Original Peoples – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org Independent Media for People, Not Profits. Sat, 26 Jul 2025 14:58:11 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://www.radiofree.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/cropped-Radio-Free-Social-Icon-2-32x32.png Original Peoples – Radio Free https://www.radiofree.org 32 32 141331581 Ethnic Cleansing in the United States https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/26/ethnic-cleansing-in-the-united-states/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/26/ethnic-cleansing-in-the-united-states/#respond Sat, 26 Jul 2025 14:58:11 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=160196 Until 1492, all of North America belonged to its many indigenous peoples. With the coming of Europeans, that began to change. Said Europeans came as conquerors and colonial settlers. They brought new diseases which massively depopulated the indigenous nations. The ubiquitous abuses, which European and Euro-American governments perpetrated against the Indigenes, were “justified” with racial […]

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Until 1492, all of North America belonged to its many indigenous peoples. With the coming of Europeans, that began to change. Said Europeans came as conquerors and colonial settlers. They brought new diseases which massively depopulated the indigenous nations. The ubiquitous abuses, which European and Euro-American governments perpetrated against the Indigenes, were “justified” with racial and religious prejudices. By 1900, the Indigenes had been: expelled from most of their lands, decimated, impoverished, and marginalized. Official United States history generally evades what was actually done and by whom.

Land cessions. Relevant history.

Colonial period. Between 1565 (when Spain established, in Florida, the first permanent European colony in what was to become the 48 contiguous United States) and 1783 (when the United States gained its independence from Britain), Euro-American colonial settler-states forcibly displaced the indigenous nations from most of the land east of the Appalachian divide. Said displacements were often effectuated through violent military action, often in wars provoked by abusive colonial-settler impositions upon their indigenous neighbors. Most of the displaced Indigenes, who survived, were thusly forced to relocate to territory further west.

US claims. During the War for United States Independence, some of the indigenous nations (and/or their internal factions) remained neutral, while others eventually took one side or the other. Of the latter, many more sided with the British than with the United States, because Britain (wanting to avoid costly armed conflicts) had attempted to protect indigenous territory from incursions by Euro-American land speculators and frontier settlers. With the end of the War in 1783, the United States laid claim to sovereignty over all of the territory between the Appalachian divide and the Mississippi River. At first, the US claimed the right to take ownership of all of the land in this new territory based upon a purported “right of conquest”. Naturally, the indigenous nations refused to accept either the claim of US sovereignty or the purported right of Euro-Americans to take their land.

Treaty cessions. As the United States seized indigenous land in response to pressure from wealthy land speculators and racist demagogues, war was the inevitable result. The US government soon recognized that negotiations for land cessions was an easier and far less costly means for enforcing the claimed sovereignty and obtaining the coveted land. In such negotiations, all of the advantages were with the US side, which used those advantages to gradually obtain nearly all of the coveted territory thru a series of unequal treaties. The treaties were, of course, always written: by the US side, in the language of the Euro-Americans, and using interpreters chosen by the US. US government agents (who often were territorial military governors) used intimidation, coercion, deceit, bribery, and exploitation of conflicts within and between the indigenous nations. Although the indigenous nations were paid for the land, that pay was a small fraction of its actual value and commonly included promised annuities. Said annuities were often subsequently withheld in order to extort cessions of additional territory. Moreover, the US side routinely recognized an indigenous go-between, who was willing to comply with US demands, as agent (or purported “Chief”) of an indigenous nation even though said go-between often had no authority to act for that nation. Naturally, the resulting treaties were generally fraudulent.

Principal source: Robert M Owens: “Indian Land Cessions” (encyclopedia.com, © 2019).

Land speculators. Until the middle of the 19th century, for Euro-Americans with money, the most popular and usual place to invest was in land, especially land on the frontier yet to be settled by Euro-Americans. Wealthy Europeans also often invested in such American land. Naturally, wealthy land speculators cast covetous eyes upon land owned and occupied by the indigenous peoples. Said land speculators were leading instigators of Euro-American aggressions and wars against the indigenous nations, aggressions thru which such lands were acquired by the governmental authority. Of course, “valid” title to land in frontier areas could only be obtained from the colonial governments or later the federal government. Politically connected land speculators used their influence with provincial and federal office-holders to purchase, on especially favorable terms, grants of large tracts of land newly extorted from the indigenous nations. Then, after the Indigenes had been expelled, said grant holders would contract surveys and sell the land in small lots at a great markup over their privileged purchase price. A notable example is the case of western New York.

Preemption. In the 1784 Treaty of Fort Stanwix, the US acknowledged that ownership of western New York belonged to the Six Nations Confederacy. A 1786 agreement to resolve conflicting claims over this territory gave its governance to New York, but gave to Massachusetts a preemptive right to buy the land from the Haudenosaunee. In 1788, Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham purchased (from Massachusetts) that preemptive right over nearly all of New York west of Seneca Lake (6 million acres occupying 14 present-day counties). The price was $1 million, but it was to be paid in Massachusetts scrip then worth about 20 cents on the dollar. The scrip rose in value to par, and Phelps and Gorham were then unable to complete payment. When they defaulted after having made their first of three payments, purchase rights over the western 2/3 (that is the part west of the Genesee River) reverted to Massachusetts. In 1791, Robert Morris (then the richest man in the US, also a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and [like half of his fellow signers] a slave owner) purchased the rights over most of that 2/3 (for $333,333.33).

Dispossession
. In 1792 and 1793, Morris contracted the sale of most (3,250,000 acres) of his subject land to the Holland Land Company (a syndicate of wealthy investors in Amsterdam, Netherlands). In order to deliver clear title, Morris had to buy the land from the Haudenosaunee, its actual owners. In 1797, their agreement to sell (for $100,000) was fraudulently extorted in the Treaty of Big Tree thru a combination of: (1) threat that the US would likely not recognize their ownership rights, and (2) bribery of their leaders and negotiators. As a concession, the Haudenosaunee were left with 200,000 acres (about 6%) for reservations. The Holland Land Company hired a survey (cost $71,000) and divided the land into lots which it then sold between 1801 and 1840.

End result. Massachusetts, which had never paid anything to the Haudenosaunee, received from 9 to 15 cents per acre (respectively from Morris and Phelps-Gorham). The surveyors were paid about 2.2 cents per acre. The actual owners, the Haudenosaunee, received about 3 cents per acre. The land in post-survey lots was then sold, initially at $2.75/acre. Thus, the land speculators (Morris and the Holland Land Company) apparently received, between them, gross profits in excess of $2.50/acre.

Principal source: Wikipedia: “Treaty of Fort Stanwix” (1784) (2025 April 06); “Treaty of Hartford” (1786) (2025 July 11); “Phelps and Gorham Purchase” (2025 July 13); “Holland Land Company” (2025 July 10); “Treaty of Big Tree” (2024 February 26).

Purchasers. Land, in the fully settled eastern part of the newly independent United States, was mostly all privately owned, and it was relatively expensive. Consequently, working tenant farmers and farm laborers generally could not afford to purchase farms there. Meanwhile, land in the western frontier areas possessed certain relative disadvantages; specifically: less of it had been cleared of woods, its roads and other transportation infrastructure were few and crude, and access to markets and established Euro-American communities was more distant and difficult. So, whenever land became available on the western frontier, it was relatively cheap. With every tract of territory ceded by the Indigenes to the US, the federal government asserted ownership of the ceded land. In the old Northwest Territory (Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin), the Indigenes received pennies per acre for their land, which the US government then surveyed and offered at auction to individual family farmers at prices of no less than $1.00 or $2.00/acre, often after having previously sold large tracts to wealthy politically-connected speculators at lower prices. The speculators, who never settled on the land, purchased it only to re-sell at a sizable mark-up to later settlers. Moreover, such speculators were a major influence on US policy to take the land from its indigenous peoples, as they (along with racist demagogues and war-profiteering military contractors) lobbied their friends in government to induce said government to seize and/or extort ever more cessions of territory from the indigenous nations. [3]

Principal source: Paul W Gates: “Land Speculation” (encyclopedia.com, © 2019).

Interracial relations. In order to justify the dispossession of the original owners and to obscure the fraud and theft utilized in the process, the proponents (land speculators, other advocates of US expansionism, and their apologists) routinely resorted to rationalization, misrepresentation, and bigotry.

Firstly, although there was brutality on both sides in the “Indian” wars (invariably provoked by the Euro-American side), the expansionists dehumanized the Indigenes by one-sidedly vilifying them as murdering heathen savages.

Secondly, they portrayed white settlement as bringing civilization to an untamed wilderness and falsely portrayed the indigenous peoples as incapable of making productive use of the land. In fact, the indigenous peoples throughout almost the whole of the territory between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mississippi River were farmers, who cleared tracts of the woodland in order to raise the crops which included their staple foods (maize [corn], beans, and squash) plus various other vegetables. Meat obtained in the hunt was a supplement to the staples. If the Indigenes did not clear as much of the woodland as the Euro-Americans, this was: because their lower population density and their land rotation practice made it unnecessary; and (until after European contact) because they lacked the steel saws and axes and the draft animals of the Euro-Americans, which made forest removal much easier.

Despite the disparaging propaganda against the indigenous peoples, most settlers sought to avoid conflict with the remaining local natives. Some, as attested in contemporary reports, went further and established neighborly and mutually beneficial trade relations with neighboring Indigenes. It was the avaricious profiteering men of wealth and power who created the conditions for ethnic cleansing and genocidal policies.

Principal sources:

Jack Lynch: “A Principal Source of Dishonor: Indian Policies in Early America” (C W Journal, 2009 Spring).

R Douglas Hurt: “Agriculture, American Indian” (encyclopedia.com, © 2019).

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Charles Pierce.

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Language of Domination — First Contact and Tiokasin Ghosthorse’s Intuitive Language https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/17/language-of-domination-first-contact-and-tiokasin-ghosthorses-intuitive-language/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/17/language-of-domination-first-contact-and-tiokasin-ghosthorses-intuitive-language/#respond Thu, 17 Jul 2025 15:15:00 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159968 NOTE: Your  first look at/ listen to an interview to air in October. DV readers rock! We talked for an hour, and he’s on his journey, now discontinuing Native Voices, a 33-year run featured on over a hundred community and public radio stations, even three in Germany, this July 6. Language of intuition, the language […]

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NOTE: Your  first look at/ listen to an interview to air in October. DV readers rock!
We talked for an hour, and he’s on his journey, now discontinuing Native Voices, a 33-year run featured on over a hundred community and public radio stations, even three in Germany, this July 6.

Language of intuition, the language of dreams and visions, the language of mystery — Lakota.

“WE THANK THEREFORE WE ARE … BECOMING.” — TIOKASIN GHOSTHORSE

I deployed a few of the milestones in his life as a way to talk with him:

Tiokasin Ghosthorse is a member of the Cheyenne River Lakota Nation of South Dakota and has a long history with Indigenous activism and advocacy. Tiokasin is the Founder, Host and Executive Producer of “First Voices Radio” (formerly “First Voices Indigenous Radio”) for the last 33 years in New York City and Seattle/ Olympia, Washington. In 2016, he received a Nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize from the International Institute of Peace Studies and Global Philosophy. Other recent recognitions include: Native Arts and Cultures Foundation National Fellowship in Music (2016), National Endowment for the Arts National Heritage Fellowship Nominee (2017), Indigenous Music Award Nominee for Best Instrumental Album (2019) and National Native American Hall of Fame Nominee (2018, 2019). He also was recently nominated for “Nominee for the 2020 Americans for the Arts Johnson Fellowship for Artists Transforming Communities”. He is the Founder of Akantu Intelligence.

The Hopi word “Koyaanisqatsi” translates to “life out of balance,” and it’s also the title of a 1982 non-narrative documentary film by Godfrey Reggio. The film, known for its stunning visuals and Philip Glass’s minimalist score, explores the relationship between nature, humanity, and technology, highlighting the impact of modern civilization on the environment.

We are out of balance, and that is difficult to understand using the language of dominance, this language of the genocidier and the extraction societies. This is the language of transactions and legal documents and of competition and of war.

Here, Tiokasin repeats this statement on the radio and in conferences and during his talks:

“I come from outside the anthropocentric view. We see an egalitarianism in nature. Everything in nature has consciousness, everything is in balance. The Western view ignores this. The concept of domination isn’t even in the original Lakota language.”

I went to an article he penned: Indigenous Languages As Cures of the Earth:

“We all rush in like fools to find more solutions, better remedies, fix-its from the profit makers, and fuzzy warm language to comfort the addicted aspects of ourselves. We make films, Facebook pages, petitions, we ask politicians to do our bidding, we cast votes virtually because we have to save our country, save the world, save the Earth, save the whales, save anything, but our own sanity.”

As Vine Deloria, Jr. stated in his seminal book, God is Red, “Unless the sacred places are discovered and protected and used as religious places, there is no possibility of a nation ever coming to grips with the land itself. Without this basic relationship, national psychic stability is impossible.”

We didn’t talk about politics or the Rapist in Chief or much about Palestine. His article (above) starts off looking at the “orange man” and his rape of language and murder of mutual aid and his domination in the way Trump uses business grifting and blackmail and theft and extortion through his ugly white man’s hopes of conquering everything and everyone.

I have done 33 years on the radio, and above all things, that is my work. That makes me an eyapaha, a voice, a communicator: I have been communicating for a long time, and honing that.

