rabbi – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org Independent Media for People, Not Profits. Tue, 17 Jun 2025 19:21:33 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://www.radiofree.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/cropped-Radio-Free-Social-Icon-2-32x32.png rabbi – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org 32 32 141331581 Why Abby Stein—a transgender rabbi raised ultra-orthodox—stands up for Palestine https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/17/why-abby-stein-a-transgender-rabbi-raised-ultra-orthodox-stands-up-for-palestine/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/17/why-abby-stein-a-transgender-rabbi-raised-ultra-orthodox-stands-up-for-palestine/#respond Tue, 17 Jun 2025 19:21:33 +0000 https://therealnews.com/?p=334893 Rabbi Abby Stein talks through a loudspeaker as North American rabbis, led by Rabbis for Ceasefire, hold a Passover protest at the Erez Crossing, Israel, on April 26, 2024 to demand increased humanitarian aid for Gaza. Photo by JACOB LAZARUS/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images“Queer people know what it means to struggle against the government, know what it means to struggle against the status quo. And, most importantly, we're not as easily controlled…”]]> Rabbi Abby Stein talks through a loudspeaker as North American rabbis, led by Rabbis for Ceasefire, hold a Passover protest at the Erez Crossing, Israel, on April 26, 2024 to demand increased humanitarian aid for Gaza. Photo by JACOB LAZARUS/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

Raised in an ultra-orthodox Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, Rabbi Abby Stein has had a long, painful, beautiful journey to coming out as a transgender woman and becoming a fierce opponent of Zionism and Israel’s Occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. In this episode of The Marc Steiner Show, Marc speaks with Rabbi Stein about her journey, and about the need to simultaneously fight Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the right’s fascist assault on the rights of LGBTQ+ people here in the US.

Guest:

  • Rabbi Abby Stein is the tenth-generation descendant of the Baal Shem Tov, the founder of the Hasidic movement. Raised in an ultra-orthodox Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, Stein came out as a woman in 2015 and now serves as a rabbi for Congregation Kolot Chayeinu, a progressive synagogue. In 2019, she served on the steering committee for the Women’s March in Washington, DC, and she was named by the Jewish Week as one of the “36 Under 36” Jews who are affecting change in the world. She is the author of Becoming Eve: My Journey from Ultra-Orthodox Rabbi to Transgender Woman.

Additional resources:

Credits:

  • Studio Production: Cameron Granadino
  • Audio Post-Production: Alina Nehlich
Transcript

The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

Marc Steiner:

Welcome to the Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner. It’s great to have you all with us. Now my guest today is Rabbi Abby Stein. She was born and grew up in Williamsburg in Brooklyn to an ultra orthodox Hasidic Jewish world to a family that lived in Israel for generations from about the age five. She knew she was a girl, but she was stuck as a 10th generation descendant of Basov, the founder of Hasidic Judaism. But in 2015, rabbi Stein came out as trans, and after being raised as a boy in Aida community, she went through an extremely difficult and powerful struggle to define herself and become who she is. She, as she says, was groomed to become a rabbi and community leader and she is, but not in the way her ultra orthodox community expected. Many ultra Orthodox Jews are anti Zionists, in part because they’re waiting for the Messiah to come to save them.

But for Rabbi Stein, it was an underpinning for her solidarity with the Palestinian people. She became an outspoken leader in the fight to end the occupation to free Palestinians and Palestine to tie the struggle of trans and queer communities to the struggle for Palestinian people. She lives the mantra of not in our name. She’s a tireless fighter to end the slaughter in Gaza and is a founding member and organizer with Rabbis for a ceasefire and she’s the author of the book Becoming Eve, my Journey from Ultra Orthodox Rabbi to Transgender Woman and welcome to the program.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Thank you, Marc. It’s really great to be here. I will say, just to start, in case you end up cutting out our pre-show part that I already love being here because we had a great conversation about the tallis—my tallis and your tallis, and that’s a great start to a conversation.

Marc Steiner:

We could just talk about the tallis and be done with it.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Well, I do feel that a tallis incorporates a lot specifically my, I’m very proud of my tallis, but let’s talk about other stuff as well.

Marc Steiner:

Yes. So there’s some things here I think that are really important for people to understand from the very top, and one has to do, and I’m going to start in a political way if you don’t mind.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Please. Life is political, specifically when you’re trans and Jewish

Marc Steiner:

Can’t get away from

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Reality. You can then you shouldn’t try to, I think in my opinion.

Marc Steiner:

I agree completely. I’ve been that way since I was a kid, so I understand, yes, but I want to talk about you as a Jewish woman and as a rabbi, as an activist. And so I really want to explore your journey as a Jewish person to stand up for Palestinian rights, which in many ways is very hard. I mean, I can remember decades back, it was very hard to do that. I mean, physical fights broke out sometimes in meetings around this. So I’m going to hear about your journey that opened you up to the very difficult subject as a Jew to say, Israel is in the wrong here and what we’re doing is wrong.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Well, here’s what I need to start just to place this for a second. So I will say over the past years I’ve been involved in this work even way before October 7th. First time I did a tour of the West Bank was back in 2017 already at the time Breaking the Silence, which are Israeli soldiers or former Israeli soldiers who are literally breaking the silence on a lot of the violations that come with occupations specifically in the West Bank. So obviously I’ve been doing this for a while, but over the past few years and I think it has gotten even more intense. So over the past 19, 20 months, I’ve had a lot of conversations with people who are trying in their own wards to deconstruct or undo the Zionist upbringing that they grow up with the way way they were taught about Israel. Usually not in a one most American Jews at least. I think that is changing a lot, but I don’t say most, A lot of American Jews didn’t necessarily grow up with anti Palestinian hatred so much. I apologize for the sirens. It is New York City.

Marc Steiner:

That’s okay

Rabbi Abby Stein:

A lot. Even people who didn’t necessarily grow up in a lot of them coming from families, which used to be, I don’t know, I haven’t seen any recent studies, but used to be the majority opinion of American Jews with dislike, quote unquote two state solution and so on. Even so, they grew up with this really utopian version of Israel, this a lot of Zionism, a lot of Israel is always right and we should never bash Israel. A lot of those ideas. There’s literally a film now called Israelism, which has a lot. I know Simone is a good friend who is the protagonist of the film, and then Aaron who was one of the producers, but also a good friend and another fellow queer Jew. So I have a lot of conversations with people around that. And one of the things that’s very interesting, because I think for the first time in my life there is suddenly something that I was told as a child that I am really happy about.

I never had to do that because I wasn’t raised Zionist quite the opposite. I was raised extremely anti-Zionist. If I go back into my ancestors and something that I guess now I can say with pride, neither one of my parents, neither any four of my great grandparents or any eight of my great great grandparents, and I can keep going though. I will say by the time I get to my great great grandparents, I don’t have 16, I have less because my family loves marrying cousins. But that’s a separate conversation. But the point being, as far as I know, I have no direct ancestors at any point that were ever Zionists and quite the opposite. Specifically a lot of people who were part of the religious anti-Zionist community, I wouldn’t even say a lot. Basically everyone who’s part of the religious anti-Zionist community in the US knows my grandfather.

That’s my father’s father’s father who was kind of the lead speaker at anti-Israel protests going back to the early 1950s. So I was raised in a religious anti-Zionist community. Now I have to say a few things, religious antis, Zionism is very different than kind of what I call social justice and but they are not unrelated, but specifically the parts that I’m so grateful for as much as I with a lot of the reasoning and a lot of the other ideas that I grew up with generally and including around Israel and Zionism. One admittedly really easy part was that I just was never Zionist. Israel was never great. Israel was always a horrible, and I was told stuff that I wouldn’t repeat to this day negative stuff about Israel and about Zionists that I wouldn’t repeat and I’m not going to repeat stuff that involved the Holocaust

Marc Steiner:

Can I ask you a question? I’m not going to ask you to tell me what it is. What do you mean you wouldn’t repeat it? I mean, what’s

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Meaning some things… like, I was told to blame Zionism for certain atrocities that I don’t want to even want to do to this day.

Things that happened to the Jewish people and things, I think people might figure out what I’m talking about. And people who know religious anti Zionists, at least the ones that I grew up with in Williamsburg could have a sense of that. But at the core, what is so important, because you asked me to talk about how I got to this journey in some ways I had a leg up. I was never indoctrinated. I think specifically after watching Israelism, I feel very comfortable saying I was never brainwashed into liking Zionism, into liking Israel in any way or form. The reasoning might’ve been different than where I am today, even though it has similarities, but I just was never there. It was a very brief second, I would say between 2012 to 2014, where as part of my rejection of what I was told growing up and part of leaving the Hasidic community, I kind of was like, okay, I guess now I have to be a Zionist, which is something that happens to a lot of people who leave an anti-Zionist religious community because such a big part of your identity.

So if you reject, you reject everything. But then as soon as I got to know what secular religion, what Zionism really is, it never worked for me. I never bought into. And I would say for me, the final breaking point of my very short attempt to be like, oh, maybe design thing is interesting, was ironically going on a birthright trip, which I feel very complicated about and I don’t think people should go on that trip, but that’s a separate conversation, which I didn’t know much at the time coming directly out of the Hasidic community. But that was kind of the end of it, kind of seeing the really unrealistic version of the land that they were given. But I will say though the core of religious anti-Zionism, there’s two main parts to it. Almost all Hasidic communities, maybe Haba notwithstanding though, even though Haba is very nationalist, they’re rather Jewish nationalists and they are Zionists, they don’t fully adhere to what we call today modern political Zionism either, but I’m not going to talk about Habad.

