faces up to six years in jail under Article 361-4, Part 1 of the Belarusian criminal code.
• Andrzej Poczobut, a Belsat TV reporter, has been detained since March 2021 on charges of inciting hatred and calling for sanctions. Each charge carries a penalty of up to 12 years in jail. His trial is expected to begin soon, according to media reports and Viasna.

Katsiaryna Andreyeva and Iryna Slaunikava, two Belsat TV correspondents, were recently sentenced to eight and five years in prison, as CPJ documented.

CPJ’s emails to the Belarusian Investigative Committee and Belsat TV did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

On August 19, Guatemalan police arrested Silva after a raid on her home, according to a statement by the public prosecutor’s office and news reports. Later that day, Silva was transferred to the San Juan de Dios General Hospital due to high blood pressure, and remains in custody there, according to Ramón Zamora, the outlet’s marketing manager, who spoke with CPJ via messaging app.

Silva was arrested in connection with a criminal investigation into the outlet’s president, José Rubén Zamora, who has been detained since July 29 for alleged money laundering, blackmail, and influence peddling, according to those sources. Guatemala’s seventh criminal district court has not set a date for an initial hearing in Silva’s case, Ramón Zamora, who is José Rubén Zamora’s son, told CPJ.

“Guatemalan authorities should immediately release elPeriódico financial manager Flora Silva and José Rubén Zamora, the outlet’s president,” said CPJ Latin America and the Caribbean Program Coordinator Natalie Southwick, in New York. “After raiding Zamora’s home and detaining him on dubious financial charges, authorities are now targeting the outlet’s other staff in the clearest sign yet that prosecutors are trying to intimidate an investigative outlet that has critically reported on corruption.”

Authorities allege that Silva “instructed her staff to prepare paperwork to support a money transaction,” as part of the alleged money laundering scheme “led by Zamora,” according to the prosecutor’s statement.

José Rubén Zamora has claimed that the case against the newspaper is retaliation for its reporting on alleged corruption involving President Alejandro Giammattei and Attorney General Consuelo Porras.

CPJ emailed the Guatemalan prosecutor’s office and contacted Juan Luis Pantaleon, a spokesperson for the office, via messaging app, but did not receive any replies

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

On the morning of Sunday, July 3, officers from the official Anticorruption Agency in the capital, Nur-Sultan, detained Abzhan, an independent journalist and founder of the Telegram-based news outlet Abzhan News, according to news reports, statements by the Anticorruption Agency and local free speech organization Adil Soz, and the journalist’s lawyer Bauyrzhan Azanov, who spoke to CPJ by phone.

The Anticorruption Agency statement said officers had caught Abzhan “red-handed” receiving 50 million tenge (US$108,000) in cash from a businessman in return for not publishing compromising material about him. Officers also searched the journalist’s home and the home of his mother, confiscating cell phones and papers, Azanov said.

Abzhan denies the accusations, his lawyer told CPJ. Two days before his arrest, Abzhan shared a post from another Telegram channel claiming that Kazakh law enforcement sought to open a case against him for insulting President Qasym-Zhomart Toqayev in his reporting, but the administration had objected to the optics of such a case, so authorities would likely reopen an old case against the journalist or charge him with some “economic” offense.

“The detention of Kazakh journalist Makhambet Abzhan is deeply concerning, given that he is a critical reporter who has previously been subjected to police harassment and criminal investigation in connection with his work,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia Program coordinator, in New York. “Authorities should release Abzhan and ensure that any investigation into alleged economic offenses is conducted transparently and fairly.”

On July 5, the Specialized Interdistrict Investigative Court in Nur-Sultan ordered the journalist to be held in custody for two months pending investigation into extortion “on an especially large scale,” according to those news reports and Azanov. If convicted, he could face seven to 15 years in prison under Article 194 of the Kazakh criminal code.