I recall in 2019 this western society’s “new” interest in indigenous language: That year, 2019, there were several special events associated with the United Nations’ declaration of 2019 as the International Year of Indigenous Languages. Language shift in Indigenous communities has been increasingly addressed in academic publications, with journals like Language Documentation & Conservation (established in 2006 and first published in 2007) recognized as outlets for such work. Language endangerment issues have also become part of Linguistics 101, the topic now a standard chapter in general linguistics textbooks.

I was a member of Cultural Survival, and used the quarterly in my college classes:

Our Mission

Cultural Survival advocates for Indigenous Peoples’ rights and supports Indigenous communities’ self-determination, cultures and political resilience, since 1972.

Our Vision

Cultural Survival envisions a future that respects and honors Indigenous Peoples’ inherent rights and dynamic cultures, deeply and richly interwoven in lands, languages, spiritual traditions, and artistic expression, rooted in self-determination and self-governance.

There is very little “regular” linguistic scholarship (i.e., research that isn’t specifically about Native American languages and people) framed through Native American protocols and ways of knowing. — by Wesley Y. Leonard [Wesley Leonard’s contribution to the “Sociolinguistics Frontiers” series argues that sociolinguistic approaches to Native American languages are best conducted as part of a project of “language reclamation.” Leonard discusses how past framings of Indigenous languages as “endangered,” while in some ways well-intentioned, replicated the distance of language communities from scholarly research. An emphasis on reclamation—“efforts by Indigenous communities to claim the right to speak their heritage languages”—highlights the role of the community members in the production of knowledge on and the revival of Native American languages.]

Language suppression was/is a key tool in the colonization and cultural domination of Native Americans. European settlers viewed indigenous languages as obstacles to assimilation, leading to policies aimed at erasing native tongues and forcing English adoption.

The boarding school era became a primary method for forced assimilation of Native American children. These schools banned native languages, punished their use, and mandated English-only education, causing profound and lasting effects on indigenous communities and their linguistic heritage.

Tiokasin went to a boarding school, which he talks about in many of his interviews.

Notice how the academics give zero Native American influences on this language of war and slavery: And so an intuitive language doesn’t fit the scale and timeline of a language of death and technology and extraction and theft

Image

Indian Tribes and Linguistic Stocks, 1650

And, this is antithetical to what Tiokasin talks about when he expresses the intuitive language of Lakota, and when he rejects Western materialism and binary thinking and Socratic intellectual dominance and the very idea of “a Big Bang” defining life’s first flicker on earth. Always a bang, a bomb, not mother giving birth, the sound of the drum (heart) and her cooing (the flute) the language of mother earth.

The Heart of the Monster?

Or, this: SOURCE

The Europeans who arrived in Virginia discovered numerous tribes with distinct identities, but the different tribes used only three major linguistic groups: Algonquian, Siouan, and Iroquoian.

At the time of first contact in the 1500’s, Native Americans in the Western Hemisphere spoke 800-1,000 different languages. Based on similarities between them, there were 25-30 “families” of languages.

Linguists compare words for common terms in different languages, such as “child,” to identify original source languages and how they have differentiated over time. The technique offers a clue regarding how long people have been in the Western Hemisphere.

One thesis is that First American (Amerind), Eskimo-Aleut, and Na-Dene are the three major groups of languages in the Western Hemisphere, and those three groups reflect three migrations via Beringia at different times. The time required for the evolution of language differences suggests people have lived in the Western Hemisphere for 50,000 years.

However, genetic evidence suggests that language differences are not based on initial “waves” of migration from Beringea. It is more likely that more than three groups moved out of Beringea into North America, and movements were not limited to three major migrations of people using separate languages.

Perhaps the first people arrived more than 50,000 years ago, but none survived and the first languages brought to North America disappeared with them. It is possible that there were additional migrations by people speaking languages not associated with First American (Amerind), Eskimo-Aleut, or Na-Dene, but languages used by those migrants completely died out.1

When the English arrived in the 1600’s, Native Americans in Virginia spoke languages associated with three major groups. Different tribes spoke different variants of Algonquian, Siouan, or Iroquoian languages

*****

Tiokasin:

I tried to go through the history that I know of and the studies that I have researched from where educational processes started. And usually, when I say young, we’re talking college age or more. And so I find I just finished a semester at Union Theological Seminary in New York and graduate and postgrad students, they either were angry or sad or just, you know, in shock that they have never heard through the whole semester, after years of study, that they’ve never heard the Native history as we know it. We’ve always been overrun with Western historical domination as they see it, that they came here for benevolence, they were brought a civilization, they brought us cars and tech, you know, all these things. It was the ships that came while we stood on the shore, watching the ships come, welcoming, abundance, giving. And then they came and they took what we offered, but they took more. And that’s where we’re at. And now we’re seeing a whole abandonment of spirit and put into the ideas of a dogmatic soul. So when I approach these peoples in these educational institutions often come with those two perspectives, knowing that Native people also are forgetting our own perspective and mimicking the Western educational process.

Again, I’ll go with cultural etymology of this language English. And the word education where does it come from? Well, it comes from scholars and whatever, but the etymology of the word education, what does it mean? It means to adduce or seduce. And there’s different evolutions of the word, and in one dictionary I saw before 1940 says, of course, to adduce or seduce, but it also says “to draw out or lead away from” – and get this – “to lead away from spirit.” And what has it done? Replaced, draw out, or lead away from spirit. So what that’s done is replace it with information and knowledge. And that’s control by domination. Here’s how: So schools started out in the Catholic churches, because the monks, they drew the monks away when they were boys to read and script and to keep this educational process moving. So they were away from nature and only of men’s minds. And so this is how it’s been proceeding since then. So it’s a controlled education where you’re instructed mechanically to get the right answer. Where in Native is that we are shown the possibilities, and we’re able to choose freely about what we’re shown. We’re never told to do this or say that or we were shown because it was a living and is a living language. Learning is a living, it’s not a stagnant informational data bank. So this is how education is to me, and how I view it and how I try to explain it to college age, grad, and post grad.

I’ll insert here some contextualization on language that we did not talk about in the interview.

He did bring up John Taylor Gatto [Gatto envisioned an education system that placed freedom and justice above technology and efficiency], one of my go-to sources:

John Gatto, who won the New York State Teacher of the Year award in 2008, upon his retirement, specifically said, “It takes 12 years to learn how to become reflexive to authority.” And who is the authority? Who is controlling information? Who’s controlling education? Who’s controlling knowledge? And now they want to control Wisdom, and all wisdom means is common sense.

Origins of language suppression (source)

  • Language suppression emerged as a tool of colonization and cultural domination in Native American history
  • European settlers viewed indigenous languages as obstacles to assimilation and control
  • Suppression of native languages became a key strategy in the broader campaign of cultural erasure

Pre-colonial linguistic diversity

  • North America boasted over 300 distinct indigenous languages before European contact
  • Language families included Algonquian, Iroquoian, Siouan, and Uto-Aztecan
  • Many languages had complex grammatical structures and rich oral traditions
  • Linguistic diversity reflected the cultural and ecological diversity of Native American societies

European attitudes toward languages

  • Colonizers often viewed indigenous languages as primitive or uncivilized
  • Some European scholars attempted to document native languages for academic purposes
  • Missionaries sometimes learned indigenous languages to facilitate religious conversion
  • Many settlers saw native languages as barriers to economic and political integration

Early policies on native languages

  • Initial colonial policies varied from tolerance to outright suppression
  • Some early treaties recognized the right of tribes to use their own languages
  • Gradual shift towards English-only policies in government interactions
  • Missionaries established schools that taught in both native languages and English

Boarding school era

  • Boarding schools became a primary tool for forced assimilation of Native American children
  • Language suppression was a central component of the boarding school system
  • The era lasted from the late 19th century through much of the 20th century

Forced assimilation programs

  • Government-funded boarding schools removed children from their families and communities
  • Schools aimed to “civilize” Native American children by immersing them in Euro-American culture
  • Children were often forbidden from speaking their native languages or practicing cultural traditions
  • Assimilation programs extended beyond language to include dress, hairstyles, and religious practices

English-only education policies

  • Boarding schools mandated English as the sole language of instruction
  • Native languages were banned from classrooms, dormitories, and all school activities
  • English proficiency became a measure of students’ progress and assimilation
  • Curriculum focused on Western subjects with little regard for indigenous knowledge or perspectives

Punishment for native language use

  • Students caught speaking their native languages faced severe consequences
  • Punishments included physical abuse (corporal punishment, mouth washing with soap)
  • Psychological tactics involved public shaming and isolation from peers
  • Some schools implemented reward systems for students who reported others speaking native languages

Impact on native communities

  • Language suppression had profound and lasting effects on Native American societies
  • Loss of language often coincided with erosion of traditional knowledge and cultural practices
  • Many communities experienced a generational gap in language transmission

Loss of linguistic heritage

  • Many indigenous languages became endangered or extinct due to suppression policies
  • Unique concepts and worldviews embedded in native languages were lost or diminished
  • Traditional stories, songs, and ceremonies tied to specific languages became harder to maintain
  • Loss of language diversity reduced the overall linguistic and cultural richness of North America

Cultural disconnection

  • Language barriers emerged between elders and younger generations
  • Traditional knowledge systems became harder to access and understand
  • Cultural practices and ceremonies lost nuance when translated into English
  • Many Native Americans experienced a sense of alienation from their heritage

Intergenerational trauma

  • Forced separation and language suppression created lasting psychological impacts
  • Many survivors of boarding schools struggled to reconnect with their families and communities
  • Shame and stigma associated with native languages persisted across generations
  • Trauma manifested in various social issues (substance abuse, domestic violence)

Resistance and preservation efforts

  • Native communities developed strategies to maintain their languages despite suppression
  • Resistance efforts often operated in secret to avoid punishment
  • Language preservation became a key aspect of cultural revitalization movements

Underground language practices

  • Families and communities continued to speak native languages in private settings
  • Secret language lessons were conducted away from the watchful eyes of authorities
  • Code-switching and mixing languages helped preserve vocabulary and grammar
  • Some communities developed new forms of communication to maintain cultural ties

Elder-led teaching initiatives

  • Elders took on the role of language keepers, preserving vocabulary and stories
  • Informal language classes were organized within communities
  • Elders worked to document languages through oral histories and recordings
  • Mentorship programs paired fluent speakers with younger learners

Community language revitalization programs

  • Tribes established language immersion schools and after-school programs
  • Community-wide events promoted the use of native languages
  • Language camps and cultural retreats provided intensive learning environments
  • Partnerships with linguists and educators helped develop teaching materials and curricula

Government policies and legislation

  • Shifts in federal policy gradually recognized the importance of native languages
  • Legislation aimed to support language preservation and revitalization efforts
  • Implementation and funding of policies remained challenging

Indian Reorganization Act

  • Passed in 1934, marked a shift away from assimilation policies
  • Encouraged tribal self-governance and cultural preservation
  • Provided some support for native language use in tribal affairs
  • Did not fully address the damage done by previous language suppression policies

Native American Languages Act

  • Enacted in 1990, officially recognized the right to use native languages
  • Declared U.S. policy to preserve, protect, and promote Native American languages
  • Required federal agencies to consult with tribes on language matters
  • Lacked substantial funding mechanisms for implementation

Language immersion program funding

  • Various federal grants became available for language preservation efforts
  • Administration for Native Americans provided funding for language programs
  • Department of Education supported bilingual education initiatives
  • Challenges remained in securing consistent and adequate funding for long-term programs

Modern language revitalization

  • Contemporary efforts focus on reversing the effects of historical language suppression
  • Technology and new educational approaches play key roles in revitalization
  • Challenges persist in creating new generations of fluent speakers

Technology in language preservation

  • Digital archives store recordings of native speakers and traditional stories
  • Language learning apps and online courses increase accessibility to language resources
  • Social media platforms allow for language practice and community building
  • Virtual reality and augmented reality technologies create immersive language environments

Bilingual education programs

  • Schools on reservations increasingly offer bilingual curricula
  • Some public schools in areas with large Native populations introduce indigenous language classes
  • Dual language immersion programs aim to create balanced bilingualism
  • Teacher training programs focus on developing qualified bilingual educators

Challenges of language revival

  • Many languages have few or no remaining fluent speakers
  • Limited resources and funding for comprehensive language programs
  • Competing priorities within Native communities (economic development, healthcare)
  • Balancing traditional language use with modern vocabulary and concepts

Legacy of language suppression

  • The effects of historical language suppression continue to shape Native American experiences
  • Language revitalization efforts are seen as crucial for cultural healing and empowerment
  • Ongoing debates about language rights and education policies persist

Effects on cultural identity

  • Many Native Americans struggle with questions of authenticity and belonging
  • Language proficiency often viewed as a marker of cultural connection
  • Efforts to reclaim language tied to broader movements of cultural revitalization
  • Multilingual identities emerging as Native Americans navigate between cultures

Linguistic diversity today

  • Of the estimated 300 pre-colonial languages, about 175 remain in use
  • Many surviving languages have only a handful of elderly speakers
  • Some languages (Navajo, Cherokee) have seen successful revitalization efforts
  • New forms of indigenous languages emerging through creolization and mixing

Ongoing struggles for language rights

  • Advocacy for increased funding and support for language programs
  • Push for recognition of indigenous languages in public spaces and government
  • Efforts to incorporate native languages into mainstream education curricula
  • Legal battles over language use in voting materials and public services

*****

Again, back to this violent rather immature language, English:

In the Lakota/Dakota/Nakota nations we have no word or concept of domination. You look at Mother Earth and the concept applied to her is domination, and that’s patriarchy. It is basically not in touch with Mother Earth.