But outside of Habad, the vast majority of Hasidic communities are at least nominally anti-Zionist or non Zionist, and most of them don’t support the Israeli government. My government, I don’t just mean the current government, any government and Israeli government of everything. And there’s two parts to it. There’s the fact that Israel is not a religious state and Hebrew does a term for that which is called Medina, which means a state that fully follows Jewish law. We’re talking to an extreme where people break Shabbat are punished, where all the laws are basically they have an issue with Israel not being a theocracy. That is a problem that exists basically for all Hasidic and most Haredi, most ultra orthodox people across the board. But then there’s an additional part which is a belief that again, most Hasidic communities have, which is that the state or the idea of what we have been praying for the ion Zion that we have been praying for three times a day, this idea of a Jewish state of redemption of what’s called the gula that we have been waited for, this is not it.

And more importantly, they believe that that is something that will become directly from heaven as opposed to something that we will fight for. And this is actually something very interesting because in many ways when people bring up this, how can you not be Zionist and bring up this, we pray about it three times a day and bring up this consistent Jewish yearning and I’m like, are you out of your mind? This is what we’ve been waiting for. I grew up with a very exotic version of the temple, like the times when the temple existed and this yearning for a better word, I was told that when the Messiah is going to come or they have a term La Lavo and the world to come, not necessarily in heaven the way a lot of Christianity thinks about it, but just like in a world to come on earth, even like in a perfect utopia, there will be no wars, there will be no violence.

Everything that we want will grow on trees. There will be an economy that it’s very much not capitalist and so many ideals in this yearning that we have persona to come and tell me that modern Zionism and Israel, this is what we have been waiting for. It is emotionally extremely disappointing and unacceptable, but also I think it says something really bad. You think this is what we’ve been waiting for D. But that is the part where I think religious anti Zionism has something to tell any person who thinks about Z Zionism in Israel on an emotional level, but their biggest concern is religion. The biggest concern is that Jews are not allowed the very short version. Jews are not allowed to have a state until it’s given by God usually through a messiah that’s going to come riding on a donkey from heaven. I’m not sugarcoating or anything. I do not believe that there is going to be a messiah coming riding on a donkey from heaven.

Marc Steiner:

Wait, wait, wait, many of you don’t believe Messiah is coming.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

I said, I do not believe in a messiah that’s going to come riding on a donkey. I think that as a human part, I think Messiah to a lot of people throughout history for 2000 years has been a wish that was more abstract than specific. It was more this idea of an idealistic time, which you already be seen in the prophets where everyone sits in their vineyards and under their F vines and there’s no war and so on. All of those beautiful things which are beautiful ideals, but to me that’s not a belief. I think it’s a world that I want to work towards and a world that we should work towards. But again, this is another part where I think it’s very easy and people love to take religious anti Zionists and be like, they’re different. Some of it is different, but some of it is actually ideas that we can relate to it.

But I want to say another part to it. My grandmother was born in Jerusalem, raised in Jerusalem pre state, my grandmother’s family, basically all of her siblings, she has I know eight to 10 siblings, I’ll have to count, but they all live there. She comes from a family that is part of what’s called the old issue. They’re part of this core religious community that predates not just the state, they predate modern Zionism. You’re usually defined as communities that have been there since before 1880, which is when the first modern political Zionism began and the first organized what they call aliya going up to the land began. And they have a very strong connection to the land. Give you an example. My grandmother has a brother who tries never to sleep outside of Jerusalem and never to leave the holy land. And to him that means he wouldn’t even go to yah because that’s not considered a holy land.

These people who are very attached to the land have been for a very long time, but their attachment to the land to me sounds a lot more to when I talk to Palestinians and here dare attachment to the land then Zionism. And to give an example two, actually two of my grandmother’s siblings are currently judges and one of them is part of the chief kind of high court of what’s called, which is the flagship anti-Zionist institution in Jerusalem. So there are these people who have a very strong relationship to what it means to be attached to the land or what it means to have a big part of it, both as Jews for 2000 years and as people who have literally been there their entire lives while at the same time a very clear and I would say a moral clarity and opposition to any form of political Zionism and to the state. And there is a part in that that is just political. It’s not just religious. My grandmother more than once would say stuff like Zionism destroyed my country.

And I will be honest and say that every time my grandmother said that as a child, we all made fun of her and we would be like, come on Bobby, what really we did grow up the Hasidic community is unfortunately quite racist. And we’re like, yeah, really you want the Arabs to be in charge? And I’m not going to go into that whole thing. I was definitely, I was not a well-behaved child and teenager. I’m not going to pretend otherwise, but the point being, the point I’m trying to get to, and I think for me it allowed me to have both a strong relationship to what it means to be related to this land, both from a historical perspective and from a very little like my dad was born in Jerusalem. My grandmother’s great-grandmother is buried on the Mount of olives. I can go back to any point basically since the 16th century and I will have a direct ancestor that is buried somewhere either around Jerusalem or earlier they lived up north around fer.

The point is there’s this very strong connection. There’s very strong boat, religious, spiritual, and just human connection with a very strong understanding that the state of Israel is just not it. And as a result, I will say, and people always like to tell me that most religious anti Zionists outside of the Tura character, which is T character, is the kind of people that you will see showing up at a lot of pro-Palestinian protests and so on. I will say it very clearly, I do not like them. Their motivations are far from good and I have a lot of opinions about them, but outside of them and I did not grow up with them. I grew up just in general. I knew a lot of them, A lot of them live in Williamsburg, but it’s not what I was raised with. But just general anti-Zionism, it’s very easy to write it off.

That has nothing to do with kind of caring for Palestinian based anti-Zionism and it doesn’t fully because those are they religious people whose religious beliefs don’t really let them care for anyone who isn’t them, which is unrelated. I will say a lot of Hasidic people unfortunately are equal opportunity haters. They’re not necessarily racist, they’re just everyone who isn’t them in a both spiritual and human way. But we’re not going to talk about that. But there are parts of it. For example, even this religious anti-Zionist rabbinical cord that I mentioned that I have two great uncles who are judges on it and so on, and I disagree with 99% of what those people stand for and what they do. But one of the things for example that I saw after about a few weeks after October 7th, which is a letter that they released and to them because Israel they believe has religiously no right to exist.

The actions that Israel is taking like killing Palestinians is unjustifiable because who gave you the right to kill people? And that is a part that is very relatable. So I wanted to just put that out there. So for me, as much as I had to redefine and rethink a lot of my ideas and I would say my anti-Zionism and the way I approach Israel today has a lot more to do with the fact that I have gotten to know how Palestinians are treated and I’ve gotten to see really what’s going on on the ground in the West Bank in Gaza and I’ve gotten to most importantly actually make friends. I’m not talking people acquaintance, I’m talking really close friends who are Palestinian. It was definitely easier to get to that point when I never had to deconstruct Zionism. I wasn’t raised with Zionism, I never had to get rid of it, so to speak. What I will say is that for me really getting to know what’s going on on the ground it’s about has really galvanized me to fight for it. There is a world in which if Zionists love to say that it was like a land with no people for people with no land, which obviously we all know was never accurate,

But in a hypothetically if that was the case, if really if Zionism was founded on an actually actual empty land, which it wasn’t, and if the state of Israel existed on a land that really didn’t have any other occupants, which very importantly again that was never the case, it’s still very possible that I wouldn’t be a huge supporter with the way I grew up and I probably would’ve still grown up with an opposition to it, but there wouldn’t be anything pushing me to fight it. It sounds really cool, even emotional, I admit to this day, every time I go visit even now I spend a month in Palestine with rabbis for ceasefire in a lot of other groups on a tour that was organized by a Palestinian group underground and I still get emotional. I grew up only with the Hebrew alphabet speaking Yiddish and Hebrew, and it is emotional to see people who think that they have accomplished what they have yearned through for 2000 years, which again, I think it’s very sad that that’s what you were yearning for. I think we were yearning for something way better and more important, but there is a lot of emotions to it. So what really has galvanized me, what keeps me going to keep fighting is Palestinians is the plight of Palestinians, is the fact of people being kept under occupation, under siege and now genocide for so long. So that is kind of my own personal journey, which is constantly evolving

Marc Steiner:

What you concluded with at this moment. Before we jump into the other part of this conversation, I want to explore a minute because it goes to the heart. I think of the dilemma for a lot of Jewish people when it comes to Israel and Palestine, which what you described is your emotional attachment to a place, and I relate to that completely. I mean you grow up with a prayer next year in Jerusalem, it’s always in your head, even if you’re not a Zionist, it’s in your head.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

I would say I want to you mention next year in Jerusalem. There’s something very interesting that I love to tell people about it because people always try to use that against anti-Zionist Jews and I’m like, I don’t know what you’re talking about because I have been holidays in Jerusalem with my family. I’ve been both in religious context for holidays in Jerusalem and in after leaving the community, and we still say next year in Jerusalem while being in Jerusalem, which makes it very clear and obvious that the Jerusalem that exists now, that the state that exists now is not what we have ever meant when we sat next year in Jerusalem.

Marc Steiner:

I like that

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Analysis. The prayer of Hanah Ian is an anti ionist prayer because we are saying it right now and it’s said for people who live in Jerusalem and the old city and in the new city to this day as they are dear, which makes it very clear that we’re not talking about the current state of Israel. We’re not talking about current Zionism, we’re not talking about current Jerusalem, we’re talking about something different.