Abzhan contributes reporting to various independent outlets and is known for his reporting on topics considered taboo by Kazakh authorities, those news reports said. Abzhan News has about 20,000 subscribers and has recently covered topics including mass riots, alleged improper business practices by a relative of President Toqayev, and ongoing unrest in Karakalpakstan, a semi-autonomous republic in Uzbekistan that borders Kazakhstan, according to a CPJ review of its work.

Maksat Abzhanov, the journalist’s brother, told CPJ via messaging app that he believed Abzhan was detained in retaliation for his frequent critical coverage of government officials.

In its statement, the Anticorruption Agency said it was also investigating Abzhan’s alleged involvement in “other analogous crimes.” Azanov told CPJ that it was unclear why the Anticorruption Agency was investigating the case and not the Interior Ministry, which under Kazakh law is tasked with investigating extortion.

CPJ emailed the Anticorruption Agency for comment, but did not receive any reply.

Independent regional news website Eurasianet also reported that Uzbek officials had objected to Abzhan’s coverage of protests in Karakalpakstan.

In January, police in Nur-Sultan surrounded Abzhan’s home amid his reporting on protests that were ongoing at the time, leading the journalist to go into hiding for two weeks, as CPJ documented. Police subsequently opened a case against Abzhan for allegedly spreading false information in an interview he gave to Russian TV about the protests, before later withdrawing the case, Azanov told CPJ.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

On June 15, police arrested Imomali in Tajikistan’s northern Ayni district, and arrested Ghurbatov in Dushanbe, the capital, according to multiple news reports by the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster RFE/RL’s Tajik service, Radio Ozodi, and a Facebook post published by Imomali during his detention.

Imomali works as presenter and Ghurbatov as camera operator for Imomali’s YouTube channel, which has about 150,000 followers and covers social issues and citizens’ complaints about alleged government abuses.

On June 18, the Shohmansur District Court in Dushanbe ordered Imomali to be held in detention for two months pending investigation into allegations of failing to pay taxes on his YouTube earnings, making a false accusation of a crime, and participating in banned organizations; it ordered Ghurbatov, who works under the name Abdullo Ghurbati, to be held for the same period while authorities investigate allegations that he assaulted a police officer, according to those reports.

The same court ordered the cases against the pair to be classified as secret, those reports said. CPJ called and messaged the journalists’ lawyer for comment, but did not receive any response; those reports said he had signed a nondisclosure agreement with authorities.

Both journalists are being held at the Interior Ministry’s temporary detention facility in Dushanbe, reports stated, which added that their family members have not been allowed to visit them.

A letter by local journalists and media rights advocates denounced Imomali and Gurbatov’s arrest and linked it to Imomali’s reporting earlier this month alleging that a police officer struck him during an interrogation and forced him to delete two YouTube videos about demolitions of local residents’ homes by Shohmansur authorities.

Abdumalik Kadirov, secretary-general of the independent advocacy group Media Alliance of Tajikistan and one of the letter’s signatories, told CPJ by phone that he believed the allegations were retaliation both for that incident and the pair’s bold journalism and readiness to confront local authorities.

“The detention of journalists Daler Imomali and Avazmad Ghurbatov are more worrying signs of a renewed crackdown on Tajikistan’s beleaguered press,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Tajik authorities should immediately free Imomali and Ghurbatov, ensure that they are not prosecuted in retaliation for their work, and launch a transparent investigation into Imomali’s claims of police brutality.”

Imomali’s lawyer was quoted in media reports saying that the journalist’s earnings from YouTube were small and that he did not know he was required to pay taxes on them; he added that the journalist denied making a false accusation.

The tax offense carries a maximum penalty of three years in prison, making a false accusation carries up to five years, and participating in banned organizations can carry up to eight years, according to the Tajik criminal code.

Nuriddin Karshiboev, head of the independent local trade group National Alliance of Independent Media of Tajikistan, who has been in contact with the journalists’ lawyer, told CPJ by phone that the false accusation allegation related to a video Imomali published more than a year ago containing accusations against the deputy head of Shohmansur district.