Patriarchy destroys our ability to have any intimacy with her. Any other kind of thinking is shoved aside, and distanced, and called indigenous—which means poor people over there. Indigent is poor and genus is race or people, and that is the etymology of the old Latin word. The new meaning of the word indigenous was glossed over to mean, oh, it’s the place that you are from.

There are 427 words in the English language to describe self, and in Lakota, there are maybe one or two, and those are in relationship with something. With English, we have so many layers we have to peel off to get back onto the Red Road of relationship. When you say “I” that is the first word that separates.

Here’s an article I used in one of my writing classes: Countering Dominant Native American Narratives and Re-Imagining Community Development

Quoting: To give some context here:

What first piqued my interest in using narratives was the reaction I felt after watching the documentary “The Canary Effect.” The film, which addresses a myriad of issues that continue to pervade the Native American community presents an image of Native Americans in a single facet: people dealing with alcoholism, poverty, and the lasting effects of the boarding school era. While this information is critical for people to know, this image is often the only one presented to the majority. As I began to think of an approach to give a more comprehensive overview of modern Native American life, I quickly thought of the “Under My Hood” spoken word event we attended the previous weekend. Inspired by the various stories, I was immediately drawn to this type of storytelling and hope to implement it within my own community–I want my peers and the general community to have the opportunity to hear multiple facets that make up the modern Native American experience and identity. From that night, I was able to come up with my own narrative that chronicles my journey as a Navajo woman using the “Under My Hood” format.

Under my hood is frustration

It is frustration that spans several generations

I carry the pain felt by my ancestors, for I continue to be told my culture is subpar and my history irrelevant. I am frustrated that my people are seen as relics of the past, as imaginary figures in headdresses and buckskin that only exist in western films and dusty textbooks. If only they knew, I tell myself. If only the world could see what I have been privileged to experience would they finally realize how entrenched we are in modern society while still maintaining our unique identities and culture. This frustration is often exacerbated by comments like “You don’t look Native American” or the idea that my education, perspective, and experiences somehow makes me different from other Native Americans. Under my hood is pride. It is pride in everything society tried to make me feel ashamed of. When I look at my hair, hair my people were forced to cut because it was seen as the mark of savagery, I don’t see shame but wisdom. I see the wisdom passed down from my mother and grandmother. I see my traditions, my history, language, and culture society has tried to erase but has failed to do because their greatest mistake is not realizing my people are indestructible. It is a future where my generation stands up and says, “We have had enough!” and we reclaim our own stories that have often been told for us instead of by us.

Finally, under my hood is hope. It is hope that I can use my education to empower my community, give a voice to the silenced, and use this gift to help my people break the chains of colonial oppression. As I continue to navigate this chaotic world I carry the hope that I will be able to successfully walk the tightrope between tradition and modernity, but I am not walking this path alone. I have my ancestors beside me, for I am their greatest dream. — Emily McDonnell

Painting depicting Cherokee people riding, walking, and driving wagons on the Trail of Tears.

We have a saying that we kind of reinterpret into all my relations, it’s called mitakuye oyasin, and really mitakuye oyasin, you cannot feel, you cannot think in dualism, you can think only in inclusion. And if there is no word for exclusion in our languages, then you see how further along we’ve come in that process of evolving our spirits into understanding the transformation, the complexity, the simplicity, that is complexity, because people want to think that they have to down dress the idea of complexity so it’s simple. But yet, if you’re speaking the languages of the Earth, like I said, Earth doesn’t lie. And so your languages are along the complexities of the Earth and you see how many, so many variants of species and how to deal with the weather, in all of that is to not think that we’re in control of it, or even that God made this for us. You see.

So once we let go of those domination thought processes, that more than two dimensional thought process, you wake up and they come and you’re like, “Wait now, we can’t know all of this, we’re spending our time gathering information without ever experiencing it.” So we are stuck with the ideas of information and knowledge and then we refer to “Well, someone who’s tenured in educational processes is wise now because he’s tenured, he’s older, she’s older. And so they’re wise.” And yet those textbook knowledge keepers are not ever experienced. They may go out and study here and there, but when you have Indigenous peoples always in the rhythm of the Earth, they’re not educated. But yet, in a sense of taking this concept of education and trying to put it on Native people, it’s like injecting with them with something, right, and they’re not ever going to understand it, because they’re already too far ahead of education that this system requires in order for you to get ahead, but with the Indigenous processes of Earth, it doesn’t need education, it needs experience with and that way, we spend all of our time trying to reinterpret something, that we can’t wrap around our minds, and we’re stuck in the same cycle of cause and effect. How do you do this? And what do you do? And that’s a point of privilege that we come from is that, I have a question, you answer it for me and you tell me how to do something so I can take it easy the rest of my life type of thing. But yet we avoid the suffering, we avoid the pain, we avoid the grief, as you said. — Tiokasin Ghosthorse

Globalization is mainly driven by the sole superpower now – the United States and its ally the United Kingdom. The result is that English has become the first truly global language in human history. This global language and other lesser international languages are causing language shift and death at an unprecedented scale.

Overtly violent words that are used with admiration and mean “being successful”:

Slaying
Dominating
Crushing it
Nailing it
Killing it
Conquer
Blowing them away/Blowing it out of the water
Kicking ass and taking names

Dark ways we talk about ourselves and life:

“It kills me.”/”It’s killing me.”
Kicking yourself
Beating yourself up
 — Wow. I just really don’t think we think about what we’re actually saying. Giving yourself bruises, a black eye, maybe cuts or scrapes. I do think verbally abusing yourself is incredibly serious, so maybe this expression gets a pass for an appropriate level of gravitas.
Pain in my ass — Often said of children, unfortunately.
No pain, no gain
“I’m a hot mess.”
“I’m dying to go there.”
“If he texted me back, I’d just die!”
“It’ll be the death of me.”

2024 additions:

Onslaught — Dictionary definitions 1 and 3 are “a violent attack” and “an attack; an onset; esp. a furious or murderous attack or assault.” We mostly use definition 2: “an overwhelming outpouring.” Just a few minutes ago I went to mention “an onslaught of information” and thought, better add it to the article.
Ramming/shoving something down your throat (like an idea) See also:
Shoving your face in it/rubbing your nose in it
Overkill
 — “The destructive use of military force beyond the amount needed to destroy an energy,” “excessive use of force in killing,” “elimination… by hunting or killing.” Maybe this phrase is overkill?
Butchering — When we retell a story or joke in a way that’s not quite faithful to the original, we use an analogy about how we’ve dismembered it, ripped it limb from limb as its blood drains away
Letting someone off the hook
 — because… they were squirming on a hard, sharp piece of metal like a worm, damaging their soft skin and internal organs until we changed our mind and decided to free them?
Demolished — If you eat your food fast, you might say you demolished your burger (demolish: to tear down, raze, or break something to pieces, or to do away with or destroy something)
Head off at the pass
 — synonyms include ambush, block, or thwart
It hit me like a freight train/ton of bricks
Broke
 — in every other context than financial, this means broken/damaged/harmed

Master gets its own paragraph. This one I primarily think of in terms of gender. It’s unambiguously male and I don’t know of any corresponding positive female term in our society that would make sense and be understood as a substitution for mastering a skill, masterclass, mastermind, mastery. But there’s also a sense of domination and forced subjugation with this word. A master is what we call someone who commands others to do things and can punish them if they don’t. It’s the main English word used for an owner of slaves, who are controlled by violent force. A master doesn’t partner with, co-create, or negotiate. Though there are surely exceptions, the core of being a master is violent. (from, The casual ultra-violence of the English language)

*****

KYAQ Radio 91.7 FM

One of the recent broadcasts of his show on this radio station, KYAQ, was with a returning guest: Steven Newcomb.

“We give it names such as: civilization, empire, imperial, conquest, conquer, conqueror, invade, capture, vanquish, subjugate, enslavementslaverysubjectiondomestic violence, and so forth, but each of those names simultaneously maintains and yet hides or cloaks the domination. Steven Newcomb is a syndicated columnist, film producer and author of Pagans in the Promised Land: Decoding the Doctrine of Christian Discovery.”

The doctrine of discovery is the international legal principle that Europeans used to claim the lands of Indigenous peoples and nations and to assert sovereign, commercial, and diplomatic rights over Indian nations. The doctrine has been a part of Euro-American law in North America from the beginning of Spanish, French, and English exploration and settlement. Not surprisingly, the English colonies, the American states, and the United States adopted this legal tenet as the guiding principle for their  interactions with Native nations. The US Supreme Court expressly accepted discovery in 1823 in Johnson v. M’Intosh. As you might imagine, this case and the topic of discovery have been written about and  analyzed extensively.

The basic message I glean from Newcomb’s analysis of cognitive theory and metaphor is that Europeans  just made it up, and that discovery was just an excuse for Euro-Americans to do what they already wanted  to do: confiscate all the lands and assets of the Indigenous peoples of the New World. I agree 100 percent with that statement. The doctrine of discovery is nothing more than an outright and bald-faced  attempt to justify claims of superiority and domination due to differences in religion and culture. I  disagree, however, with Newcomb on one minor point. He states that most federal Indian law  commentators have ignored or are unwilling to address the religious aspects of discovery. He spent a decade trying to engage federal Indian law experts in meaningful discussions on the religious dimensions of Johnson and found most of them unwilling to focus on religion and the implications of Christianity in Johnson (xvi, 139n3). That was obviously his experience. However, in my experience, many Indian law commentators have addressed the relationship of Christianity and discovery at length. (review)

Listen to that one, too: LINK.

I hope to bring you all another show with Tiokasin.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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Maasai Demand Volkswagen Pull out of Carbon Offset Scheme on Their Lands https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/12/maasai-demand-volkswagen-pull-out-of-carbon-offset-scheme-on-their-lands/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/12/maasai-demand-volkswagen-pull-out-of-carbon-offset-scheme-on-their-lands/#respond Sat, 12 Jul 2025 14:35:01 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159838 Still from a video by Oldonyo Media, showing residents of Engaruka Chini community protesting the carbon offset project. ©Oldonyo Media Maasai Indigenous people in Tanzania have called on Volkswagen (VW) to withdraw from a controversial carbon credits scheme which violates their rights and threatens to wreck their livelihoods. In a statement, the Maasai International Solidarity […]

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Maasai ProtestStill from a video by Oldonyo Media, showing residents of Engaruka Chini community protesting the carbon offset project. ©Oldonyo Media

Maasai Indigenous people in Tanzania have called on Volkswagen (VW) to withdraw from a controversial carbon credits scheme which violates their rights and threatens to wreck their livelihoods.

In a statement, the Maasai International Solidarity Alliance (MISA) denounced the “loss of control or use” of vital Maasai grazing grounds, and accused VW of making “false and misleading claims” about Maasai participation in decision making about the project.

Many Maasai pastoralists have already been evicted from large parts of their grazing lands for national parks and game reserves, with highly lucrative tourist businesses operating in them. Now a major new carbon-credit generating project by Volkswagen ClimatePartner (VWCP) and US-based carbon offset company Soils for the Future Tanzania is taking control of large parts of their remaining lands, and threatening livelihoods by upending long-standing Maasai grazing practices.

The Maasai have not given their free, prior and informed consent for the project. They fear it will restrict their access to crucial refuge areas in times of drought, and threaten their food security.

Maasai man with YouTube button: The people of Eluai have said 'No to carbon'.

Ngisha Sinyok, a Maasai community member from Eluai village, which is struggling to withdraw from the project, told Survival: “Our livestock is going to be depleted. We will end up not having a single cow.” Asked about VW’s involvement in the project, he replied, “It is not a solution to climate change. It is just a business for people to make money using our environment. It has nothing to do with climate change.”

Another Maasai man, who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, said: “They use their money to control us.” A third said: “Maasailand never had a price tag. In Maasailand, there is no privatization. Our land is communal.”

Survival International’s Director of Research and Advocacy, Fiona Watson, said today: “The carbon project that Volkswagen supports violates the Maasai’s rights and will be disastrous for their lives, all so the company can carry on polluting and greenwash its image. It takes away the Maasai’s control over their own lands and relies on the false and colonial assumption that they are destroying their lands — which is not supported by evidence.

“The Maasai have been grazing cattle on the plains of East Africa since time immemorial. They know the land and how to manage it better than carbon project developers seeking to make millions from their lands.”

VW’s investment in the project, whose official name is the “Longido and Monduli Rangelands Carbon Project”, is believed to run to several million dollars, and has contributed to corruption and tensions in northern Tanzania, according to MISA’s report on the project.

An adjacent project in southern Kenya, also run by Soils for the Future, is beset with similar problems, and has already sparked resistance from local communities.

Survival International’s Blood Carbon report revealed that the whole basis for these “soil carbon” projects is flawed, and unsupported by evidence. Survival documented similar problems with the highly controversial Northern Kenya Grasslands Carbon Project. That project suffered a blow in a Kenyan court and was suspended and put under review by Verra, the carbon credit verification agency, for an unprecedented second time.