Marc Steiner:

I have to digression, which is not unusual for this kind conversation. But so what you just said, have you ever used that in shul in a sermon in synagogue talking

Rabbi Abby Stein:

About I have. I have, yes,

Marc Steiner:

I’m sure you have.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Yes,

Marc Steiner:

Because I’ve never really heard it expressed that way.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

I mean, it’s everything about it. It’s like every prayer, the fact that religious and even not just, I’m not talking about religious ISTs. I’m talking rated people, even religious people are not outside and religious Zionists and conservative Jews and reform Jews, everyone you say all of these prayer, I mean there are some people, very hardcore religious Zionists, usually the same people who are pushing to go up to the temple mountain and so on, but they are a tiny, tiny, they make up probably 1% of 1%. They’re very small. They maybe have changed some of the things, but for most people, I mean there’s the reform movement which had originally removed all of it because they didn’t believe in an attachment to a land, which is a whole other conversation. But people who do say those prayers say it even on the ground, they pray about it right now, which makes it very clear that they have that they know and believe that we haven’t gotten to any of this yet, that whatever this modern state is is not what we have been praying for.

Marc Steiner:

So I’m going to come back to what you just said, but I want to talk a bit about your own journey and struggle

Inside the Jewish world. Inside the Orthodox world as a young transgender woman and the pain of that struggle, but also the journey you took. It was pretty amazing. I mean for you to have done what you’ve done and to stand out and affirm who you are as a woman and stand up to the power of this super orthodox, Hasidic Jewish world and losing so much of those around you who loved you because you stood up. Describe that journey for us so people can really understand who you are and what you went through to get to the place that you are.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

How much time do you have? We

Marc Steiner:

Got about 10.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

You got about 10 minutes. You were going to say 10 minutes.

Marc Steiner:

I was going to say the thing with smart ass, but I decided not to

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Because obviously this is a long story. I wrote a book about it you did called Becoming Eve, which came out in 2019. I have a second book coming out in September and I’m working on a few other ones. My book Becoming Eve was just a play also named Becoming Eve that just ran off Broadway through the New York Theater Workshop. The point that I’m trying to get at, I’ve been telling this story for 10 years and still haven’t told everything.

Obviously there’s a lot and I think that’s the case for everyone. I think, and I want to say this, I think every human being has an interesting story. I do admit that I tell people a lot that my before and after pictures tend to be a lot more eye catching than a lot of other ones, but that is to no credit of my own. It’s just by chance of where I was born into and so on. So I want to put that out there. What was it? I want to try a very basic, let’s see, maybe I can get it down to a few minutes of what it was to grow up and the struggle around that. So I think one of the things I like to say a lot is that a lot of L-G-B-T-Q people, I think that is true for gay lesbian and bisexual pansexual people and so on.

And even more so for people who try to figure out their gender and deal with their gender. A lot of people identify a moment, an aha moment, a light switch moment, whatever you want to call it, where they’re like, oh, okay, this is not who I am. And what’s interesting to me is that I tried and I tried a lot, including in therapy, which I’m a huge fan of to sometimes I go back to was there a moment in my life where I ever internally identified or was a boy? And there the first earliest memories that I have are me thinking why does everyone think I’m a boy? Which again, everyone has their own story, but that was for me, the case. It was a struggle. People tell me a lot, oh, you must’ve been struggling with your gender. And I’m like, my sexuality took me a while to figure out exactly my gender. I never struggled with, I think people were struggling with my gender and I struggled on how to express that and how to live

With that gender, but to me, there was never a time where I was like, okay, I’m a boy. Fine. And then something happened and I’m no longer fine with that. I just was, it never made any sense to me. And there’s this conscious memory that I have when I was four of this very strong realization that, oh, everyone thinks that I’m a boy and now how do I deal with this? Because I don’t think that’s true. And there was a lot of different stages throughout my life. There’s a prayer that’s also in my book, something I wrote when I was six years old of I want to wake up as a girl growing up with this very strong religious belief that God can do everything, which is what I was told as a child. And I was like, okay, so why can’t I just be a girl?

Then at some point it involved my own, I was eight or nine years old at the time, but this idea that I can do a full body transplant, which is one of those things that I was thinking about at some point, and then all of those ideas struggling at least consciously for a good nine years. And I remember then when I was 12 and I remember the moment that it happened because that I guess was light bulb going off moment where I was just like, when you grow up in such a gender segregated community that in just the segregated community as a whole, I would say there were two segregations in the community I grew up in, I grew up in Williamsburg in New York City, but everything and everyone around me was specific. So the Hasid community as much as I can specifically for children and for teens, they keep you segregated from the outside world.

And there’s some people who go their entire lives like that. Both of my parents don’t have a single friend that isn’t part of the community. And I mean, I’m not saying there are some adults in the community that work outside the community and maybe do have friends, but at least the ideal is to just be on their own. So there’s that segregation of we are Jewish, we do talk a lot about us being Hasidic Jews, but we don’t necessarily separate ourselves from other Orthodox Jews are nots. So there’s this Jewish identity that’s very big part of who we are. And then within the community there is this really intense gender segregation. I’m talking like at every community gathering a literal wall at weddings, there is a wall, men and women.

So there’s this two parts. There’s like you are a Jew, you are a boy. And I would say for me in that moment, the closest thing that I can identify to an aha moment was when I was 12 and I remember very clearly it was the first time I got kicked out of classroom because of questions that I asked that resulted from this idea of I can no longer trust anyone because I have this very strong, supposedly I’m a boy, I’m going to an all boy school, I am in synagogue, I’m on the men’s side at weddings, I’m on the men’s side. I always belong to one side and that is 100% wrong. I never really struggled with that that much. It was just like everyone is wrong and that’s it. Why would I trust and accept anything else that I’m told around religion?

That was a really big moment because here’s what I’m going to say. By the time I left eight years later when I was 20, it wasn’t just because of my gender and sexuality. It was almost, it was a religious decision, it was a theological decision. But what put me down that kind of track of to start asking a lot of those questions was that moment. And then I remember it was in eighth grade and I asked a question about something in the Talmud that we were studying, if it’s real, basically questioning the validity of something that Talmud says, which again, I’m not going to say there are no other specific people who question it, but I will say there aren’t many 12 year olds who do. I think a lot of people who do question, which for me later ended up leading down to questioning everything, the validity of the Bible.

Does God exist as Judaism? Right? All of those questions, I think a lot of people get to that, but usually it takes a bit longer. It would’ve taken me a lot longer if I didn’t have that moment of realizing that I just can’t trust what I’m being told. I will say there’s a lot of traumatic moments. There’s a moment when I was writing my book for example, I had a vague memory of something that happened when I was four that involved me trying to take matters into my own hand, more details in the book, but we’re going to keep it PG 13 on here. And I had this memory and I remember that my mom caught me and to this day, and I’ve tried by myself, I’ve tried exposure therapy, I’ve tried talk which tried different ways of trying to uncover that memory and I start shaking physically if I try to do that, there’s a lot of trauma attached to it.

And throughout my life there was because gender plays such a strong role of who you are, it was very traumatic. My entire wedding is a blurb. I got married when I was 18, arranged marriage, and it was a blurb because I was feeling, for lack of a better word, traumatized by the fact that this is not who it’s supposed to be. I’m on the wrong side of this literal wall separating men and women. It was constantly there. But those were those from when I was 12 to 20. There were those two parts that went together. I tried to find different ways of dealing or praying or I am wearing the shirt that says Gay the pray away. I dunno if you can read that.

Marc Steiner:

It’s “Gay the pray away.”

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Yeah, it’s a twist on pray the gay away. This is gay. The pray away. I would say for a very long time I tried to pray the trans away, literally trying or just trying to figure out different ways of how can I deal with this reality? And obviously there was no way in the Hasidic community, the Hasid community is, I used to joke when I started doing my activist work that I want the Hasidic community to become transphobic and what do I mean by that? I don’t want anyone to be transphobic. But growing up in the Hasidic community, I didn’t know that trans people exist. I didn’t know that there were other trans people until I was 20. When I went on the internet for the first time, there was no conversation. No one said anything negative. No one even said anything homophobic to be honest, really, but homophobic.

Marc Steiner:

How old were you then?

Rabbi Abby Stein:

I was 20. I was married and I have a son. Yes. I was 20 when I first got on the internet. Yeah,

Marc Steiner:

So you were 20 years old before you even understood,

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Before I even have words for it before I knew there were other people like me. And I will say the closest that I got when I was 16, I got very into Kabbalah. I got very into Jewish mysticism and I was reading and specifically there’s a book called The Doors to Reincarnation, and I have that text, it’s going to be actually my book coming out in September, this actual text that talks about how sometimes there’s a mismatch between someone’s body and someone’s soul, which to me was very easy to just be like the soul is identity. It very much is the soul, is basically the kaist idea to talk about who you are beyond your flesh and blood. And that had a very positive impact on me because it was, and I think it’s part of the reason why even stayed in the community for an extra few years between 16 and 20, was the fact that I started finding some texts that started making sense to me.

I still didn’t know that there are trans people out, so it wasn’t like I knew that if I leave the community I will find more support and those texts talk about what made a bit sense to me. But other than that, I had, I didn’t know the word trans. I didn’t know there’s other people. I really objectively had no idea that it exists and a big part of the work that I’ve been doing, including sometimes making noise, which some people are like, oh, you’re just trying to make trouble. And I’m like maybe a bit. But the bigger part of it is that I want Hasidic people to know that trans people exist and that has been accomplished. Probably one of my biggest accomplishment accomplishments, I would say it out loud very clearly that I consider is the fact that Hasidic people, kids and adults right now know that trans people exist.

It comes with a lot of hate. It doesn’t come with a lot of acceptance. It’s not in any way in a positive way, but just to look on the fact that I was the first person has been raised Hasidic as far as I know, and I think I would know. I don’t think there’s any other person who has been raised Hasid who came out before I came out. There was a lot of trans people in the closet, but one who came out publicly and since there have been more than a dozen, so it’s very obviously changed something and I’m very proud of that.