Imomali deleted the video soon after publication and the official agreed at the time not to file charges, Karshiboev said.

CPJ was unable to establish whether Imomali denied participating in banned groups; he has previously repeatedly denied collaborating with any group or party, Radio Ozodi reported.

Authorities first arrested Imomali on June 15, and later that day, the Shohmansur district prosecutor’s office summoned Ghurbatov for questioning about Imomali’s case; authorities allege that Ghurbatov assaulted a police officer on his way out of that meeting, according to media reports.

Those reports said that Ghurbatov denied the charge, through his lawyer, saying that a police officer simply blocked the journalist’s path as he was leaving the prosecutor’s office and took him back inside, accusing him of hitting an officer. If convicted, he could face up to two years in prison, according to the criminal code.

When extending Ghurbatov’s detention to two months, the court cited unspecified “information” prosecutors said they had about the journalist, Radio Ozodi reported.

Kadirov told CPJ that Imomali and Ghurbatov are unusual among Tajik bloggers for their focus on human rights and criticism of local authorities, and that their channel had rapidly gained popularity in recent months.

CPJ emailed the Interior Ministry of Tajikistan and the national prosecutor’s office for comment, but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

Authorities first arrested Halykov in July 2020 and sentenced him to four years in prison that September. During his imprisonment, authorities have placed Halykov, a correspondent for the Netherlands-based independent news website Turkmen.news, in a so-called punishment cell three times, with each instance corresponding to his employer’s coverage of his case, according to Turkmen.news director Ruslan Myatiev, who spoke to CPJ in a phone interview.

Prisoners held in punishment cells are not allowed to leave the cell to circulate with other prisoners, are deprived of reading material or other entertainment, and otherwise face worse conditions than regular prisoners, Myatiev said.

“Turkmen journalist Nurgeldi Halykov is already serving a wholly unjustified sentence in retaliation for his work, and further punishing him when his employer raises his case is the height of injustice,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia Program coordinator. “Turkmen authorities must cease placing Halykov in a punishment cell and must also overturn the trumped-up charges against him and release him without delay.”

Halykov is serving a four-year sentence at a prison in the eastern Lebap region on fraud charges, which his outlet believes are retaliation for his journalism, as CPJ has documented.

At the time of his arrest, authorities offered Halykov the choice of admitting to fraud charges or facing rape charges, which are subject to longer prison terms, according to Myatiev.

Myatiev told CPJ that the outlet hoped there could be a change in Halykov’s case after Serdar Berdymukhamedov succeeded his father, Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, as the country’s president on March 19.

CPJ called the Turkmen Ministry of National Security and Interior Ministry, which oversees the prison system, for comment, but no one answered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

Moscow's threat came just hours after Finnish leaders said that the historically neutral Nordic country, which shares an 830-mile border with Russia, should apply immediately for membership in the U.S.-led military alliance.

"Finland must apply for NATO membership without delay," President Sauli Niinisto and Prime Minister Sanna Marin said in a joint statement. "We hope that the national steps still needed to make this decision will be taken rapidly within the next few days."

In response, Russia's foreign ministry said in a statement that "Finland's accession to NATO will cause serious damage to bilateral Russian-Finnish relations and the maintaining of stability and security in the Northern European region."

"Russia will be forced to take retaliatory steps, both of a military-technical and other nature, in order to neutralize the threats to its national security that arise from this," the statement added.

Moscow did not specify what "retaliatory steps" it would take, but Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told reporters that "everything will depend on how this expansion process plays out, the extent to which military infrastructure moves closer to our borders."

Since Russia invaded Ukraine in late February, lawmakers in Finland and neighboring Sweden have been mulling whether to jettison their long-standing neutrality and join the 30-member NATO. Both countries are expected to announce formal decisions on Sunday.

According to CNBC: "If Finland does join the military alliance, the land border that Russia shares with NATO territories would roughly double. Russia has land borders with 14 countries and five of them are NATO members: Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland and Norway."