Notes:

  1. Further undermining VW’s “green” credentials, there are serious concerns that the company might source nickel for their electric vehicle batteries from the territory of uncontacted Indigenous Hongana Manyawa people in Halmahera, Indonesia.
  2. VW sources batteries from CATL, a joint venture partner in a new battery factory inaugurated last month just a few miles from the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa.
  3. VW has also signed MOUs with Eramet and Tsingshan, which, together with the Indonesian state mining company, own the biggest nickel mine in the world. That mining operation is currently destroying the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa’s territory.
  4. Volkswagen ClimatePartner (VWCP) is a joint venture between the auto maker and ClimatePartner, a controversial German company which provides carbon offsetting services to polluting businesses.
  5. The 1 million hectare (2.5 million acre) project depends on undermining the Maasai’s traditional and long-standing grazing practices, requiring them to change to ‘Rapid Rotational Grazing’, which removes flexibility and causes hardship – particularly in dry seasons.
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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Faramarz Farbod in Conversation with Yves Engler on Canada, the US, and Imperialism https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/02/faramarz-farbod-in-conversation-with-yves-engler-on-canada-the-us-and-imperialism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/07/02/faramarz-farbod-in-conversation-with-yves-engler-on-canada-the-us-and-imperialism/#respond Wed, 02 Jul 2025 23:21:38 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159612 Faramarz Farbod speaks with Yves Engler, a Canadian activist and author of 13 books, including most recently Canada’s Long Fight Against Democracy and Stand on Guard for Whom? (A People’s History of Canadian Military). The conversation explores Canada’s role in the world, its relationship with US capitalism and imperialism, Canada’s policies toward Iran and Cuba, misperceptions of Canada in the US, […]

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Faramarz Farbod speaks with Yves Engler, a Canadian activist and author of 13 books, including most recently Canada’s Long Fight Against Democracy and Stand on Guard for Whom? (A People’s History of Canadian Military). The conversation explores Canada’s role in the world, its relationship with US capitalism and imperialism, Canada’s policies toward Iran and Cuba, misperceptions of Canada in the US, and the concept of Canadianism.

The post Faramarz Farbod in Conversation with Yves Engler on Canada, the US, and Imperialism first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Faramarz Farbod.

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India: Police Raid Indigenous Village inside Tiger Reserve https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/19/india-police-raid-indigenous-village-inside-tiger-reserve/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/06/19/india-police-raid-indigenous-village-inside-tiger-reserve/#respond Thu, 19 Jun 2025 08:37:31 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=159189 Forest Department officials break down the shelters of Jenu Kuruba people who had reclaimed their old village inside Nagarhole Tiger Reserve. This morning more than 250 police, forest guards and tiger force members raided a village which Indigenous people had reclaimed in a tiger reserve six weeks ago. The security forces tore down seven forest […]

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jenu kurubaForest Department officials break down the shelters of Jenu Kuruba people who had reclaimed their old village inside Nagarhole Tiger Reserve.

This morning more than 250 police, forest guards and tiger force members raided a village which Indigenous people had reclaimed in a tiger reserve six weeks ago. The security forces tore down seven forest shelters where women, children and older people were living, at Karadikallu Atturu Kolli village, in Nagarhole Tiger Reserve.

“They are forcing people to destroy their own homes on their own lands. This is a grave violation of human rights as well as the rights guaranteed under the Forest Rights Act,” said a source from inside the village.

Jenu Kuruba people were violently evicted from Nagarhole 40 years ago to make way for a tiger reserve. More than 50 families returned on May 5 to live in their former village and to assert their claims in accordance with India’s Forest Rights Act. It’s believed to be the first time Indigenous people in India asserted their rights to return to their homes after eviction from a Protected Area.

“It is outrageous that the Jenu Kuruba are being thrown out of their home once again. The authorities must stop this persecution of the Jenu Kuruba, who are just trying to live in peace on their own land,” said Caroline Pearce, director of Survival International. “As we’ve seen time and again, conservation – in this case a Tiger Reserve – is being used as a pretext to violate Indigenous rights. It is time to stop this abusive and colonial model of fortress conservation.”

The Jenu Kuruba had lived alongside and worshipped tigers for generations. They decided to return because their sacred spirits, who still dwell in the old village location, became angry at being abandoned when the community was forced from the forest in the 1980s.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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What Does It Take to Make Community? https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/14/what-does-it-take-to-make-community/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/14/what-does-it-take-to-make-community/#respond Wed, 14 May 2025 23:10:00 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158221 The ingredients for any community should start with the basics: active and informed citizens. Participants in a community’s past (context, knowledge), present (all those factors tied to the weakest and most vulnerable, are they included?) and future (getting to a place where climate chaos, predatory capitalism, neofascism doesn’t completely pull all the loose strings of […]

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The ingredients for any community should start with the basics: active and informed citizens. Participants in a community’s past (context, knowledge), present (all those factors tied to the weakest and most vulnerable, are they included?) and future (getting to a place where climate chaos, predatory capitalism, neofascism doesn’t completely pull all the loose strings of a threadbare set of safety nets). There are plethora of planning books on the smalltown.

Then what about a sustainable city? Unfortunately, when planners and politicians talk about making cities more sustainable, they are thinking of large urban centers like Portland or Seattle. Oh, the buzz phrases: walkable neighborhoods, traditional architecture, and diverse land uses. It’s neighborhoods that sort of look like small towns. The fix is in for those large cities as planners and developers are B.S.-ing introducing a “small-town feel” into large cities and suburbs. This will never ever create a sense of community, nor will it reduce the use of automobiles.

From the promo stuff on the book, The New American Small Town: “So, what of small towns themselves? We don’t talk about these places as much. They are often assumed to be utopias of the past or crumbling ghost towns of the present day rather than places with potential for sustainable living. This book critically examines narratives of American small towns, contrasting them with lived experiences in these places, and considers both the myth and reality in the context of current urban challenges. Interweaving stories from and about U.S. small towns, the book offers lessons in sustainable urbanism that can be applied both in the towns themselves and to the larger cities and suburbs where most Americans now live.”

Like I stated above, there are dozens of books for planning students and developers and chambers of commerce and policy wonks on how to jigger things for smalltowns.

“The book offers hope-filled portraits of small towns as livable, sustainable, and diverse places and serves as an important corrective to the media narrative of alienated, left-behind rural voters.”

—Mark Bjelland, author of Good Places for All

New American Small Town cover

Thinking of community from that large urban space, Jane Jacobs approached cities as living beings and ecosystems. She suggested that over time, buildings, streets and neighborhoods function as dynamic organisms, changing in response to how people interact with them. She explained how each element of a city – sidewalks, parks, neighborhoods, government, economy – functions together synergistically, in the same manner as the natural ecosystem. This understanding helps us discern how cities work, how they break down, and how they could be better structured.

She was looking at big urban places, like her home, New York:

“Whenever and wherever societies have flourished and prospered rather than stagnated and decayed, creative and workable cities have been at the core of the phenomenon. Decaying cities, declining economies, and mounting social troubles travel together. The combination is not coincidental.” (source)

In my small town, population 2,300, we look toward the sea and the forest as reminders of how vital ecosystems are. The county becomes a network of towns along the coast and inland — Lincoln City, Depoe Bay, Newport, Seal Rock, Waldport, Yahcats.

We drive a lot, and the traffic during tourist summer season balloons. The town of Lincoln City is around 10,000, but on some weekends, it swells to 50,000. All that infrastructure, all that water, all those restaurants and beaches, well, think of five times the impact, or more, since locals do not all swarm to the beaches or the restaurants all in one fell swoop.

We are living on unceded land, and in many cases, sacred burial land: Indigenous Communities in Oregon.

The links below are the websites of Oregon’s nine federally recognized tribal communities:

The story of a community is all wrapped up in its context, history, and in this age of a memory hole crazy presidency —  with white supremacists like Jewish Stephen Miller running the Trump team’s Gestapo and Big Brother training camp —  we will see history literally erased.

Communities that are small are more vulnerable than those large urban areas Jacobs wrote about, and studied.

From my urban and regional-planning graduate-student days (looking at concepts of small is better and scaling down) there are so many quotable axioms tied to communities that are considered small. Here are some notes from one of my planning classes looking at regional smalltown planning:

  • “A small town is where everyone knows everyone, and everyone has a secret.”
  • “In the quiet of the village, the soul finds its reflection.”
  • “A village is a symphony of nature and humanity.”
  • “Simplicity and serenity find their home in village life.”
  • “The best laid plans of mice and men often go awry.”
  • “If it is to be successful it must be folk-planning. This means that its task is … to find the right places for each sort of people; places where they will really flourish.”

For me, big ideas and a global perspective capture where I live. There is a deep economic tie to tourism and Air B & B sort of lifestyle out here. Fishing as an industry is big. Logging and a pulp mill in the town of Toledo are still big economic drivers. A big brewery, Rogue, gobbles up precious freshwater, as does the pink fish industry of Pacific Seafoods.

We have the NOAA station and the Oregon State University Hatfield Marine Sciences Center, as well as the Oregon Coast Aquarium. Many highly educated (college) retirees end up here since many worked for those two large entities listed above. I’ve written about “this place” for Dissident Voice, capturing my old gig as a columnist for Oregon Coast Today. I write for the local rag, called the Newport News Times, with a name change of Lincoln County Leader.

Conference celebrates how the ocean connects to all of us — coastlines, people, cultures

This one captures my day in and day out life on the wrack line:

Respite: Smart People, Concerned Environmentalists, Talking Whales, Kelp, Tidepools.”

I’ve worked with poor people and homeless folk, with developmental delayed clients, and I have had columns in two newspapers, one of which became a book out there, to be purchased on Amazon — Coastal People inside a Deep Dive: stories about people living on the Central Coast and other places in Oregon.

Here’s an interesting one, while I was training to be a bus driver, but alas, that fell through because of bad HR, MAGA co-workers, and a multinational company, First Student, ruling over the local school system’s transportation:

More and More Boys are Coming Home from School with Behavior Sheets!

Here’s a weird idea of mine, a letter to Jeff Bezos’ ex, billionaire  MacKenzie Scott Tuttle. “Another 400 Acres Up for Sale!

The big idea around homelessness. That was more than three  years ago, and today, those first 100-plus days in this DOGE — Department of Oppression Greed Excrement — nightmare, and the signs of fascism, “at the foothills of fascism” as professor Gerald Horne calls it, I see the major trauma cracks in this smalltown existence.

Daily, the Meals on Wheels delivery route I volunteer for shows America in a microcosm — old people, alone aging in place, many in homes or apartments that are long in the tooth, with major repair issues facing them. The TV “news” is usually blaring in the background. And the people energy is thankfulness and fear.

Just a few minutes with each free meals recepient will help them feel somehow connected to the outside world, a world not wrapped up in medical visits and isolation. The Meals on Wheels programs get state and federal grants. The MOW programs are on the DOGE chopping block, part of the billionaires’ scheme to hobble the weak, vulnerable, the 80 Percenters.

Just put in your Google-Gulag search, “Paul Haeder Newport News Times,” and you’ll find the thousand word Op-Eds that are still getting published in the local rag, though after a few looks at the stories, the PayWall comes into play. Some of those pieces have been republished in Dissident Voice.

You can search Dissident Voice for those, or Muck Rack.

“Community” includes all those puzzle pieces, from education, health care, environment, economics, people, transportation, etc. From an urban planning point of view, the boiler plate definition of planning encompasses a broad range of fields and specializations focused on shaping the built environment and improving the quality of life in urban and regional areas. This interdisciplinary field taps into various disciplines, including geography, economics, sociology, and public policy.

The rise of sustainability as a force to critique, celebrate and co-modify

And I did the “sustainability” thing, even going to Vancouver for the University of British Columbia’s summer sustability program.

Fourteen years ago, and boy have I changed on that green is the new black and new green deal mentality:

The rise of sustainability as a force to critique, celebrate and co-modify.”

Journalism seems to be one avenue into a MURP degree, as I ended up in the Eastern Washington University program in 2001, just new to the Pacific northwest coming from El Paso. The program included tribal planning, looking at scenic by-ways, neighborhood planning, even planning principles around farmer’s markets and sustainable businesses.

I was teaching English at community colleges and Gonzaga when the advisors at EWU said I should get into that master’s program, emphasizing that many journalists have entered into the field of planning.

One dude, James Howard Kunstler, I brought to Spokane, putting him through a whirlwind set of speaking engagements. Here, myew of him on my radio show, Tipping Points: James Howard Kunstler calls suburban sprawl “the greatest misallocation of resources the world has ever known.” His arguments bring a new lens to urban development, drawing clear connections between physical spaces and cultural vitality. Books like The Long Emergency and The Geography of Nowhere made him famous.

In Spokane, I created local and regional news interest, with a column in the monthly magazine, Spokane Living — Metro Talk. Dozens of columns: “Go Tell It on the Mountain” is just one example of that journalism. Music Therapy? Check that out: “Music to the Ears.” And  then a column in the weekly, Pacific Northwest Inlander (“War and Peace In Vietnam“), and had a column in the Spokesman Review, tied to Down to Earth (“You Never Know a Place is Unique Until the Story Gets Told“), and then a radio show, Tipping Points.

The guests on that show were varied in background, political leanings and creative impetus. See those shows here at Paul Haeder (dot) com.

Now? At age 68? I teach a memoir writing class for the community college, and even that gig is all messed up with MAGA, or the fear of MAGA, as I was warned this spring quarter that a student who received an email from me along with the other enrolled students complained that she thought the class was misrepresented in the Oregon Coast Community College catalogue. The class is about writing, including memoir writing, fiction, poetry, long and short form creative non-fiction, editorial writing, and flash fiction and flash essays.

My email to the class, all blind copied, included articles from the Chronicle of Higher Education and articles in literary magazine around the cuts to humanities, including the cuts to journalism, writing programs, etc. This person wanted her money back and she wrote to a vice president who, like most in educatoin, are spineless creatures.