Marc Steiner:

It should be.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

But the struggle in the community wasn’t as much a struggle with transphobia than a struggle for I exist.

Marc Steiner:

I mean because what you’re describing for people who don’t know it, I mean the hasta communities, the super Orthodox communities are like these isolated medieval worlds.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Yeah, well, I would say by now, not as isolated as the community leaders want because of the internet,

But still very, I would still say that I don’t know, this is I would say an educated guess, but I would imagine that about 50% of the community have no internet access whatsoever, and the other 50% have versions of a lot of people just have what they call the kosher filtered internet, and then there’s a lot of people who secretly and publicly have full internet access. I’d say as far for the community leaders, the fact that 50% do have internet access is a huge problem. They have literally, you can look that up in 2012, which was actually the first time I ever went to a stadium. The first time I was ever at a stadium was to protest the internet. I’m not kidding. Look up the city field anti internet gathering in 2012, which is almost ironic. It’s a fair nory stating of the protests, the internet. Yeah.

Marc Steiner:

So your transformation out of a deeply religious Hasidic and non Zionist world as a Jew…

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Not just “non,” an anti-Zionist world,

Marc Steiner:

Yes, anti, and your transition and the struggle you went through to transform into who you are as a woman. And when you see the struggle of Palestinians today, to me there’s kind of a thread here that ties them together.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

There is

Marc Steiner:

Because I can remember,

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Can I add some more to maybe it’s me adding words into your mind. I think for me, a big part of what I’m seeing as the struggle is the struggle to get people to listen to your struggle and to believe you.

So much of the conversation in the US, at least around trans people and so much about the conversation about Palestinians revives around people not believing the struggles and or blaming you for your struggles saying that it’s your fault you did something wrong. And that’s why I occupy that kind of like this old abuser note of, look what you made me do. The amount of time, the amount of people that I hear saying that the reason there is all these pushback against trans people coming from the person who shall not be named running this country and all of this hateful, racist, and harmful people. The amount of times they say, oh, all of this pushback comes because you asked for it because you started talking publicly about who you are because you did something wrong. And that’s why we need to discriminate against you is so similar to what the same kind of talk around Palestinians, you are occupied because you did something wrong, because you refused. That’s me saying it. It’s not exactly how they say it, but ultimately they’re saying you refuse to let your land get taken away peacefully or get split up peacefully. You refused to. The rule of this country that we have decided to support and so much is what we would call blaming the victim. And that is one of the ways where I see it so aligned. But ultimately I think the very short version to, I spent a lot of time out in college and after to study the history of empires and the history of power and imperialism generally, and I know the US is not technically an imperialist power because we don’t have a kink even though it looks like we’re about to have one.

So there’s all the way they only survive on creating very specific in and out groups and by having people behave a certain way. And in that way, both every minority, every group that dissents from the consensus is a threat. It’s why authoritarian societies are almost exclusively homophobic and transphobic because it tends to be that people who fight for their identities and fight for their own lives are not controlled that easily. To give you an example, something that hit me yesterday, I was at a big ice rally yesterday, marched for four hours, not fully squared. Then we went to the federal building all the way ended up in Washington Square Park and I was out and looking around. It was massive, thousands if not tens of thousands of people out. And I’m looking around and I tell my friend, this feels halfway like pride.

There were rainbow flags just looking around. There’s so many queer people. I would gander to say, and I don’t think it would be a lie, that maybe as much as at least a third, maybe even half of the people there were queer. And it wasn’t an L-G-B-T-Q rally in any way, a form, I mean obviously it’s attached in the homophobia and transphobia of this administration and their anti-immigrant rhetoric goes hand in hand. But this was a rally about ice and we were all there for that reason. But it ends up being so many queer people, and I don’t think that’s by chance throughout history, civil rights movements and people that movements that have fought for justice has had a lot of queer people. And the reason for that is because queer people know what it means to struggle against the government, know what it means to struggle against the status quo.

Well, and most importantly, we’re not as easily controlled. Similar to what I mentioned earlier, how in school I started questioning religion because of my identity being like, I can’t trust you. L-G-B-T-Q people and queer people have a very similar distrust of power, distrust of government, rightfully, and as a result, we’re not easily controlled. A big reason why authoritarians hate L-G-B-T-Q people is exactly that in part, sometimes it also has a religious part to it and just bigotry generally and hating of the other. And sometimes they don’t actually care about queer people. They just use queer people as a wedge issue and so on. All of those are real facts, but the reality is that we understand the struggles of minorities. We understand the struggles of the oppressed people. That’s why the fight for immigrants and the fight for Palestinians and the fight against occupation all over the world, whether it is in Palestine or in Ukraine or in Sudan or in Haiti and so many against imperial power in West Africa and so on. All of those things are intertwined both in the sense of we understand, which is something very interesting because it’s also very biblical. It’s very Jewish.

We’re told to use an example. There’s literally in the Torah when we’re told that we have to be nice to the stranger. There’s one of the commandments that is repeated the most in the Torah. The first five books of the Bible is a version of you should love the Stranger. And one of the times the reasoning given for that is, is because you understand the soul of the stranger for you strangers in Egypt. And I think that goes beyond just that one historical memory of something that let’s beyond a theater didn’t happen, which is beside the conversation, but it’s part of identity, but it’s also a general, something that is true for Jews. There is a reason why throughout history, at least since emancipation Jews were generally more liberal, more progressive. Why the bun? You have something like the bun. It’s like Jewish socialist, progressive, why

Progressive politics have always had so many Jews, everyone from Bernie Sanders to down on the ground in New York City and so on. Because we really understand these are all intertwined, not just as a moral issue when we say no one is free until everyone is free. It’s not just a moral statement, it’s a reality. So yes, we know that the same people who want to oppress Palestinians are also transphobic and homophobic are also are also sexist and misogynistic and so on. Yes, there are some people maybe who only carry some of those prejudices and not all, but as a bigger picture. They are all related. And I will dare to say that it’s also related to antisemitism

Marc Steiner:

So much there. The time we have left, I want to pick on something you said and please kind of tie some of these things together. I mean, I was thinking as you were throwing your stats out as well, that people don’t realize that 70% of all the white civil rights workers in the South were Jews.

I mean, there’s a reason those things happen. Course. So the question is, given everything you’ve just said and that reality, what does it take to touch that root of Jewish life of being Jewish to come to the understanding that we have to end the oppression of Palestinians and unite to build a different place where we all live together. I have this poster that I got in Cuba in 1968 and still sits on my wall on my study. It’s a map of the entire holy land. It’s got a Palestinian flag on one side and an Israeli flag on the other. And it says one state, two people’s, three faiths, which has kind of been my mantra since then. What does it take to turn around the division and the hatred that allows us to see what we’re seeing now inside of Israel Palestine and how do we turn the Jewish community into understanding who we are and how we have to embrace a different future?

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Well, I don’t think there’s one answer of what it takes. I do think there are a few things that can be said. I mean, first and foremost, I need to say that there are some amazing groups that are doing this work very successfully.

Those people love to talk about how we’re still a minority, how anti-Zionists or even non Zionists or even anti well anti occupation is actually probably a majority opinion, at least according to the latest pose. I think anti is a majority opinion amongst American Jews. Not talking about Israel, that’s a whole other conversation. But even the other parts, we have grown extremely fast. If the trend in the growth of percent, the percentage growth of anti-Zionist Jews or just non Zionist Jews involved with groups like JVP and if not now, and Jewish racial economic justice and so on, EAPs going the trend in percent and how fast we have grown. We’re going to be the majority of at least non-Orthodox Jews in the US fairly quickly, a lot sooner than the establishment would want to admit. The reality is that a lot of the work that has to be done is being done very successfully.

Groups like JVP and if not now, and JF Fresh have more than doubled just in the last two years and they’re growing extremely fast. The amount of Jews are becoming more and more open to something fundamental needs to change. And I’m talking beyond just, oh, the government needs to change. The majority of American Jews are Antibi B and anti-car, Israeli government. Every study shows that, again, American Jews. But to go even deeper than that, to the fundamental problems, a lot of the work that’s already being done is being done well. And those include education. Those include providing people with resources, providing people with a solid alternative, which again, I wasn’t raised like that, but there are most American Jews my age were raised with a very strong Zionism. So really to show Jewish community. And I have these conversations with people daily who are part of those communities and I see that people who are becoming more open.

So I want to say education is a very strong part, providing an alternative of a Judaism. That to me is so interesting because I grew up being told that Zionism is the antis of Judaism. That’s where I was raised being told in the Hasidic community, obviously it exists, but even on a progressive Judaism, not just a religious Judaism that is anti-Zionist, but a progressive Judaism that is anti-Zionist, that is growing extremely fast and it’s truly beautiful. And I’m not just talking beautiful on that, but I’m talking like events that I do. I’ve hosted meals for every holiday. I have been with people singing together. To use a random example, we had a group of people who wanted to celebrate Shabbat at the JVP national meeting that had over 2000 people this year. And the conversation sometimes got down to the nitty gritty of how to practice and how to observe for ourselves that had nothing to do with outsiders, just like there’s a rich Judaism.

And the final thing that I would say about them that I think would be the most helpful is the same thing that I say about L-G-B-T-Q people and about trans people. It’s sharing personal stories and actually getting to know people. Every study has shown that people who know trans people in real life actually know them as friends are way more likely, I don’t know the exact numbers, but by a long shot to be accepting and to be welcoming. And I found the same to be when it comes to Israel, when it comes to Palestine, when it comes to the occupation, when it comes to so on, people who actually know Palestinians. And I’m talking beyond just knowing, for example, in Israel, most people, the Palestinians they know are the service workers and so on, which is a whole other conversation to talk about. I’m talking really getting to know, because I know for me that was a huge change.