Russia's foreign ministry argued Thursday that "the goal of NATO, whose member countries vigorously convinced the Finnish side that there was no alternative to membership in the alliance, is clear—to continue expanding towards the borders of Russia, to create another flank for a military threat to our country."

Anti-war advocates have long contended that NATO enlargement—and especially its expansion into former Soviet and Warsaw Pact nations—is highly provocative toward Russia.

Moscow warned last month that if Finland and Sweden join NATO, Russia would respond by strengthening its military capabilities along its borders with alliance members—including the deployment of additional nuclear weapons to the Baltic region.

Russia's war on Ukraine has boosted public support for NATO membership among Finns and Swedes.

According to the Associated Press, "The latest opinion poll conducted by Finnish public broadcaster YLE showed earlier this week that 76% of Finns are in favor of joining NATO, a big change from earlier years when only 20-30% of respondents favored such military alignment."

"NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said the military alliance would welcome Finland and Sweden—both of which have strong, modern militaries—with open arms and expects the accession process to be speedy and smooth," AP reported. "NATO officials say the Nordic duo's accession process could be done 'in a couple of weeks.'"

Agnes Hellström of the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society, however, told Democracy Now! last month that peace activists "don't think it would make us safer or the world more secure."

"It would make us part of a nuclear doctrine," she said, "and our possibility to be a voice for democracy, prevention, and disarmament would decrease."

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams - Breaking News & Views for the Progressive Community and was authored by Kenny Stancil.

Moscow's threat came just hours after Finnish leaders said that the historically neutral Nordic country, which shares an 830-mile border with Russia, should apply immediately for membership in the U.S.-led military alliance.

"Finland must apply for NATO membership without delay," President Sauli Niinisto and Prime Minister Sanna Marin said in a joint statement. "We hope that the national steps still needed to make this decision will be taken rapidly within the next few days."

In response, Russia's foreign ministry said in a statement that "Finland's accession to NATO will cause serious damage to bilateral Russian-Finnish relations and the maintaining of stability and security in the Northern European region."

"Russia will be forced to take retaliatory steps, both of a military-technical and other nature, in order to neutralize the threats to its national security that arise from this," the statement added.

Moscow did not specify what "retaliatory steps" it would take, but Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told reporters that "everything will depend on how this expansion process plays out, the extent to which military infrastructure moves closer to our borders."

Since Russia invaded Ukraine in late February, lawmakers in Finland and neighboring Sweden have been mulling whether to jettison their long-standing neutrality and join the 30-member NATO. Both countries are expected to announce formal decisions on Sunday.

According to CNBC: "If Finland does join the military alliance, the land border that Russia shares with NATO territories would roughly double. Russia has land borders with 14 countries and five of them are NATO members: Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland and Norway."

Russia's foreign ministry argued Thursday that "the goal of NATO, whose member countries vigorously convinced the Finnish side that there was no alternative to membership in the alliance, is clear—to continue expanding towards the borders of Russia, to create another flank for a military threat to our country."

Anti-war advocates have long contended that NATO enlargement—and especially its expansion into former Soviet and Warsaw Pact nations—is highly provocative toward Russia.

Moscow warned last month that if Finland and Sweden join NATO, Russia would respond by strengthening its military capabilities along its borders with alliance members—including the deployment of additional nuclear weapons to the Baltic region.

Russia's war on Ukraine has boosted public support for NATO membership among Finns and Swedes.

According to the Associated Press, "The latest opinion poll conducted by Finnish public broadcaster YLE showed earlier this week that 76% of Finns are in favor of joining NATO, a big change from earlier years when only 20-30% of respondents favored such military alignment."

"NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said the military alliance would welcome Finland and Sweden—both of which have strong, modern militaries—with open arms and expects the accession process to be speedy and smooth," AP reported. "NATO officials say the Nordic duo's accession process could be done 'in a couple of weeks.'"

Agnes Hellström of the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society, however, told Democracy Now! last month that peace activists "don't think it would make us safer or the world more secure."