Can you issue a full refund for my registration to the “Writing As Gift Class” in Waldport which starts this afternoon?  This class is not as described in the Catch the Wave catalgue.  I write about nature and short stories of personal experiences.  This class appears to be biased towards politics.  Can you also let the instructor know to delete my email and contact information permanently?  I do not give the instructor permission to forward my contact information or use it for any other purposes.

Well well, you have read plenty of my work at Dissident Voice around the decay-rot-putridity in higher education, part-time faculty organizing, and the rise of the administrative class in education.

See: “Disposable Teachers

Fifteen Dollars and Teaching for Scraps

Hoodwinked — Hook-Line-and-Sinker the School is Drowning

So, yes, big towns like Seattle or Portland or El Paso, where I worked as a journalist, educator, activist, and social services person, all the while writing novels and essays, they too are bastions of that mean as cuss Americanism. Seattle and Portland? “Death by a Thousand Cuts: Vaccines, Non-Profits, and the Dissemination of Medical Information“;   “Falling into the Planned Parenthood Gardasil Snake Pit.”

I deploy D.H. Lawrence in setting the stage for this brutish culture, America:

America is neither free nor brave, but a land of tight, iron-clanking little wills, everybody trying to put it over everybody else, and a land of men absolutely devoid of the real courage of trust, trust in life’s sacred spontaneity. They can’t trust life until they can control it.

— D. H. Lawrence  (Studies in Classic American Literature. Ed. Ezra Greenspan, Lindeth Vasey & John Worthen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.)

So, here is part of that smalltown community college sort of fearful letter from the spineless administrator, the same sort of spinelessness I received decades ago from the University of Texas, or Gonzaga University or Clark College or Greenriver College:

I’m going to ask that you not bulk email the students henceforth. Our team will send emails on your behalf about any announcements – assignments, presentations, date/time changes, etc. Just send those to us and we’ll distribute. (Of course, any student who wishes to hear from you directly can tell you so and provide their preferred email address; we have no interest in interfering with that.)

Time is short, but we’re forced to consider canceling the class this morning for two reasons: First, in your email, you introduce an experience far from what we advertised in our catalog. Second, in my estimation it doesn’t conform to our Academic Freedom policy. Based on your email, the class certainly does not appear to be an examination of issues, but presents a singular political agenda. (Note that I’m setting aside here the fact that you and I may share many viewpoints raised in your email to students; this isn’t about my personal beliefs and concerns.) If you wanted to present a workshop focused on your personal opinions, and your past writings, about the current or former administrations or other political issues, one alternative would have been to rent a room from the College or a Library and delivered the event without being tethered by the College’s commitment to freedom of expression of all viewpoints. That may be an option to consider in the future.

Ahh, my class will/is explore/exploring writing in a time of “community and societal and family estrangement”  which is the blurb at the top of the description printed in the Oregon Coast Community College catalogue. Utilizing fiction and non-fiction.

Writing As A Gift

…to yourself, and to the world

We’ll tackle fiction and non-fiction. We’ll explore writing in a time of community and societal and family estrangement. Personal essay or hard hitting poetry. Writing is an act of internal dialogue ex-pressed to an audience. We will start off with class input on where individuals are in this process. Beginner fiction writer or aficionado of creative non-fiction? We’ll discover through writing who we are as a creative community. Paul Haeder’s been in this game of teaching and publishing and editing writing  for five decades.

And so it goes, so it goes. You know that being a dissident, or a voice of dissidence, well, it has always been a Joe McCarthy moment for those of us in academic-journalism who would date challenge people to think.

And the language of the administrator or provost or gatekeeper will always sound like a two-bit lawyer’s verbiage:

01/21/2015: Institutions of higher education exist for the common good, and the unfettered search for truth and its free exploration is critical to the common good. The college seeks to educate its students in the democratic tradition, to foster recognition of individual freedoms and social responsibility, and to inspire meaningful awareness of and respect for a collaborative learning environment. Freedom of expression will be guaranteed to instructors to create a classroom atmosphere that allows students to raise questions and consider all sides of issues. OCCC instructors are responsible for exercising judgment in selecting topics of educational value for discussion and learning consistent with course requirements, goals, and desired outcomes.   (Emphasis added, DP)

Not sure how my email exploring higher education’s fear of losing all of the humanities, losing all the Diversity Equity Inclusion courses, and gutting liberal arts in general, how all of that is “not allowing” students to raise questions and consider all sides of issues.

Small towns or big towns, pick your institution and Kafkaesque poison.

But part of my role in community consciousness raising is primarily community journalism, also known as solutions journalism, so in this most recent iteration of Haeder, I have a fairly new show, one hour a week, dealing with public affairs, but truly an interview show, a deep dive with a guest or guests, and alas, all shows, all topics, all of it derives from my own deep well of experience, exploration, education and emancipation — the Four E’s, man, of life!

KYAQ Home -

Some upcoming shows, Wednesday, on the air, 6 to 7 PM, Finding Fringe: Voice from the Edge, KYAQ.org (streaming live) and 91.7 FM, Lincoln County.

I’m shifting some of the program dates around since we have current news around the mayor of a small town, Waldport, being arrested and removed from her position as elected mayor. That’s May 14.

You have to listen to her. May 14. 6 pm. again, stream the show, kyaq.org

  • Then, have you ever heard of the Amanda Trail in Yachats?
  • Do you know what it is like to be incarcerated and then put on 6 years house arrest? Part I & II.
  • Rick Bartow, the famous artist, will be a living reflection at the Yakona Nature Preserve.
  • The Rights of Nature and the Community Bill of Rights? Kai of CELDF will tell us all about that.
  • Siletz is the Home of the Elakha Alliance, a non-profit to work with stakeholders of every sort to reintroduce sea otters to Oregon’s coast.
  • So you leave prison and you have a farm to work on to heal, to reorient oneself, to let the soil salve the PTSD. Freedom Farms.
May 14 — Heide Lambert, Waldport Mayor controversy
May 21 — Amanda Trail,  Joanne Kittel
May 28 — Prisons, Incarceration, Probation — Kelly Kloss
June 4 — Prisons, Incarceration, Alcoholism — Kelly Kloss
June 11 — Three women from Yakona Nature Preserve & Learning Center — Anna, Rena, JoAnn
June 18 — CELDF, Rights of Nature & Community Rights — Kai  Huschke
June 25 — Chanel Hason, Elakha Alliance, sea otters
July 2–  Freedom Farms — Sean O Ceallaigh

Past shows are on the website, but only in limited form. Go to archives, and then put in Finding Fringe.

Try listening to a smalltown radio station, tuning into a smalltown resident’s take on what it TAKES to be a citizen of the world in a small town, this one called Waldport.

Here, yet another global thing attached to Waldport — a former Georgia slave paid for his freedom and ended up out here!  You Can’t Have Your Mule and Forty Acres, Too!

How about the legacy of genocide out here? Not Just One of those Tales of Another Dead Indian

You’ll get the picture that Waldport or Vancouver, BC, or El Paso or Mexico City, we all face the same problems that the rich and the militarists and the oligarchs force us to fight.

Tune in, KYAQ.org, streaming worldwide, Wednesdays, 6 PM, PST.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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India: Evicted Tribe Re-occupies Their Homes inside Famous Tiger Reserve https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/08/india-evicted-tribe-re-occupies-their-homes-inside-famous-tiger-reserve/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/05/08/india-evicted-tribe-re-occupies-their-homes-inside-famous-tiger-reserve/#respond Thu, 08 May 2025 16:08:38 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=158046 Jenu Kuruba families begin their long-awaited re-occupation of their ancestral homes inside the Nagarhole National Park. They carried photos of loved ones who had died after the village was evicted, so they too can return to the forest. ©Sartaz Ali Barkat/ Survival A group of Indigenous people who were evicted from their ancestral village in […]

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TigerJenu Kuruba families begin their long-awaited re-occupation of their ancestral homes inside the Nagarhole National Park. They carried photos of loved ones who had died after the village was evicted, so they too can return to the forest. ©Sartaz Ali Barkat/ Survival

A group of Indigenous people who were evicted from their ancestral village in Nagarhole Tiger Reserve in south India 40 years ago have returned to their former homes.

It’s believed to be the first time Indigenous people in India have asserted their rights in this way, and returned en masse to their homes after being evicted from a Protected Area.

TigerForest department officials warn the Jenu Kuruba against re-occupying their homes inside Nagarhole National Park. The Indigenous people castigated them for delaying recognition of their forest rights, and went ahead anyway. ©Survival International

More than 50 Jenu Kuruba families took part in the long-planned operation, and have started building houses using their traditional materials and techniques. The Jenu Kuruba say they decided to return because their sacred spirits, who still dwell in the old village location, became angry at being abandoned when the community was forced from the forest in the 1980s.

Forest department officials, backed up by police, warned the Jenu Kuruba against re-occupying their homes, but the Indigenous people castigated them for delaying the recognition of their forest rights for years, and went ahead anyway. Today around 130 police officers and forest guards were on the scene, and prevented journalists from accessing the area.

Shivu, a young Jenu Kuruba leader, said today: “Historical injustice continues to happen over us by denying our rights on our lands, forests and access to sacred spaces. Tiger conservation is a scheme of the forest department and various wildlife NGO’s to grab indigenous lands by forcefully moving us out, but opening the very same lands in the pretext of tourism to make money

We have to today returned to our home lands and forests. we will remain here. Our sacred sprits are with us.”

TigerJenu Kuruba families begin to construct a house for their ancestors, as they rebuild their old village inside Nagarhole National Park. ©Sartaz Ali Barkat/ Survival

In a statement the Jenu Kuruba of Nagarhole said: “Enough is Enough. We can’t part from our lands anymore. We want our children and youth to live a life that our ancestors once lived. Tigers, elephants, peacocks, wild boar, wild dogs are our deities. We have been worshipping them as our ancestral spirits since generations. This deliberate attempt to separate us from our lands, forests and sacred spaces will not be tolerated. We resist the current conservation model based on the false idea that forests, wildlife and humans cannot coexist.”

For decades it has been official policy in India, as in many other countries around the world, to evict Indigenous people whose lands are turned into Protected Areas, a practice known as Fortress Conservation.

An estimated 20,000 Jenu Kuruba people have been illegally evicted from Nagarhole. Another 6,000 resisted, and have managed to stay in the park.

The Jenu Kuruba’s belief system centers around their connection to the forest, its wildlife, and their gods – including the tigers who live there – but forest guards harass, threaten, and even shoot members of the tribe.

Jenu Kuruba people are experts in their environment. They gather medicine, honey, fruits, vegetables, tubers, and the thatch and bamboo needed to build their houses.

Famed for their honey collecting skills – Jenu Kuruba means “honey collectors” – they are guided from birth to death by the philosophy “Nanga Kadu Ajjayya… Nanga Kadina Jenu Ajjayya – Our forests are sacred… The honey from our forest is sacred.”

Those beliefs underpin the tribe’s careful management of their environment and have ensured tiger survival. Indeed, the healthy tiger population found in their forest is what drove the Indian government to turn the area into a Tiger Reserve. It has one of the highest concentrations of tigers in all of India.

Caroline Pearce, Director of Survival International, said today: “The Jenu Kuruba people’s re-occupation of their ancestral land is an inspirational act of repossession. They’re reclaiming what was theirs, in defiance of a hugely powerful conservation and tourism industry that has enriched itself at their expense.

“If the Indian government really cares about tiger conservation, it will not only allow the Jenu Kuruba people to return, but encourage them to do so – because the science is clear that tigers thrive alongside the Indigenous people whose forests they live in.”

The post India: Evicted Tribe Re-occupies Their Homes inside Famous Tiger Reserve first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Green Party Has “Hands On” Indigenous Rights https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/22/green-party-has-hands-on-indigenous-rights/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/22/green-party-has-hands-on-indigenous-rights/#respond Tue, 22 Apr 2025 10:27:35 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=157637 Following the massive “Hands Off” demonstration on April 5, the Green Party asked its leaders to describe what the Green Party had its “Hands On.” During the 2024 presidential election, I, like thousands of committed voters, decided to take a stand. When I was much younger, I believed that the American government was not for […]

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Following the massive “Hands Off” demonstration on April 5, the Green Party asked its leaders to describe what the Green Party had its “Hands On.”

During the 2024 presidential election, I, like thousands of committed voters, decided to take a stand. When I was much younger, I believed that the American government was not for the people. I was confused by politics, but I knew what I saw in my community — poverty, police brutality, public schools with inadequate supplies, and markets offering unhealthy products that contributed to the chronic diseases plaguing neighborhood children and elders. I was convinced that the people in charge did not care about us, so I opted out of participating in the voting process.

Eventually, my associates convinced me that no politician would ever truly put our needs first, but that I was obligated to vote regardless. After all, many people had fought and died for the privilege so that I would have the opportunity to do what our ancestors had been denied. The trick, I was told, was to vote for the lesser evil and to then pray to God that the smaller demon would do something, even if just a little. Where I am from, the more trusted option was always a Democrat, so for twenty-five years I dutifully darkened the bubbles next to every Democrat running, without ever having heard of them or the principles upon which they were running. I wanted to know, but quite frankly, it all seemed too overwhelming to comprehend.

Then, on October 7, 2023, Palestinians decided to fight back. I watched in real time with millions of others worldwide as the impending slaughter fell upon them. Video after video forced us to witness infants with detached limbs, shell-shocked children surviving collapsed buildings, and parents on the brink of insanity carrying salvaged body parts of their children in bags. We also witnessed how our politicians — Democrats included — dug in their heels in support of the perpetrators.