And it is. I constantly see it. It’s like I want to use one of my friends just because every few months someone else decides that they’re going to get me. We’re talking about the fact that I’m friends with Linda Sarsour. I don’t know if you know who she is, but someone who I got to know really well as a friend. And I keep getting, literally yesterday someone said that I support Zoran for mayor in New York because of my support for Linda. A very weird statement to make. But for me, it’s like you can’t come and tell me that she’s a hateful person because I know her. We have had real conversations, not in public, just actual conversations and so many others. You cannot tell me that all Palestinians, hey Jews, when I know dozens, if not hundreds of Palestinians, and I’ve met counts of Palestinians, who are some of the most amazing people that I know.

Marc Steiner:

Yeah, me too.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

So really I think building those bridges. And I want to say I don’t think that that’s what’s needed. Sorry, I don’t think that’s what should be needed. We shouldn’t need, we should listen to people who are being oppressed. And as I said earlier with trans people, so much of the struggle here is that people refuse to listen to us and to believe us. But if we’re asking just realistically, what I think would be very helpful is to actually build those connections. I have friends, well, I’m trying to think if I still have friends who are hardcore Zionists. I feel like most of those people either stopped talking to me or I stopped talking to them per se. But people who would still say they are vaguely supportive of Israel’s existence are supportive of versions of Zionism. Those who know Palestinians are extremely ANC occupation, extremely opposed to the war, extremely are a lot more people that we can work with. So I think that is the other big thing that we need to focus on.

Marc Steiner:

Well, I think it’s incredible how you weave together the parts of your life that are also parts of the struggle.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

They are, I want to say I didn’t even have to weave them together. They have always been related. We just need to realize it.

Marc Steiner:

To say that what I meant was that the struggle for Palestinian rights, the struggle and the oppression of Palestinians, the struggle of trans and queer people in this country and the world, and to do it while maintaining and bringing the soul of Judaism through all of that and tying it together

Rabbi Abby Stein:

And rainbow colors. But

Marc Steiner:

Yes, and you tell us so about then. So I just want to thank you so much, rabbi ab Stein for being here today. It’s been really a pleasure to talk to you and hearing your ideas and thoughts. I look forward to staying in touch and thanks for all that you’re doing.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Thank you, Marc, so much. It was an honor to talk to you and I’m looking forward to yes, to seeing you more.

Marc Steiner:

Yes.

Rabbi Abby Stein:

Thank you so much.

Marc Steiner:

Thank you. Once again, thank you to Rabbi Abby Stein for joining us today and for all the work that she does. And thanks to Cameron Granadino for running the program, our audio editor Alina Nelich, and producer Rosette Sewali for making it all work behind the scenes. And everyone here at The Real News, we’re making this show possible. Please let me know what you thought about, what you heard today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at s the real news.com and I’ll get right back to you. Once again, thank you Rabbi Abby Stein for all you’ve done for being with us today. So for the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved. Keep listening, and take care.


This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Marc Steiner.

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Yale, Ben-Gvir, and Banning Palestinian Groups https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/27/yale-ben-gvir-and-banning-palestinian-groups/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/27/yale-ben-gvir-and-banning-palestinian-groups/#respond Sun, 27 Apr 2025 17:23:19 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=157773 Universities are in a bind. As institutions of learning and teaching, knowledge learnt and taught should, or at the very least could, be put into practice. How unfortunate for rich ideas to linger in cold storage or exist as the mummified status of esoterica. But universities in the United States have taken fright at pro-Palestinian […]

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Universities are in a bind. As institutions of learning and teaching, knowledge learnt and taught should, or at the very least could, be put into practice. How unfortunate for rich ideas to linger in cold storage or exist as the mummified status of esoterica. But universities in the United States have taken fright at pro-Palestinian protests since October 7, 2023, becoming battlegrounds for the propaganda emissaries of Israeli public relations and the pro-evangelical, Armageddon lobby that sees the end times taking place in the Holy Land. Higher learning institutions are spooked by notions of Israeli brutality, and they are taking measures.

These measures have tended to be heavy handed, taking issue with students and academic staff. The policy has reached another level in efforts by amphibian university managers to ban various protest groups who are seen as creating an environment of intimidation for other members of the university tribe. That these protesters merely wish to draw attention to the massacre of Palestinian civilians, including women, children, and the elderly, and the fact that the death toll, notably in the Gaza Strip, now towers at over 50,000, is a matter of inconvenient paperwork.

Even worse, the same institutions are willing to tolerate individuals who have celebrated their own unalloyed bigotry, lauded their own racial and religious ideology, and deemed various races worthy of extinguishment or expulsion. Such a man is Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who found himself permitted to visit Yale University at the behest of the Jewish society Shabtai, a body founded by Democratic senator and Yale alumnus Cory Booker, along with Rabbi Shmully Hecht.

Shabtai is acknowledged as having no official affiliation with Yale, though it is stacked with Yale students and faculty members who participate at its weekly dinners. Its beating heart was Hecht, who arrived in New Haven after finishing rabbinical school in Australia in 1996.

The members of Shabtai were hardly unanimous in approving Ben-Gvir’s invitation. David Vincent Kimel, former coach of the Yale debate team, was one of two to send an email to a Shabtai listserv to express brooding disgruntlement. “Shabtai was founded as a space for fearless, pluralistic Jewish discourse,” the email remarks. “But this event jeopardizes Shabtai’s reputation and every future.” In views expressed to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, Kimel elaborated: “I’m deeply concerned that we’re increasingly treating extreme rhetoric as just another viewpoint, rather than recognizing it as a distortion of constructive discourse.” The headstone for constructive discourse was chiselled sometime ago, though Kimel’s hopes are charming.

As a convinced, pro-settler fanatic, Ben-Gvir is a fabled-Torah basher who sees Palestinians as needless encumbrances on Israel’s righteous quest to acquire Gaza and the West Bank. Far from being alone, Ben-Gvir is also the member of a government that has endorsed starvation and the deprivation of necessities as laudable tools of conflict, to add to an adventurous interpretation of the laws of war that tolerates the destruction of health and civilian infrastructure in the Gaza Strip.

After a dinner at President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort (the bad will be fed), Ben-Gvir was flushed with confidence. He wrote on social media of how various lawmakers had “expressed support for my very clear position on how to act in Gaza and that the food and aid depots should be bombed in order to create military and political pressure to bring our hostages home safely.” By any other standard, this was an admission to encouraging the commission of a war crime.

In July last year, Israel’s State Prosecutor Amit Aisman reportedly sought permission from Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara to open a criminal investigation into Ben-Gvir for alleged incitement of violence against residents of Gaza. The move was said to be a gesture to placate the International Court of Justice as it considers the genocide case filed by South Africa against Israel over the war in Gaza. In a string of increasingly agitated interim orders, the ICJ has asked that Israel comply, as signatory member, with the obligations imposed by the United Nations Genocide Convention. These include prohibitions against incitement to genocide.

Incitement has become something of a nervous tic for the minister. In November 2023, for instance, Ben-Gvir remarked that “When we say Hamas should be destroyed, it also means those who celebrate, those who support, and those who hand out candy – they’re all terrorists, and they should also be destroyed.” Seeing himself as essentially immune to any form of prosecution, Ben-Gvir gave the State Prosecutor a sound verbal thrashing, claiming that it was “trying to make an Israeli minister stand trial for ‘incitement’ against citizens of an enemy state that danced on the blood our soldiers on the streets of Gaza on October 7.”

In a statement responding to protests against Ben-Gvir’s visit, Yale stated that the student encampments set up on April 22 on Beinecke Plaza were in violation of the university’s policies on the use of outdoor spaces. Students already on notice for previous protests along similar lines would face “immediate disciplinary action”. With dulling predictability, the university revealed that it was looking into “concerns … about disturbing anti-Semitic conduct at the gathering”.

University officialdom had also focused on the activities of Yalies4Palestine, a student organisation whose club status was revoked for “sending calls over social media for others to join the event”. The statement makes the claim that the group “flagrantly violated the rules to which the Yale College Dean’s Office holds all registered student organizations”. Consequently, the body cannot receive funding from Yale sources, use the university name, participate in relevant student activities, or book spaces on the campus.

This profaning of protest in a university setting is a convenient trick, using the popular weasel words of “offensive” and “unsafe” while deploying, more generically, the pitiful policy inventory that makes freedom of expression an impossibility. Mobilised accordingly, they can eliminate any debate, any discussion and any idea from the campus for merely being stingingly contrarian or causing twinges of intellectual discomfort. The moment the brain aches in debate, the offended howl and the administrators suppress. Play nice, dear university staff and students, or don’t play at all. Besides, Ben-Gvir, by Yale standards, is a half-decent fellow.