"It would make us part of a nuclear doctrine," she said, "and our possibility to be a voice for democracy, prevention, and disarmament would decrease."

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams - Breaking News & Views for the Progressive Community and was authored by Kenny Stancil.

On Tuesday, April 19, police investigators in Bishkek, the capital, summoned Temirov and charged him with allegedly forging documents and illegally crossing the country’s border, according to news reports and the journalist, who spoke to CPJ in a phone interview.

Temirov, founder of the YouTube-based investigative outlet Temirov Live, told CPJ that he denied the charges, and said he believed they were retaliation for a video he published on April 18 about corruption allegations involving the family of the head of Kyrgyzstan’s security services.

Previously, in January, police charged Temirov with drug possession after a raid on his office, as CPJ documented at the time. The journalist told CPJ that the police had planted drugs on him during that raid.

“Kyrgyz law enforcement agencies appear intent on silencing journalist Bolot Temirov for nothing other than his tenacity in covering allegations of corruption,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Authorities should drop all charges against Temirov, stop their campaign of legal harassment, and allow Temirov Live and its staff to work without fear of retaliation.”

Police claim that, while investigating Temirov for drug possession, they found that the journalist had falsified documents when applying for a Kyrgyz passport in 2008 and then used that passport to cross into and out of the country more than 50 times, according to those news reports.

Temirov, who was born in Kyrgyzstan and moved to Russia at age seven, told CPJ that he obtained the passport legally using his Kyrgyz birth certificate.

If convicted on the new charges, Temirov could face up to eight years in prison, under Articles 378 and 379 of the Kyrgyz criminal code. Edil Eraliev, a lawyer coordinating Temirov’s defense, told CPJ in a phone interview that the charges were “absurd,” and that the statute of limitations for the alleged offenses had long since expired.

At a press conference on Thursday, a Bishkek police spokesperson said the new charges will be prosecuted alongside the narcotics charge, which also carries up to five years in prison, those news reports said. The spokesperson said that the investigations into each charge had been completed and would be passed to the courts once Temirov has familiarized himself with them.

CPJ emailed the Interior Ministry of Kyrgyzstan and the head of the security services at the State Committee for National Security for comment, but did not immediately receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

On Sunday, March 27, a group of around 10 men assaulted Rana, a reporter for the privately owned newspaper Daily Ausaf, in the Bhakkar district in the northeast Punjab province, according to a bystander’s video of the incident; a statement by the National Press Club in Islamabad, Pakistan; a statement by the Rawalpindi Islamabad Union of Journalists, and Rana, who spoke to CPJ by phone.

Rana told CPJ that on March 22, he published a report, which he has since deleted, on his Facebook page – which has around 35,000 followers– alleging that relatives and political associates of Ameer Muhammad Khan, a member of the Provincial Assembly (MPA) for the ruling Tehreek-e-Insaf party in Punjab province, were engaging in criminal activities. Rana said that in response to his report, police raided the home of one of Khan’s close political associates, who is also a member of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party.

On March 27, Rana was shopping in a local store when a group of 10 of Khan’s relatives and political associates pulled him onto the street and held him by his wrists, repeatedly whipping him with ropes, and pouring a chemical usually used for painting on his eyes and ears, the journalist told CPJ. Rana said he lost consciousness five minutes into the attack, and the attackers then left the scene.

On the day of the attack, police registered a first information report, which opens an investigation, against 10 individuals, six of whom are named, at the local Kallur Kot police station, according to a copy of the report reviewed by CPJ.

“Police must launch an immediate investigation into the assault against journalist Zahid Shareef Rana and not allow any possible political pressure to derail it,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Authorities need to put an end to Pakistan’s long record of impunity for crimes against journalists, including beatings, disappearances and murder. With the attack on Rana caught on video, police can offer no excuse for a failed investigation.”

Rana said he received medical treatment at a local hospital following the attack, adding that he sustained lesions all over his body and has lost hearing from the chemical poured into his right ear.