I was appalled and distressed. There was absolutely no way that I was going to vote in an election where there was no “lesser evil.” As the campaigns surged on, I became more and more convinced that I needed to sit this one out. It did not matter whether a Republican or a Democrat won. As far as I could tell, both candidates were boastful, condescending, and committed to their billionaire base above all else.

I told my young daughters, who I noticed were becoming increasingly politically involved, what I was planning. They were supportive yet suggested, “You should check out third party candidates though. There are some who you may like.” It turned out that they both were leaning towards the Green Party.

I had heard of the Green Party in passing and even briefly considered voting Green during the 2016 presidential election, but it was too little, too late. This go-around, I had time and a little more confidence to learn so I could make a much more informed decision. I read the Jill Stein/Butch Ware Campaign platform and was immediately on board.

What hooked me were a few things: their stance on the genocide in Gaza and all proxy wars that America is involved in; cash reparations for descendants of enslaved Africans who were imprisoned here for centuries; and most of all, allyship with Indigenous people who continue to be regarded as subhuman by this government.

My family is Afro-Indigenous. My son, Muriyd “Two Clouds” Williams, was an extremely successful water protector and land defender, instrumental in halting a 150-plus-mile oil pipeline which threatened water sources and the environment, and in winning back dozens of acres of stolen land for his people through litigation. Due to his superb leadership, he was targeted, kidnapped, and murdered, and I immediately started two organizations to continue and expand his work.

The Green Party’s platform on honoring Native American lives, rights, and treaties pulled me in. Frankly, Jill and Butch had me at “sovereignty.” I was fighting tooth and nail to convince as many people as possible that this was the party to roll with, because they were promising to act for all citizens and immigrants, too.

Unfortunately, the 2024 election went to a usual suspect, and as we all know, it has all been downhill from there. One would hope that we would learn from this as a nation and finally try another route which would benefit all the people, not just some. Yet sadly we have not. It is politics as usual, with millionaire Democrats ramping up fear tactics through anti-Trump verbiage and a bogus “hands off” campaign.

In the interim, we all are suffering, and none as much as Indigenous people. Therefore, we proclaim: Hands ON regarding all Indigenous people and Nations as sovereign entities! Hands ON honoring all treaty rights and the return of stolen Indigenous lands! Hands ON establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the United States! Hands ON working toward an absolute end to the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons crisis! Hands ON expanding funding for health/mental health clinics and Tribal Compact Schools! Hands ON ensuring assistance, safety, and justice to all Indigenous people regardless of government recognition status!

If the United States has a chance of turning itself on its heels to become the “Great” society most of us claim we want it to be, it must fully honor First Nations people, from the inside out. I believe the Green Party is the only political party ready and willing to do so.

The Green Party of Pennsylvania (GPPA), is an independent political party which stands in opposition to the two corporate parties. GPPA candidates promote public policy based on the Green Party’s Four Pillars: grassroots democracy, nonviolence, ecological wisdom, and social justice/equal opportunity.

For More Information Please See:

Stein/Ware 2024 Platform, Social Justice, Tribal/Indigenous Sovereignty.

Green Party of the United States Platform, II. Social Justice, 4. Indigenous Peoples.

The post Green Party Has “Hands On” Indigenous Rights first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Mumtahanah Williams-Ansari.

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Indian Government Plans Spell Disaster for Uncontacted Island Tribe https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/indian-government-plans-spell-disaster-for-uncontacted-island-tribe/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/04/16/indian-government-plans-spell-disaster-for-uncontacted-island-tribe/#respond Wed, 16 Apr 2025 14:50:04 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=157490 A group of Shompen men in the Great Nicobar Island rainforest. ©Survival One of the world’s most isolated tribes will be wiped out if the Indian government presses ahead with a mega-development project on their island, according to a new report published today. The report “Crushed: How India plans to sacrifice one of the world’s […]

The post Indian Government Plans Spell Disaster for Uncontacted Island Tribe first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Shompen people in their forest home
A group of Shompen men in the Great Nicobar Island rainforest. ©Survival

One of the world’s most isolated tribes will be wiped out if the Indian government presses ahead with a mega-development project on their island, according to a new report published today.

The report “Crushed: How India plans to sacrifice one of the world’s most isolated tribes to create ‘the new Hong Kong’” is published by Survival International.

It warns that the uncontacted Shompen people, who live only on Great Nicobar Island in the Indian Ocean, will not survive if the Great Nicobar Development Project goes ahead.

The project includes plans to build a mega-port, defense base, power station and new city of 650,000 people, and bring in around a million tourists and other visitors to the small island each year.

Indian Government illustration of Great Nicobar port plans Indian government visualisation of the Great Nicobar mega-port, just one part of the huge project planned for the island.

Survival International said today that it is sending the report to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, UN Special Rapporteurs, and other UN officials, and urging them to call for the project to be scrapped.

Thirty-nine genocide scholars wrote to the Indian government in February 2024 warning that the project would wipe out the Shompen if it went ahead.

Around 300 Shompen people live in the lush rainforests of the island’s interior, the majority of whom are uncontacted. Great Nicobar is part of the same island chain that is home to the uncontacted Sentinelese people, where an American influencer was arrested this month for trying to contact the tribe.

Survival International Director Caroline Pearce said today: “It’s appalling that the authorities in India are pressing ahead with this project that will wipe out the Shompen, one of the world’s most isolated tribes. While they’re prosecuting someone for going to the island of the Sentinelese, they cannot justify building a city of 650,000 people on the island of their uncontacted neighbors the Shompen.

“This project would seem absurd if it weren’t so deadly. The Shompen have the right to survive, and just want to be left in peace. The government must allow them to do so by scrapping this project, rather than pressing ahead and condemning the Shompen to annihilation.”

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Philadelphia and the Darkside of Liberty https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/philadelphia-and-the-darkside-of-liberty/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/22/philadelphia-and-the-darkside-of-liberty/#respond Sat, 22 Feb 2025 16:02:44 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=155883 This planned investigation, titled Philadelphia and The Darkside of Liberty, is a deliberate examination into the cultural, economic, and sociopolitical foundations which undergirded America’s early colony and its newly birthed land of liberty’s class-stratified slave society – combined with a closer look at the contradictions which laid within the notions and/or paradoxes of early American equality, […]

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This planned investigation, titled Philadelphia and The Darkside of Liberty, is a deliberate examination into the cultural, economic, and sociopolitical foundations which undergirded America’s early colony and its newly birthed land of liberty’s class-stratified slave society – combined with a closer look at the contradictions which laid within the notions and/or paradoxes of early American equality, freedom, race, and enslavement (commencing in the seventeenth-century). This proposed study therefore will contend that to appreciate the early interpretations of American political organization, it is essential to understand its beginnings – centering on the U.S. Constitution. This review will initially focus principally (however not exclusively) on the distinct influences of important personages such as James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, Gouverneur Morris, and others – imbued within early American thought and thus influenced by renowned Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume and Adam Smith – exemplified and exhibited in the celebrated Federalist Papers, with a specific and detailed focus on No.10;[1] additionally including Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia,[2] which will help to outline and undergird the key arguments put forth by this study.

Many of those notables that assembled in the city of Philadelphia in that historic year of 1787 were intent on framing a resilient centralized government that stood in accordance with Adam Smith’s essential maxims which affirmed that “Civil government, so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defense of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all;” contending that civil government, “grows up with the acquisition of valuable property.”[3] Consequently, this analysis will challenge that long-held notion which has described early American thought and society as “egalitarian, free from [the] extreme want and wealth that characterized Europe.”[4] In fact, as will be demonstrated throughout the work that follows, by an array of noted scholars and academics, this exploration will prove that property, class, and status played a significant, although perhaps not an exclusive, role in the development of that early colony and its nascent nation.

The intricacies of these contradictions will be examined in further detail throughout this study, arguing that, it is impossible to elude the fact that status, class, and race performed a major part in the views and doctrines woven within the principles and legal mechanisms formulated by those luminaries in that early republic. In fact, the following quote extracted from a letter written in 1786 by a French diplomat (positioned as the chargé d’affaires), in communiqué with his government, leading up to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, helps to delineate the top-down attitudes and devices engineered by the men historically known as the “Framers:”

Although there are no nobles in America, there is a class of men denominated “gentlemen.” … Almost all of them dread the efforts of the people to despoil them of their possessions, and, moreover, they are creditors, and therefore interested in strengthening the government and watching over the execution of the law…. The majority of them being merchants, it is for their interest to establish the credit of the United States in Europe on a solid foundation by the exact payment of debts, and to grant to Congress powers extensive enough to compel the people to contribute for this purpose.[5]

As supported, evidenced, and argued by famed bottom-up historians like Michael Parenti, Charles A. Beard, Michael J. Klarman and others, the concepts of class and ownership and their European legacy greatly contributed to the initial composition of that early American dominion and its proprietorship stratum. In fact, as Professor Parenti demonstrates, “from colonial times onward, ‘men of influence’ received vast land grants from the [English] crown and presided over estates that bespoke an impressive munificence.” Parenti also reveals the stark differentials woven within the colonial class structure through exposing the fact that, “By 1700, three-fourths of the acreage in New York belonged to fewer than a dozen persons.” And, beyond that, “In the interior of Virginia, seven individuals owned 1.7 million acres,” exhibiting a structuralized formulation of wealth concentration from early on. In the run-up to the American Revolution, some twenty-seven years prior to the Continental Congress taking place in that celebrated year of 1787, Professor Parenti additionally notes that, “By 1760, [some] fewer than five hundred men in five colonial cities controlled most of the commerce, shipping, banking, mining, and manufacturing on the eastern seaboard.” Again, Parenti brings to the fore, a clear demarcation between the few and the many, property ownership and capital accumulation in that newly formed land of “equality,” which will be explored and surveyed in further detail within this work.[6]

Chapter One of this dissertation will do a deep dive, in part, by focusing on documentary evidence penned by the “Framers” themselves. In addition to that, this work will seek to challenge existing historiographical debates, as noted, by displaying both the negative and positive legacy left by the men that articulated the U.S. Constitution in the city of Philadelphia in that momentous year of 1787. Furthermore, a major theoretical element of this retrospective will be working with, and challenging, the classifications and clashes within the so-called American ideals of Independence, Liberty, and Equality through studying an array of viewpoints from historical masterworks by Gordon S. Wood, Woody Holton, and others as mentioned below. Some of the topics brought forth within this research will include Chapter One, “An American Paradox: The Marriage of Liberty, Slavery and Freedom.” Chapter Two, “Cui Bono – Who Benefitted Most from the Categorical Constructs of Race and Class in Early America?” And, finally, in Chapter Three, this work will take a cogent look at “The Atomization of the Powerless and the Sins of Democracy,” historically from antiquity and beyond, by reflecting upon the judgments, attitudes and viewpoints, from a class perspective, of the privileged faction of men that forged that early nation’s crucial founding doctrines and documents. Again, these chapters above mentioned will take a thorough look at the varying constructs of race and class throughout the American experience from the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and early part of the Twentieth centuries, focusing on cui bono, that is, who benefitted most from those racialized constructs of division and how those benefits negatively affected those societies at large socially, politically, and culturally.

Specifically, the chapters summarized above will bring together the importance of understanding just how class, ownership, and status, per race, position, and wealth demarcated the early American experience within governmental and societal structures, rules, and regulations from 1787 forward – surveying the uniqueness of the U.S. Constitution (both pro and con) along with its Amendments (known as the Bill of Rights)  will help provide a nuanced understanding of both said document and the men that formulated it. Which later impacted social movements and social discord from abolitionism to civil rights. This study will deliver not just a structuralized economic and political viewpoint, but a humanistic perspective. Moreover, this research will incorporate historical and scientific classics by such noted scholars as Edmund S. Morgan, Edward E. Baptist, Barbara J. Fields; and Nancy Isenberg – just to name a few. The foundations of racial divisions mentioned above were clearly measured by 16th-century English theorist and statesman Francis Bacon when he penned, “The Idols of the Tribe have their foundation in human nature itself, and in the tribe or race of men.”[7] As determined, Bacon defined racism as an innate element of human nature. Hence, this study will challenge that hypothesis, in part, by arguing that divisions of race within the human condition are social constructs that ultimately benefit those that exercise those dictates.

1
The Paradox of Early American Freedom

What were the underlying moral and ideological contradictions woven within that newly birthed land of freedom’s class-stratified slave society?