The post Yale, Ben-Gvir, and Banning Palestinian Groups first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

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Anti-Zionist rabbi: ‘Don’t stay silent’ w/Brant Rosen | The Marc Steiner Show https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/29/anti-zionist-rabbi-dont-stay-silent-w-brant-rosen-the-marc-steiner-show/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/29/anti-zionist-rabbi-dont-stay-silent-w-brant-rosen-the-marc-steiner-show/#respond Tue, 29 Oct 2024 15:01:19 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=b6f4b5eabd2585cdda68659a90ac83b0
This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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Liberal US rabbi melts down at Jewish anti-Zionists https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/17/liberal-us-rabbi-melts-down-at-jewish-anti-zionists/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/17/liberal-us-rabbi-melts-down-at-jewish-anti-zionists/#respond Thu, 17 Oct 2024 01:06:27 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=5abbb15d95996d37c9cb44ec5e5ca954
This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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Solidarity as a Monolith of Love against Zionist Evil https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/01/solidarity-as-a-monolith-of-love-against-zionist-evil/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/01/solidarity-as-a-monolith-of-love-against-zionist-evil/#respond Thu, 01 Aug 2024 18:24:54 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=151858 Jews are not a monolith. There are plenty of Jews who abhor the racism and violence of the Zionist faction of Jewry. Yet, many uninformed people consider Zionism to express the ethos of Jewishness. And it is clear that Israeli Jews are overwhelmingly supportive of Zionism. (See “Israeli Views of the Israel-Hamas War, “Polls Show […]

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Jews are not a monolith. There are plenty of Jews who abhor the racism and violence of the Zionist faction of Jewry. Yet, many uninformed people consider Zionism to express the ethos of Jewishness. And it is clear that Israeli Jews are overwhelmingly supportive of Zionism. (See “Israeli Views of the Israel-Hamas War, “Polls Show Broad Support in Israel for Gaza’s Destruction and Starvation,” and for those who may have read Haaretz and the NYT, “Don’t believe Haaretz and the NYT. Israeli society fully supports the Gaza genocide.”)

In this era of internet and instant communication, information on the monstrous crimes of Zionism is available for people who make an effort to be aware. Take that information and apply open-minded skepticism. Ask whether the evidence substantiates the information and its narrative.

Israeli Jews are carrying out genocide against Palestinians (something that has been ongoing for decades). Eliminating a grouping of people from existence is heinous enough, but there is also the horrific matter of what happens to the victims of Zionists before they are killed.

Redacted interviewed Dan Cohen of Uncaptured Media to report a bloodlust where Israelis are torturing and raping Palestinian prisoners, and that Israeli protestors are in the streets claiming Israelis have a right to rape these prisoners.

Cohen is in Israel telling of “the shock and trauma and hate and racism pulsing through the veins of Israeli society ….” This is exemplified by the fact that the Israeli military-run prison with its Palestinian captives:

…is not about gaining intelligence, at all. It is not about finding Israeli captives in Gaza, at all. What happens there [in the prisons] is about the most cruel punishment. It is torture with electric shock, beating, severe beatings, where if you talk to someone you are beaten until your teeth break, until your bones break, if you fall asleep, these kinds of things. People are, as we know, anally raped. Prisoners are killed. There are many who are murdered. They just never come out…. These are just [Palestinian] civilians, cause all their fighters are underground. So they take civilians from the neighborhoods, and just take them there and torture them and kill them, even top doctors. I think it is 39 medical professionals from Gaza have ah, I believe, been killed in there… (5:30 to 7:15)

Non-Zionist Jews, Jews opposed to the crimes of Zionists, must speak out against the evil, otherwise their silence may be criticised as complicity. The non-Zionist Jews are faced with the challenge of how to get their humanist message widely disseminated in opposition to Zionism.

One grouping of Jews that opposes Zionism and supports Palestinian rights is Jewish Voices for Peace. Rebecca Vilkomerson and Rabbi Alissa Wise, two leaders and former staff of Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) have written Solidarity Is the Political Version of Love: Lessons from Jewish Anti-Zionist Organizing (Haymarket Books, 14 May 2024), which covers the period from 2010-2020.

Instead of the typical Jewish American PEP (progressive except on Palestine) culture, JVP has helped a PIP culture—progressive including on Palestine …

In the face of overwhelming Jewish American support for Zionism and Israeli apartheid, JVP has insisted on growing the anti-Zionist movement to dismantle the myth of Israel’s representation of all Jews and, along with it, the complicity of the Jewish Zionist establishment in securing mainstream support in the US for funding, arming, and enabling Israel’s regime of oppression.

As Solidarity Is the Political Version of Love relates, JVP has grown and morphed over time from the “first mass Jewish civil disobedience in the Rotunda of the US Congress” to later “large-scale protests at a level none of us can remember.” (p 2) “JVP grew larger as it shifted to the left and altered the public narrative about Palestinian liberation while creating a space for Judaism beyond Zionism.” (p 2-3) JVP did not declare itself anti-Zionist until early in 2019; however, it was noted that the proportion of anti-Zionist members and staff has grown over time. (p 13)

When Haymarket Books shared the e-galley, I was informed that the authors are available for interviews. With that in mind, seven days ago I sent some questions.

The first question was based on Vilkomerson and Wise’s definition of solidarity: “as when people outside a specific community dedicate themselves to supporting the rights and aspirations of that community, taking direction on what actions to take from the community itself.” (9) Since solidarity is the leitmotif for the book, why is it that JVP identifies as Jewish voices rather than, for example, Human Voices for Peace? The name seems to set limits on solidarizing with non-Jews within its organization?

However, there is something of a work around in the book: “What did it mean to be a member if you weren’t Jewish? … So, we relied on people self-identifying as members and didn’t spend time gatekeeping peoples’ Jewishness.” (p 55) “We believe movement building is the only way to realize the world all people deserve.” (p 80)

I also asked about the propriety of donating to JVP as opposed to donating to Palestinian movements.

The Zionist NGO Monitor complains that “JVP’s funding sources are not transparent.” NGO Monitor further criticizes JVP, saying that the JVP “regards the organized Jewish community as its ‘enemy’ and ‘opponent,’ …. The strategy, as stated by JVP’s executive director Rebecca Vilkomerson, is to create ‘a wedge’ within the American Jewish community to generate the impression of polarization over Israel.” For those who are opposed to Zionist oppression of Palestinians such criticism ought to be considered as a badge of honor by the JVP.

Moreover, JVP criticizes

Israel’s ongoing apartheid policies of administrative detention—holding Palestinians without charge or trial—left Palestinians stranded in prison indefinitely. At the same time, home demolitions are a daily occurrence, with more than nine thousand structures destroyed since 2009.1 In addition to the daily indignities faced by Palestinians at checkpoints, Jewish-only settlements proliferated in the West Bank, siphoning water, developing a network of Jewish-only roads connecting the settlements to Israel, and bringing into Palestinian communities thousands of armed settler vigilantes, who regularly harassed and violently attacked Palestinians, vandalizing their property with the blessing of the Israeli army, felling ancient olive trees, and shooting at Palestinians that need to cross Jewish-only roads to reach their farms or graze their flocks. In Gaza, the situation became even more dire for Palestinians after Jewish settlers were removed in 2005, when Israel turned Gaza into an open-air prison, maintaining an illegal siege by controlling what goes in and out by air, land, and sea. (p 6)

Sounds good, sounds progressivist.

I wondered about the JVP stance on two-state vs one-state. The authors wrote, “… as a group of people in the US it was not JVP’s place to determine the number of states at all, but instead to do what we could to support a liberatory future.” (p 14)

That’s fine. But what about whether Palestine should be recognized as a state, something Israel is vehemently opposed to? An online search reveals that JVP often refers to the “state of Palestine.” This earned JVP further scorn from the NGO Monitor.

JVP takes many progressivist positions.

JVP acknowledges overwhelming Jewish communal support for Israel but sees its role as “just one prong in a multifaceted movement, led by Palestinians in the US and Palestine.” (p 16)

JVP questions its own Jewish composition: “Ashkenazi Jews colluded with and assimilated into whiteness, Jewish voices (whether Ashkenazi or not) were routinely privileged above Palestinian voices” (p 40) and its hierarchical structure. (p 61)

JVP recognizes “the weaponization of antisemitism, specifically in connection with anti-Zionism,” (p 99) and sees solidarity as the key to overcoming the Zionism that Palestinians endure drives them into isolation from violent domination. (p 102) “JVP, from the very start, has been guided by the exact opposite principle, that writ large we live in an interdependent world, that we all deserve safety, and that the way to gain safety is through solidarity.” (p 103)

Paradoxically, solidarity in a worthy cause might require splittism. Vilkomerson and Wise write, “Decoupling Jews from Israel and Jewishness from Zionism are therefore essential to the struggle against real antisemitism, toward realizing Jewish safety, and, of course, for Palestinian liberation.” (p 108)

The authors see solidarity as an expression of love:

Whatever your version of solidarity, may you practice it as an expression of love. A love that manifests as raging at the world as it is, and at the same time developing smart, intentional plans to realize the world as it should be. (p 215)

The ways in which Israel’s assault on Palestinians in Gaza exceeds the horror of nearly all wars in recent memory are too long to list: more children killed, more journalists killed, more bombs dropped, more homes destroyed, more internally displaced people, more targeting of hospitals, schools, mosques, churches and refugee camps. That’s because it’s simply not a war – it’s a genocide. (p 218)

The genocide of 186,000 Palestinians (likeliest a depressingly higher number in the three-and-a-half weeks since the Lancet article was published), requires an utmost expression of love through solidarity with the entirety of humanity. This comes through clearly and forthrightly in Solidarity Is the Political Version of Love.

There are few (or none) sizeable groupings of people who form a monolith. JVP is one Jewish grouping that deviates from Zionist Jews by upholding morality in solidarity with a shared humanity.

Israel is not alone in its evil. It is backed by governments in the West. The US is a staunch supporter of Zionism, funding it, arming it, and providing media and diplomatic cover for Israel. It points to the sine qua non of a monolith of humans united by love for fellow humans. This guiding principle would elevate humanity to the stratosphere.

The post Solidarity as a Monolith of Love against Zionist Evil first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kim Petersen.

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INTERVIEW: Rabbi Shmuly Yanklowitz takes up the cause of Uyghurs https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/shmuly-yanklowitz-interview-06142024155807.html https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/shmuly-yanklowitz-interview-06142024155807.html#respond Fri, 14 Jun 2024 20:32:00 +0000 https://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/shmuly-yanklowitz-interview-06142024155807.html Rabbi Shmuly Yanklowitz, an influential Jewish social activist, educator and author of books on Jewish ethics, has spoken out on behalf of refugees and asylum seekers at the U.S.-Mexico border and Afghan refugees.  