Rana told CPJ that he was previously targeted on January 5 after conducting a live interview with an opposition politician with the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) party, who accused Khan of corruption and abuse of power.

Rana said that about an hour after the interview aired, a car repeatedly attempted to ram into the vehicle he was traveling in, hitting the back twice before his friend managed to drive away. Rana, who documented the incident on his Facebook page at the time, said the car’s license plate was publicly registered to Khan’s first cousin.

The same day, police at the Kallur Kot station registered a first information report about the incident, Rana said, adding that the perpetrators have not yet been brought to justice.

CPJ emailed the office of MPA Khan and the Bhakkar district police office but did not immediately receive any replies.

[Editors’ Note: The second paragraph was updated to correct the location of the Punjab province.]

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

On Wednesday, March 23, at the end of a three-day closed-door trial, a judge in a Managua court found Holmann, the publisher of Nicaraguan newspaper La Prensa, guilty of money laundering, according to La Prensa and other news reports.

Holmann maintained his innocence throughout the trial, those reports said. CPJ could not immediately determine whether he planned to file an appeal.

Judge Nadia Camila Tardencilla Rodríguez is expected to issue a sentence on March 31, Holmann’s wife Chrystal Munguía told La Prensa, saying that prosecutors are seeking a prison term of nine years and four months and a fine.

“The conviction of Juan Lorenzo Holmann is the latest step in the Nicaraguan government’s relentless campaign to stifle free expression and portray independent journalism as nothing short of criminal activity,” said Natalie Southwick, CPJ’s Latin America and the Caribbean program coordinator. “Nicaraguan authorities must put an end to these transparently absurd criminal proceedings and release Holmann immediately.”

Police raided La Prensa’s office in Managua on August 13, 2021, as part of an investigation into alleged customs fraud; the following morning, officers brought Holmann to El Chipote prison, purportedly to sign some papers related to that investigation, but instead detained him, as CPJ documented. He has been held in pretrial detention ever since.

Holmann is also secretary of La Prensa’s board of directors and a member of the Chamorro family, which owns the newspaper; he was appointed publisher after his uncle Jaime Chamorro Cardenal died on July 29, 2021, according to news reports.

Earlier this week, a Nicaraguan court handed down an eight-year sentence to Holmann’s cousin, Cristiana Chamorro, a former presidential candidate and head of a now-shuttered free expression organization, for money laundering and other criminal charges, according to reports.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

“Today’s sentence against Yahor Martsinovich demonstrates once again how Belarus authorities will resort to any legal artifice, no matter how transparent, to imprison journalists who covered the 2020 protests and their brutal suppression,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Authorities must immediately release Martsinovich along with all other journalists currently behind bars, and stop filing spurious retaliatory charges against members of the press.”

On July 8, 2021, police cracked down on the independent news website Nasha Niva, where Martsinovich works as chief editor, in which they detained him, raided the outlet’s office and the homes of its staffers, and blocked its website, according to CPJ research. Authorities charged Martsinovich and Nasha Niva’s head of advertising, Andrei Skurko, with “causing damage without signs of theft” for allegedly paying the Nasha Niva office’s electrical bill under a personal rate instead of a commercial one, thereby causing damage to the state electricity company.

The court convicted Martsinovich and Skurko on that charge on Tuesday, March 15, despite their having reimbursed the electric company for 10,000 roubles (US$3,000) in alleged damages, according to Nasha Niva.

Martsinovich and Skurko denied the charges, arguing that the apartment housing Nasha Niva’s office was not subject to commercial utility rates; Martsinovich added that he was not responsible for administrative decisions, according to that report. CPJ was unable to immediately determine whether Martsinovich and Skurko intended to appeal the sentencing.

Nasha Niva extensively covered the months of protests that followed the contested August 2020 re-election of Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko, and the outlet was declared an extremist group earlier this year, according to news reports.

Martsinovich was one of at least 19 Belarusian journalists detained for their work at the time of CPJ’s December 2021 prison census.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.