We believe we understand what class is, that being, an economic social division shaped by affluence and privilege versus want and neglect. “The problem is that popular American history is most commonly told, [or] dramatized, without much reference to the existence of social classes.” The story, in the main, is taught and/or conveyed as a tale of American exceptionalism – as if the early American colonies, and their break with Great Britain, somehow miraculously transformed the constraints of class structuralism – resulting in a greater realization of “enriched possibility.” This conception of America was galvanized by the men that formulated its constitution in the city of Philadelphia in that momentous year of 1787 with great elegance – an image of how a modern nation “might prove itself revolutionary in terms of social mobility in a world traditionally dominated by monarchy and fixed aristocracy.” America’s most beloved myths are at once encouraging and devastating: “All men are created equal,”[8] for example, which excluded Indigenous Peoples and African Americans, penned by renowned American statesman and philosopher Thomas Jefferson in his landmark Declaration of Independence written in 1776 – was effectively employed as a maxim to delineate, as historian Nancy Isenberg presents, “the promise of America’s open spaces and united people’s moral self-regard in distinguishing themselves from a host of hopeless societies abroad,” but the tale is much darker, more troublesome and abundantly more nuanced than that.[9]

An elite colonial land-grabbing class, from early on, in that fledgling America, contrived its own attitudes and perspectives – those which served it best. After settlement, starting as early as the seventeenth century, colonial outposts exploited their unfree labor: European indentured servants, African slaves, Native Americans, and their offspring – describing such expendable classes as “human waste.”[10] When it comes to an early settler-colonial mentality of not only conquest but profitability as an exemplar, “Coined land,” is the term that Benjamin Franklin (noted Eighteenth Century political philosopher, scientist, and diplomat) used to refer to, or celebrate, the intrinsic monetary value woven within the then brutal land acquisition and/or theft from the Indigenous Native American population at the time – appropriated land which was later “privatized and commodified” in the hands of venture capitalists, described as “European colonists.”[11] These attitudes of hierarchy over “the people out of doors,” as those eminent luminaries that gathered in Philadelphia later referred to them were long held. A phrase, according to noted Professor of History Benjamin Irvin, that was largely defined to incorporate not only “the working poor” that clamored in the streets of Philadelphia during the Convention of 1787, but all peoples who were disenfranchised by that newly formed Continental Congress, “including women, Native Americans, African Americans, and the working poor.”[12] In fact, as Isenberg demonstrates, notions of superiority from the upper crust of that early society toward, “The poor, [or waste people], did not disappear, [on the contrary], by the early eighteenth century they [the lower classes] were seen as a permanent breed.”[13] That is, a taxonomical classification viewed through how one physically appeared, grounded in their class and conduct, came to the fore; and, this prejudicial manner of classifying and/or categorizing bottom-up human struggle or failure took hold in the United States for centuries to come – which will be further explored within subsequent chapters.

These unfavorable top-down class attitudes toward the poor or “waste people” emanated from what was known at the time as the mother country, that is, England itself – where as early as the 1500s and 1600s, America was not viewed as an “Eden of opportunity,” but rather a “giant rubbish heap,” that could be converted and cultivated into productive estates, on behalf of wealthy landowners through the unloading of England’s poor and destitute – who would be used to develop that far-off wasteland. Again, as Isenberg contends, “the idle poor [or] dregs of society, were to be sent thither simply to throw down manure and die in a vacuous muck.” That is, before it became celebrated as the fabled “City on a Hill,”[14] auspiciously described by John Winthrop (English Puritan lawyer and then governor), in his well-known sermon of 1630, to what was then the early settlement of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, “America was [seen] in the eyes of sixteenth-century adventurers [and English elites alike] as a foul, weedy wilderness – a ‘sink-hole’ [perfectly] suited to [work, profit and lord over] ‘ill-bred commoners,’”[15] clearly defining top-down class distinctions from early on.

Returning to those eminent American men that later devised the doctrines and documents which conceived of a “new nation” built on individual liberty and freedom, under further examination, begs the question: “Freedom for whom and for what?” This study will delve deeper into who those men were and how their overall attitudes toward the general populous as far as class, education, rank, and proprietorship, eventually led to a decisive result known as the U.S. Constitution. To appreciate the U.S. political and economic structure, it is essential to understand its original formulation, starting with said constitution. Those dignitaries that gathered in Philadelphia in 1787 were intent on framing a strong centralized government in adherence with (what they believed to be Scottish economist and theorist) Adam Smith’s fundamental dicta and/or revelations, which stated that government was “instituted for the defense of the rich against the poor” and “grows up with the acquisition of valuable property.”[16] As Political Scientist and author, Robert Ovetz argues below, the mechanisms and/or devices designed and implemented within the U.S. Constitution were contrived from the outset to thwart any and all democratic control. Equally noted, the Framers’ brilliance was in formulating a virtually unalterable system which offered through clever slogans like “We the People” an assurance of participation within the constructs of a Republic, all the while permitting “a few to hand-pick some representatives,” whilst the majority thus surrendered “the power of self-governance.” The U.S., still to this day, lauds itself as a “Democracy,” yet, from the outset, as argued, that illustrious landmark charter mentioned was nefariously intended to “impede democratic control of government” all the while foiling “democratic control of the economy.”[17]

Under careful observation, no section of the U.S. Constitution is more misconstrued and misinterpreted than its Preamble. Moreover, the term, “We the People,”  for example was, and still is to this day, deliberately employed as a rhetorical device in the form of a “philosophical aspiration,” separating it from the dry legalese that compose most of the rest of the charter. This, perhaps, is why the Preamble . has grasped the attention of the common everyday citizen. It embodies the hopes and values of ordinary people, cunningly expressing what they would ideally like the Constitution to achieve in practice – even though in truth it does something distinctively different. In fact, if we survey the meaning of the doctrines found within the Preamble, we find a set of material relations dating back to the 1700s which were brilliantly devised to deliberately constrain economic and political democracy:[18]


Figure 1: The original handwritten Preamble to the U.S. Constitution on permanent display at the National Archives.

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.[19]

The “Blessings of Liberty” run amiss. Again, those “Framers,” or group of elite men that gathered in Philadelphia for that historic event in 1787 ideally utilized the inclusive language of “We the People,” .  while at the same time, implementing a complex structural formulation which would stave off the will of the common people at every turn. The fifty-five of the seventy-four delegates that showed up on the scene, were, in fact, a cohort indistinguishable from themselves as “wealthy white men” of whom only a small number were not rich (but nevertheless affluent). They viewed themselves as “the People,” who would not only be provided liberties under that newly devised constitution, but also offered themselves the power to control the authority within that newly formed centralized government.[20]


Figure 2: The Framers working out the concept of “We the People” by Tom Meyer.

By bringing the term “insure domestic Tranquility” to the fore, an early American top-down class paradigm is made evident by those men of property historically known as the “Framers.” The U.S. Constitution was the result of the repercussions of the American Revolution and decades of class conflict from within. Cogent warnings provided by not only Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence,[21] which cautioned against “convulsions within” and “exciting domestic insurrections amongst us,” but also forewarnings offered by the man considered “the father of that newly formed nation,” George Washington. In the following statements to the run-up of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, written in correspondence to his then erstwhile comrade-in-arms and chief of artillery, General Henry Knox, George Washington (supreme commander of the American revolutionary colonial forces and hero par excellence) projected clear class distinctions, fears and/or biases which lie at the heart of this study, “There are combustibles in every state, to which a spark might set fire.”[22] Hence, as Professor of Law, Jennifer Nedelsky asserts, what General Washington believed was necessary was a statutory formulation of control, instituted and devised by the upper crust of society, in the shape of a constitution, “to contain the threat of the people rather than to embrace their participation and their competence,”[23] or else, as stated in a second letter to Knox, the eminent General warned, “If government shrinks, or is unable to enforce its laws … anarchy & confusion must prevail – and every thing will be turned topsy turvey,”[24] demonstrating an elite fear most pronounced.


Figure 3: George Washington (1732-1799), Supreme Commander of the American Revolution and First President of the United States.

A good exemplar of a “spark that set fire,” which struck fear in the hearts of that elite class of men assembled in Philadelphia, is famously known as Shays’ Rebellion (August 29, 1786 to February 1787), led by former American army officer and son of Irish Immigrants, Daniel Shays, which culminated in a bottom-up armed revolt that took place in Western Massachusetts and Worcester, in response to a debt crisis imposed upon, in large part, the common citizenry; and, in opposition to the state government’s increased efforts to collect taxes on both individuals and their trades – as a remediation for outstanding war debt. The rebellion was eventually put down by Colonial Army forces sent there by George Washington himself – staving off the voice of the people, in that newly formed land of liberty. What “Tranquility” actually meant, as established by the Framers, was a centralized government formulated within the constitution, with the ability to halt and/or suppress conflict or unrest that threatened “the established order and governance of the elite.”[25] Shays’ Rebellion in combination with the possibility of slave uprisings and native resistance offered the justification for creating, and later expanding, a domestic military force as penned into the Charter by Gouverneur Morris (1752 – 1816), American political leader and contributor to the Preamble outlined above. Morris cleverly emphasized the necessity for a general fiscal “contribution to the common defense” on behalf of his class interests, warning of the possible dangers of both “internal insurrections and external invasions” as outlined in detail in Article I Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution.[26] In summary, by centralizing a military power within a national charter, “the elites got their own protection force against the possibility of the majority’s ‘popular despotism’” as described by Washington himself – thwarting any and all popular resistance to elite rule. In fact, by 1791, just four years after the Constitutional Congress met in the city of Philadelphia, that newly formed nation’s military force tripled its cost and increased its number of troops by fivefold.[27]


Figure 4: The Key of Liberty: The Life and Democratic Writings of William Manning, “a Laborer,” 1747–1814

In challenging that ideal of promoting “the general Welfare,” within a class paradigm, William Manning, (1747 – 1814) American Revolutionary soldier, farmer, and novelist, was one of the few voices at the Constitutional Convention that stood up and pushed back against the elite coup that was evidently taking place. After having fought in the Revolutionary War, as a common foot soldier, he began to believe that his military service and sacrifice carried little weight with the elites that surrounded him. He also delineated the fact that those measures which reflected Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and (the first President of the Continental Congress) John Jay’s views, and policies, created a poisonous atmosphere, ideology, and division between the “Few and the Many.” William Manning feared that by locking “the people out of doors,” out of government, the Founders were implementing measures such as Hamilton’s economic vision for that newly formed nation “at the expense of the common farmer and laborer.”[28] When it came to Shays’ Rebellion, for example, his views were commensurate with those of the uprising, but not with their methods of armed resistance. Based on his staunch democratic values, he called upon the common man to forcefully use new organizational tactics by directly petitioning the government to redress grievances. Manning understood the economic divisions as implemented.[29] In 1798, he authored his most celebrated work,  The Key of Liberty, in which he displayed what he believed to be the objectives of the “Few” – which were to “distress and force the Many” into being financially dependent on them, “generating a sustained cycle of dependence.” Manning argued that the only chance for the “Many” was to choose those leaders that would battle for those with lesser economic and political authority.[30] What Manning understood so well was that those early colonial financial interests defined their own class “influence and benefits” as “the general Welfare” which was, in his view, in diametrical opposition to much of the population. 


Figure 5: Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), the First Secretary of the Treasury from 1789 to 1795 during George Washington’s presidency.

Alexander Hamilton’s celebrated financial plan alluded to above, put that early nation on a trajectory of economic growth, through a concentration of wealth in the form of property and holdings which would serve his class best, “…so capital [as] a resource remains untouched.”[31] Hamilton delivered an innovative and audacious scheme in both his First and Second Reports on the Further Provision Necessary for Establishing Public Credit issued on 13 December 1790. Again, on behalf of his class interests, that newly devised federal government would purchase all state arrears at full cost – using its general tax base. Hamilton understood that such an act would considerably augment the legitimacy of that newly formed centralized government. To raise money to pay off its debts, the government would issue security bonds to rich landowners and wealthy stakeholders who could afford them, providing huge profits for those invested when the time arrived for that recently formed Federal government to pay off its debts.[32] Charles Beard, Columbia University historian and author, in his famed book, An Economic Interpretation of The Constitution of The United States, succinctly outlines Hamilton’s class bias woven within his strategy per taxation, “[d]irect taxes may be laid, but resort to this form of taxation is rendered practically impossible, save on extraordinary occasions, by the provision that ‘they [taxes] must be apportioned according to population’ – so that numbers cannot transfer the burden to accumulated wealth”[33] – revealing a significant economic top-down class preference and formulation of control from the outset. Beard summarizes as such, “The Constitution was essentially an economic document based upon the concept that the fundamental private rights of property are anterior to government and morally beyond the reach of popular majorities.”[34] Given the United States’ long history of top-down class biases and bottom-up class struggle, to be further explored within this research, Beard provides a cogent groundwork.


Figure 6: James Madison (1751-1836), Father of the U.S. Constitution and Fourth President of the United States.

James Madison, elite intellectual and Statesman, was and is traditionally proclaimed as the “Father of the Constitution” for his crucial role in planning and fostering the Constitution of the United States and later its Bill of Rights. For many of the Framers, with Madison in the lead, the Articles of Confederation (previously formulated on November 15, 1777, and effectuated on March 1, 1781) were a nefarious compact among the 13 states of the United States, previously the Thirteen Colonies of Great Britain, which operated as the nation’s first framework of government establishing each individual State as “Free and Independent” – eloquently encouraged and outlined in Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence.[35] From a class vantage point, the phrase “establish Justice” as devised by Madison within the Preamble above, meant in an idealistic sense, that the government would apply the rule of law impartially and consistently to all, irrespective of one’s station in society. But, in fact, the expression, “establish Justice,” explicitly points to the Framers’ “intent to tip the balance of power back in favor of the elites.”[36] Notably, by early 1783, in his famed “Notes on Debates in Congress Memo” dated January 28th, 1783, some four years prior to the ratification of the U.S. Constitution on December 12th, 1787, Madison had well-defined what “justice” had meant to him and his cohorts by asserting that, “the establishment of permanent & adequate funds [in the form of a general taxation] to operate … throughout the U. States is indispensably necessary for doing complete justice to the Creditors of the U.S., for restoring public credit, & for providing for the future exigencies of … war.”[37] For Madison,  as argued by eminent Professor of History Woody Holton, “establishing Justice” envisioned doing what some of the States were reluctant and/or incapable of achieving – that being, the payment of debts for the elites by “safeguarding their property” whether it be slave, land, or financial.[38]

How class and race maintained supremacy. In essence, the cleverly devised Three-fifths Compromise outlined in Article 1, Section 2, Clause 3 of the U.S. Constitution, conceived by Madison, not only preserved, and reinforced the atrocity of slavery, but it also made stronger “the power of property” produced by the capitalization of all human labor. The minority checks embedded in the constitutional power of taxation ultimately prevented all types of what the Framers referred to as “leveling,” that being a fair and equal redistribution of wealth and resources amongst the general population.[39] In doing so, the constitution serves in perpetuity to protect wealth from what the Framers feared most: “economic democracy.”[40] Unambiguously, the Three-fifths clause established that three out of every five enslaved persons were counted, on behalf of their owners, when deciding a state’s total populace per representation and legislation. Hence, before the Civil War, the Three-fifths clause gave disproportionate weight to slave states, specifically slave ownership, in the House of Representatives.