Now the rabbi has taken up the cause of the cultural genocide of the nearly 12 million predominantly Muslim Uyghurs in China’s far-western Xinjiang region, whose religion, language and customs are being wiped out by Beijing.

Yanklowitz, 42, has written recent opinion pieces in religious journals about the mass detention of an estimated 1.8 million Uyghurs in “re-education” camps where some faced torture, sexual assaults and forced female sterilization. He says the measure is the “largest mass-internment of an ethnic-religious minority since the Holocaust.”

Yanklowitz says he was inspired in part by the late Elie Wiesel, a Holocaust survivor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate who fought against hate, persecution and injustice.

RFA Uyghur reporter Kurban Niyaz asked Yanklowitz about his call for action. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

RFA: Why are you focusing on the Uyghur issue now, and why is it important?

Shmuly Yanklowitz: First, I am inspired by my faith, my religion that says we cannot stand by when people — innocent people — are being oppressed. 

Second, I am inspired by the Holocaust memory and understanding with people in my family just how traumatic and how painful this reality is. 

Third, as a student of Professor Elie Wiesel, I feel much moved by his commitment to use his global influence to never be silent. 

Last, this is the most important issue right now, because the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] is growing in its power and influence. This is the worst genocide which somehow has the least awareness of it. So, I feel compelled to raise that awareness at a crucial time like this. 

There are people who have nowhere to go. They are not safe in their native country, and they are fleeing, and they’re not safe to where they’re fleeing also. These are some of the most vulnerable people on the planet — people who are crossing the U.S.-Mexico border [and] people who are fleeing war or genocide. 

That’s where I see my biggest moral priority — to get people showers and clothes and food and travel when possible, [no matter] whether the person is Muslim or Christian or atheist. I want to be there to support them. I don’t always know someone’s background because of the language barrier. Whoever is there, we support.  

RFA: Why did the historical notion of “never again” fail when it comes to the genocide of Uyghurs in Xinjiang?

Yanklowitz: Great question. I think that we see so much apathy on this Uyghur genocide issue where people are either ignorant about it, they’ve never even heard of Uyghur people, or they’ve heard about it but don’t really care. Or they’re afraid of China, or they are too connected to all the things they buy, which we know are linked to forced labor, and for so many reasons. 

It seems we’re not getting movement and traction on this issue. And yet, people say “never again.” The other part is that people are used to talking about genocide where they see mass killings. And here, of course, not only can people not see it because of the crackdown and [lack of] transparency, but also because it’s not mass killings.

Rabbi Shmuly Yanklowitz shakes hands with US President Joe Biden in an undated photo. (RFA screenshot of Rabbi Dr. Shmuly Yanklowitz's website)
Rabbi Shmuly Yanklowitz shakes hands with US President Joe Biden in an undated photo. (RFA screenshot of Rabbi Dr. Shmuly Yanklowitz's website)
 

It’s a different type of genocide which attempts to wipe out the Uyghur culture and people, but in a very different form from [that of] the Holocaust. So, people are not understanding how serious this is, and people feel powerless to address something like this. But we must say “never again.” We must never stop saying “never again” and build a movement where we can really stop this. 

RFA: Several international companies assisted the Nazis in their persecution of the Jewish people, and a similar trend has appeared nowadays, for example, with companies who sell products made with Uyghur forced labor. Is this a sign of  history repeating itself?

Yanklowitz: There are real similarities and real differences. The similarities are that, there is just total cruelty, total dehumanization, total lack of moral responsibility, and an attempt to gain power. The Nazis wanted to take over the world. The CCP wants to be the global leader. 

And yet, the differences are also so real in today’s realities and with all the new technology and the tools and the transnational repression. So, I do think that history does repeat itself, where we say we're never going to allow these things again, and  then we see it once again. We have power. And in America, there’s American government power. There’s American corporate power. And we can do something about this. If there’s a desire, we can wake up the world. 

RFA: What’s your message for Uyghurs who have ended up in Chinese concentration camps and prisons?

Yanklowitz: My first message is that you are not alone. We see you, and we hear your cries. 

My second message is that we will prevail. We don't know how long it will take, but we will prevail in bringing them their dignity and freedom.

My third message is that we are ready to receive you. Whenever you get free, it’s not just about being free from there. It’s about not losing the Uyghur culture in the diaspora, and that we want to support that Uyghurs in the diaspora because there’s also assimilation of children of Uyghur families. It can be hard to maintain the culture without infrastructure and support. 

So, we want to help offer tools because the Jewish people lived in the diaspora for 2,000 years and survived. And we want to share wisdom together around how once the Uyghurs are free from that region, or hopefully, they will have total autonomy there, but if they have to leave to get freedom, then we want to share with someone how to survive culturally. 

RFA: How can Uyghurs in the diaspora preserve their identity, language and culture?

Yanklowitz: One of the areas we’ve been talking about, one of the secrets in American Jewish life right now, is summer camp. The kids go to camp, and they live in their culture. 

We think that some kind of program, like for Uyghurs in the diaspora to be a part of a camp, like a Jewish camp where they have their own Uyghur groups, that they can support their culture and the Uyghur children can celebrate Uyghur culture, learn the music and the language and the songs and the dance and the food, and that they can be proud. 

That it’s not just to be sad about the current crisis, but also to be proud of the culture. 

Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Kurban Niyaz for RFA Uyghur.

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Rabbi Alissa Wise & Israeli-Born Novelist Ayelet Waldman Arrested Trying to Bring Food to Gaza https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/rabbi-alissa-wise-israeli-born-novelist-ayelet-waldman-arrested-trying-to-bring-food-to-gaza/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/rabbi-alissa-wise-israeli-born-novelist-ayelet-waldman-arrested-trying-to-bring-food-to-gaza/#respond Mon, 29 Apr 2024 14:41:03 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=07724f322d70a54779b2b4ecf7754557
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Rabbi Alissa Wise & Israeli-Born Novelist Ayelet Waldman Arrested Trying to Bring Food to Gaza https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/rabbi-alissa-wise-israeli-born-novelist-ayelet-waldman-arrested-trying-to-bring-food-to-gaza-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/29/rabbi-alissa-wise-israeli-born-novelist-ayelet-waldman-arrested-trying-to-bring-food-to-gaza-2/#respond Mon, 29 Apr 2024 12:26:29 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=7674920fe0c036bbe238c808d72d5f41 Seg2 arrestsmarch

Israeli police arrested seven rabbis and Israeli activists Friday at the Gaza border during an action that accused Israel of using starvation as a weapon of war against Palestinians. The delegation of Rabbis for Ceasefire carried bags of food to the Erez crossing between Israel and northern Gaza amid reports that famine is imminent for more than 1 million Palestinians in Gaza. “It is incredibly important that those of us who have privilege use that privilege to call attention to this ongoing catastrophe,” says Ayelet Waldman, one of the seven people arrested Friday. Waldman emphasizes that her “mildly uncomfortable” arrest pales in comparison to the violence and repression encountered daily by Palestinian detainees. “Right now what matters is stopping the starvation and murder of millions of people in Gaza,” she says. The action was planned to mark the tradition of Passover, which celebrates the Jewish exodus from slavery in biblical Egypt. “What does it mean to sit around a table and celebrate freedom when in our names a forced starvation and a mass murder is taking place?” asks our other guest, Rabbi Alissa Wise, a founder and organizer with Rabbis for Ceasefire and the former co-executive director of Jewish Voice for Peace.


This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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‘Rabbi’ Shmuley: a walking antisemitic stereotype https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/27/rabbi-shmuley-a-walking-antisemitic-stereotype/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/27/rabbi-shmuley-a-walking-antisemitic-stereotype/#respond Wed, 27 Mar 2024 17:32:29 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=54c670f77eac64d8cdbbb78047ae9107
This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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Rabbi speaks on why he contests Zionism | The Chris Hedges Report https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/23/rabbi-speaks-on-why-he-contests-zionism-the-chris-hedges-report/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/23/rabbi-speaks-on-why-he-contests-zionism-the-chris-hedges-report/#respond Fri, 23 Feb 2024 17:00:12 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=3f31ddf90908bb5a4577cfa034ef8a79
This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by The Real News Network.

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At least 27 Bangladeshi journalists attacked, harassed while covering political rallies https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/01/at-least-27-bangladeshi-journalists-attacked-harassed-while-covering-political-rallies/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/11/01/at-least-27-bangladeshi-journalists-attacked-harassed-while-covering-political-rallies/#respond Wed, 01 Nov 2023 22:19:00 +0000 https://cpj.org/?p=332237 New York, November 1, 2023 – Bangladesh authorities must immediately and impartially investigate the assaults on at least 27 journalists covering recent political rallies and hold the perpetrators accountable, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Wednesday.

On Saturday, October 28, at least 27 journalists covering rallies in the capital of Dhaka were attacked by supporters of the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the ruling Awami League party, as well as police, according to a statement by local press freedom group Bangladeshi Journalists in International Media, several journalists who spoke to CPJ, and various news reports.

BNP demonstrators demanded that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League step down and allow a nonpartisan caretaker government to oversee the upcoming election scheduled for January. Police fired tear gas, sound grenades, and rubber bullets to disperse BNP protesters, who threw stones and bricks in response.

“The attacks on at least 27 Bangladeshi journalists covering recent political rallies in Dhaka must see swift and transparent accountability,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “The leadership and supporters of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League, as well as police, must respect the rights of journalists to freely and safely report on the lead-up to the upcoming election scheduled for January.”

Md Rafsan Jani, a crime reporter for The Daily Kalbela newspaper, told CPJ that he was filming BNP supporters allegedly assaulting police officers when two demonstrators approached him and took his phone and identification card. A group of BNP supporters then surrounded Jani and beat him with iron rods, sticks, and pipes as he repeatedly identified himself as a journalist, he said, adding that he managed to escape after around 20 minutes. As of November 1, his items had not been returned.

S A Masum, a photographer for The Daily Inqilab newspaper, told CPJ that he was taking photos of a confrontation between Awami League and BNP supporters when his head was repeatedly struck from behind with what he suspected to be a bamboo stick, knocking him unconscious while the attackers, whom he did not identify, continued to beat him. Bystanders at the scene rescued Masum and took him to the hospital, where he was treated for a concussion and severe bruising and open lesions throughout his body, according to the journalist, who shared photos of his injuries with CPJ.

Md Sirajum Salekin, a crime reporter for the Dhaka Times newspaper, told CPJ that he was on his motorcycle on the way to cover clashes at the chief justice’s residence when a vehicle hit his motorcycle from behind, causing him to fall and break two bones in his right leg. Salekin said he believed he was targeted because he was wearing his press badge and his motorcycle was marked with a sticker of the Dhaka Times, which has critically reported on the Awami League.

Awami League demonstrators beat The Daily Kalbela reporter Abu Saleh Musa while covering their rally, according to The Daily Star.

Mohammad Ali Mazed, a video reporter for the French news agency Agence France-Presse, told CPJ that he was covering a clash between police and BNP demonstrators while holding a camera and press identification when five to six demonstrators surrounded him. The demonstrators damaged Mazed’s camera and other news equipment and beat him on his head, back, and right shoulder with bamboo sticks for around three minutes until the journalist fled the scene with the assistance of bystanders, he said.

Sazzad Hossain, a freelance photographer working with the news website Bangla Tribune and international outlets, including the British newspaper The Guardian and photo agency SOPA Images, told CPJ that BNP protesters threw broken bricks at him and trampled him while he was covering a clash with police.

Salahuddin Ahmed Shamim, a freelance photographer reporting for the news agency Fair News Service, told CPJ that he was covering BNP protesters allegedly assaulting police officers when seven to eight of the party’s supporters surrounded him, beat his backside with bamboo sticks, and kicked him for around 15 minutes.

Two journalists who spoke to CPJ– Sheikh Hasan Ali, chief photojournalist for Kaler Kantho newspaper, and Ahammad Foyez, senior correspondent for New Age newspaper– said they were struck with rubber bullets when police attempted to disperse BNP protesters, leaving them with minor injuries.

Ali told CPJ that an unidentified man hit the Kaler Kantho photographer Lutfor Rahman with a bamboo stick on his right shoulder while covering the same clashes.

Md Hanif Rahman, a photographer for the Ekushey TV broadcaster, told CPJ that he and Ekushey TV reporter Touhidur Rahman were covering an arson attack on a police checkpoint when they were surrounded by a group of 10 to 12 men who beat Md Hanif Rahman with pipes and sticks and pushed Touhidur Rahman.

Rabiul Islam Rubel, a reporter for The Daily Kalbela, told CPJ that he was among a crowd of BNP supporters while covering the clashes at the chief justice’s residence when 15 to 20 men threw bricks at him while shouting that journalists are “government brokers.”

Jony Rayhan, a reporter for The Daily Kalbela, told CPJ that BNP supporters beat him while covering their rally. Rayhan was also injured by a sound grenade that landed in front of him while police were dispersing the demonstrators, he said.

Salman Tareque Sakil, chief reporter for Bangla Tribune, told CPJ that he sustained a leg fracture after a brick was thrown at him while covering the BNP rally.

Jubair Ahmed, a Bangla Tribune reporter, told CPJ that while police were dispersing BNP demonstrators, a tear gas shell landed in front of him, blurring his vision before the protesters trampled him while fleeing the scene.

Tahir Zaman, a reporter for the news website The Report, was also injured by a rubber bullet while covering clashes at the BNP rally, according to his outlet and BJIM.

BJIM and local media named an additional 10 journalists who were attacked, but did not provide details on the incidents, which CPJ continues to investigate. Those journalists are:

  • Touhidul Islam Tareque, reporter for The Daily Kalbela
  • Kazi Ihsan bin Didar, crime reporter for the Breaking News website
  • Tanvir Ahmed, reporter for The Daily Ittefaq newspaper
  • Sheikh Nasir, reporter for The Daily Ittefaq
  • Arifur Rahman Rabbi, reporter for the Desh Rupantor newspaper
  • Masud Parvez Anis, reporter for the Bhorer Kagoj newspaper
  • Saiful Rudra, special correspondent for the broadcaster Green TV
  • Arju, camera operator for Green TV, who was identified by one name
  • Hamidur Rahman, reporter for the Share Biz newspaper
  • Maruf, a freelance journalist identified by one name

CPJ is investigating a report of a separate attack on at least one journalist on Saturday.

CPJ contacted BNP spokesperson Zahir Uddin Swapan, Information Minister and Awami League Joint Secretary Hasan Mahmud, and Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner Habibur Rahman for comment, but did not immediately receive any replies.


This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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Seattle Rabbi David Basior Eulogizes Former Congregant Killed by Hamas, Says Occupation Must End https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/13/seattle-rabbi-david-basior-eulogizes-former-congregant-killed-by-hamas-says-occupation-must-end-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/13/seattle-rabbi-david-basior-eulogizes-former-congregant-killed-by-hamas-says-occupation-must-end-2/#respond Fri, 13 Oct 2023 15:56:00 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=7ee23adb4ce23e9f456867e5ac3f0c1e
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Seattle Rabbi David Basior Eulogizes Former Congregant Killed by Hamas, Says Occupation Must End https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/13/seattle-rabbi-david-basior-eulogizes-former-congregant-killed-by-hamas-says-occupation-must-end/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/13/seattle-rabbi-david-basior-eulogizes-former-congregant-killed-by-hamas-says-occupation-must-end/#respond Fri, 13 Oct 2023 12:35:33 +0000 http://www.radiofree.org/?guid=ea146f2834f1cf065bdb8e0da0624377 Seg3 rabbi

As more details emerge about the shocking Hamas attack on Saturday, we speak with Rabbi David Basior of Kadima Reconstructionist Community, a progressive Jewish group in Seattle focused on social justice. Basior’s former congregant Hayim Katsman was among those killed in Israel by Hamas militants who stormed Kibbutz Holit. The 32-year-old was a gardener, mechanic and peace activist who worked with anti-occupation groups. During the attack, he shielded a woman from bullets with his own body, saving her life at the cost of his own. Katsman’s family have said that he would not have wanted his death to fuel retribution against Palestinians. “Life is the utmost. It is the most core teaching that I have received from my tradition, from my ancestors,” says Basior, who evokes the phrase “never again,” used in remembrance of the Holocaust and other genocides, and says that precept means the violence against Palestinians “must be spoken out against.”


This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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Walk by Faith as a Form of Manifestation https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/10/walk-by-faith-as-a-form-of-manifestation/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/10/walk-by-faith-as-a-form-of-manifestation/#respond Wed, 10 May 2023 14:26:45 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=140034

It’s believed that, for thousands of years, certain members of human clans would wield some kind of magic stick. For example, here’s one — carved to look like a viper — that was found in Finland. They claim it’s over 4,000 years old:

In some cultures, if the shaman or medicine man pointed such a stick at someone, that person would be immediately stricken dead. Stories abound — across the globe — of precisely this happening.

In many indigenous clans, the members would be raised to fear this stick from early childhood and thus, never do anything to cause it to be aimed at them. After centuries of conditioning, this conviction became sacrosanct.

Even if that stick contained no magic at all, belief alone would facilitate their fright-filled demise.

This, my friends, is a version of walking by faith.

The human mind is a powerful entity. It can blur the lines between prayer fulfillment and manifestation (or am I being redundant?).

Case in point: There was a woman who had suffered from a bleeding disorder for 12 years until she was healed by Jesus. Rather than me trying to type out the specifics, I’ll share a clip from the incredible show, The Chosen.

Below, we see Jesus making his way to heal a rabbi’s daughter who was believed to be close to death. (Interestingly, the rabbi was affiliated with the Pharisees but opted to trust the evidence of his senses instead of self-serving dogma.) Along the way, Jesus encounters the sick woman:

“Your faith has made you well.”

In case anyone is wondering, here’s what happens by the time he gets to the rabbi’s house:

“Thank you for your faith.”


As I look around at the state of the world and the state of the people who claim to want positive change, I can see that far more of us must be practicing this level of manifesting faith for the forces of good to prevail.

In order to defeat evil, we must first believe we can and will defeat evil.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Mickey Z..

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Episode 96 – Jewish/Black Relations And Dialogue In Contentious Times With Rabbi Dan Ain https://www.radiofree.org/2020/07/06/episode-96-jewish-black-relations-and-dialogue-in-contentious-times-with-rabbi-dan-ain-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2020/07/06/episode-96-jewish-black-relations-and-dialogue-in-contentious-times-with-rabbi-dan-ain-2/#respond Mon, 06 Jul 2020 16:44:18 +0000 https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=23059 On today’s episode, Nicholas Baham II (Dr. Dreadlocks), Janice Domingo, and Nolan Higdon explore Jewish/Black Relations And Dialogue In Contentious Times With Rabbi Dan Ain. Along The Line is a…

The post Episode 96 – Jewish/Black Relations And Dialogue In Contentious Times With Rabbi Dan Ain appeared first on Project Censored.


This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Project Censored.

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