A final element written within the Preamble of the U.S. Constitution worth further mention is the famed idiom “secure the Blessings of Liberty to Ourselves and Our Posterity,” a phrase that concisely encompasses the opinions of that band of elites, that amassed in Philadelphia, known as “the Framers” and their historical and material view of the possession of “Private Property” – greatly influenced and inspired by English Enlightenment philosopher and physician John Locke (1632-1704). Locke, in his famed The Two Treatises of Civil Government, argued that the law of nature obliged all human beings not to harm “the life, the liberty, health, limb, or goods of another,” defined as “Natural Rights.”[41] As a result, the Framers (most of whom were large landowners) were intent on designing a centralized government that would singularly protect and defend “private property.”  The U.S. Constitution fosters this by placing a collection of roadblocks and/or obstacles in the way of majority demands for “economic democracy”  – what, on numerous occasions, James Madison himself described as an oppression, enslavement and/or tyranny of the majority.[42] In a land without Nobles, Madison declared that “the Senate ought to come from, and represent, the wealth of the nation.”[43] With Madison’s compatriot John Dickinson of Delaware in full accord, proclaiming that the Senate should be comprised of those that are, “distinguished for their rank in life and their weight of property, and bearing as strong a likeness to the British House of Lords as possible.”[44] Additionally, Pierce Butler, wealthy land-owning South Carolinian, stood in complete agreement confirming that the Senate was, “the aristocratic part of our government.”[45] Those elite men, as members of that continental congress, largely on their own behalf, cleverly formulated “a plethora of opportunities to issue a minority veto of any changes by law, regulation, or court rulings,” that might menace their property ownership.[46] In essence, that charter known as the U.S. Constitution was brilliantly constructed to ensure an elite control and privilege that would last for “Posterity” – forever unchanged and unchangeable.

There is a wealth of evidence, as demonstrated, that the U.S. Constitution was originally designed and implemented not to facilitate meaningful bottom-up systemic change, but to ultimately avert anything that does not serve the benefits of the propertied class. Let us keep in mind that meaningful change from below has always been hard-fought, but not impossible. It took roughly seventy-eight years from 1787; and, a Civil War which lasted from 1861 to 1865, culminating in the loss of nearly 620,000 lives to officially abolish slavery under Amendment XIII (ratified on December 6th, 1865).[47] Until then, human bondage was a long held and integral form of property ownership within the United States – to be further examined within this work. Reflecting succinctly on the underlying class interests during and prior to the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, two indispensable statements, concerning “human nature,” from two essential minds, per class, which undergird the views here summarized, are as follows: Benjamin Franklin keenly observed that any assemblage of men, no matter how gifted, bring with them “all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interest and their selfish views.”[48] Which stood ironically in accordance with Adam Smith’s, “All for ourselves, and nothing for other people, seems, in every age of the world, to have been the vile maxim of the masters of mankind,”[49] which demonstrates Smith’s historical view per an innate class perspective of wealth concentration.

2
Cui Bono – Who Benefitted Most from the Categorical Constructs of Race and Class?

The year 1776 is a deceptive starting point when it comes to the ideologies of American freedom and liberty. Independence from Great Britain did not expunge the British class arrangement long embraced by colonial elites that undergirded a social system of division which promulgated “entrenched beliefs about poverty and the willful exploitation of human labor.” An unfavored view of African slaves and poor whites widely thought of as “waste and/or rubbish,” remained a long-held social construct which served American elites well into the modern era.[50] From the outset, when it came to class dynamics, no one understood the manipulative power of faction and discord sown amongst the masses better than James Madison himself as boldly outlined in Federalist #10. The danger, Madison argued on behalf of his class interests, was not faction itself, but the escalation of “a majority faction” grounded in that “most common and durable source” of conflict: the “unequal distribution of property.”[51] In that widely celebrated land of “democracy,” Madison revealed not only his class biases anathema to the concept, but his fear of the very idea: “When a majority is included in a faction,” it could use democracy, “to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest the public good and the rights of other citizens” – that is, the privileges of the propertied class.[52] To his credit, from early on, James Madison laid out clear class distinctions, partialities, and fears woven within that newly formulated American social stratum – which are essential to this study. Within Federalist #10, Madison brilliantly devised a strategy of division which would protect elite interests by suppressing the economic menace of a majoritarian class faction through the encouragement of as many divisions within the populous as possible. Hence, as he outlined, the “greater variety of parties and interests [within class, race, gender, or religion] … make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have common motive.”[53] Ironically, faction was problematic as stated, yet, at the same time, paradoxically, according to James Madison, more of it was the answer.

From the outset of the American experience, as outlined in his masterwork, American Slavery, American Freedom, Edmond S. Morgan, Yale Professor of History, makes evident the elite class interests and/or dynamics that fortified the use of clever rhetorical devices, such as “freedom and liberty” upon the general populous – all the while devilishly using the cruelty of slavery as a unifying force. During his visit to that early America, an astute English diplomat by the name of Sir Augustus John Foster, serving in Washington during Jefferson’s presidency (1801-1809), keenly observed, “[Elite] Virginians above all, seem committed to reducing all [white] men to an equal footing.” Foster observed, “owners of slaves, among themselves, are all for keeping down every kind of superiority”; and he recognized this pretension of equality used upon the masses as a powerful manipulative tactic. Virginians, he argued, “can profess an unbounded love of liberty and of democracy in consequence of the mass of the people, who in other countries might become mobs, being there nearly altogether composed of their own Negro slaves….”[54] In that ruthless slave society, as Morgan reveals, “Slaves did not become leveling mobs, because their owners would see to it that they had no chance to. The apostrophes to equality were not addressed to them.”[55] In clarification, he adds:

…because Virginia’s labor force was composed mainly of slaves, who had been isolated by race and removed from the political equation, the remaining free [white] laborers and tenant farmers were too few in number to constitute a serious threat to the superiority of the [elite white] men who assured them of their equality.[56]

The ancient Roman concept of Divide and Conquer, which dates to Julius Caesar himself, was effectively implemented by Virginia’s elite propertied class through the skillful use of cooptation. Virginia’s yeoman class comprised of small land-owning farmers were made to believe that they shared “a common identity” with those “men of better sorts,” simply due to the fact that neither was a slave – hence, both were alike in not being slaves.[57] Ironically, in the mindset of those early American elites that viewed themselves as the founders of a republic, largely inspired by Oliver Cromwell’s Commonwealth and the pushing off of monarchy, slavery occupied a critical, if not indeterminate position: it was thought of as a principal evil which free men sought to avoid for society in general through the usurpation of monarchies and the establishment of republics. But, at the same time, it was also viewed as the solution to one of society’s most pressing problems, “the problem of the poor.” Elite Virginians could move beyond English republicanism, “partly because they had solved the problem: they achieved a society in which most of the poor were enslaved.”[58] In truth, contempt for the poor permeated the age. John Locke, English philosopher and physician (1632-1704), considered one of the most essential of Enlightenment thinkers, commonly read, discussed, and admired by early American elites, famously wrote a classic defense of the right of revolution in his Two Treatises of Civil Government published in 1689 – yet he did not extend that right to the poor. [59] In fact, in his proposals for workhouses and/or “working schools,” outlined in his Essay on the Poor Law, published in 1687, the children of the [English] poor would “learn labor,” and nothing but labor, from a very young age, stopping short of enslavement – though it would require a certain alteration of mind to recognize the distinction.[60] That said, those astute men that assembled in the city of Philadelphia in 1787 took their inspiration from Locke very seriously.

Hamilton and Madison were in absolute accord with Locke’s views per property and ownership, that being, “Government has no other end but the preservation of property.”[61] Consequently, the U.S. Constitution was designed to both govern the population through limiting its capacity to self-govern; and by protecting all forms of property ownership including the enslavement of human beings. Hence, as historian David Waldstreicher (expert in early American political and cultural history) presents, the Constitution was devised not only to safeguard slavery as a separate economic system, but as integral to the basic right of what he describes as the “power over other people and property (including people who were property).”[62] As a result, the tensions and/or rivalries that resided in that newly formed nation, which would eventually lead to a bloody Civil War, were not over quantities of land possession between the North and the South, but more focused on how many slaves resided in each. To his credit, Madison presciently admitted as such:

[T]he States were divided into different interests not by their difference of size … but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the U. States. It did not lie between the large & small States: It lay between the Northern & Southern.[63]

Slavery was considered insidious by some, and yet fundamental to those that profited from it, both North and South. In fact, John Rutledge, esteemed Governor of South Carolina during the Revolution; and delegate to the Constitutional Convention, spoke on behalf of the Southern planters’ class by supporting slavery, of which, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney also of South Carolina, stood in full agreement. Both men implored their fellow delegates to recognize their common interests in preserving slavery from which they “stood to profit,” not only from selling slave-produced goods, but from carrying the slaves on their ships[64] – hence, they argued, stood a long-held alliance between Northern “personality” (that is, financial holdings) and “that particular form of property” (slavery) which dominated the South.[65] Slaves were long held the most valuable asset in the country. By 1860, the total value of all the slaves in America was estimated at the equivalent of $4 billion, more than double the value of the South’s entire farmland valued at $1.92 billion, four times the total currency in circulation at $435.4 million, and twenty times the value of all the precious metals (gold and silver) then in circulation at $228.3 million.[66] Thus, at the time and thereafter, North American slavery was not just a national or sectional asset, but a global one. As a result of the promise of monetary benefits and values produced by enslaved peoples, “the Framers,” in defense of their own interests, collectively devised a system of fail-safe mechanisms to protect their most cherished resource: human vassalage.[67] Moreover, in addition to the Three-Fifths Clause described above, the Constitution contained several safeguards with a clear objective of maintaining the vile system as it was. The Foreign Slave Trade Clause as outlined in Article 1; Section 9 of that charter known as the U.S. Constitution stated that Congress could not prohibit the “importation of persons” prior to 1808 – which cleverly excluded the term “slave.”[68] The intention of said clause, was not to stave off slavery, but was implemented to maintain, if not inflate, the monetary value of those persons already in captivity – when it came to their sale and transport to other slave states outside of Virginia. The Fugitive Slave Clause as written in Article IV, Section 2, Clause 3, was clearly devised to protect elite proprietorship over individuals forcefully ensconced in a system of chattel slavery:

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.[69]

This Clause, not nullified until the Thirteenth Amendment’s abolition of slavery, considered it “a right” on the part of a slaveholder, to retrieve an enslaved individual who had fled to another state. Finally, as esteemed University of Chicago Professor, Paul Finkelman, contends, the ban on congressional export taxes adamantly argued for by those elite men that gather in Philadelphia, was, for the most part, a concession to southern planters whose slaves primarily produced agricultural goods for export.[70] Clearly demonstrating and demarcating an upper-class bias based on ownership, race, and wealth from the outset.

How elite capture worked in early America – diversity was implemented and utilized as a ruling class ideology. Privileged landowners, specifically Virginians, being “men of letters,” as they would have thought of themselves, understood very well that all white men were not created equal, especially when it came to property and what they referred to as “virtue,” a much admired “elite attribute” which can be traced back to Aristotle himself, in his classic work, Nicomachean Ethics, who defined the only life worth living as “a life of leisure” – that is a life of study and freedom for the few which rested on the labor of slaves and proprietorship.[71] As thus revealed, the material forces and benefits which dictated southern elites to see Negroes, mulattoes, and Indians as one, also “dictated that they see large and small planters as one.” Consequently, racism became an essential, if unacknowledged, ingredient woven within that “republican ideology” that enabled Virginians to not only design, but to “lead the nation,” for generations to come. An important question thus addressed: Was the ideological vision of “a nation of equals” flawed from the very beginning by the evident contempt, exhibited, toward both poor whites and enslaved blacks? And beyond that, to be further explored within the final chapter of this research project: Are there still elements of colonial Virginia, ideologically, ethnically, and socially, woven within America today? More than a century after Lee’s surrender at Appomattox (on April 9th, 1865) – those questions per race and class still linger….[72]

As Edward E. Baptist, Professor of History at Cornell University, makes clear in his epic work, The Half Has Never Been Told, Slavery and The Making of American Capitalism, attitudes toward race and race superiority in America long remained. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, America’s first generation of professional historians, he argues, “were justifying the exclusion of Jim Crow and disfranchisement” by telling a story about the nation’s past of slavery and civil war that seemed to confirm, for many white Americans, that “white supremacy was just and necessary.” In fact, Baptist proclaims that racism had not only become culturally accepted, but historically and socially grounded within a form of “race science” to be further explored in the final chapter of this study. He states that by the latter part of the nineteenth century, “for many white Americans, science had proven that people of African descent [if not the poor in general] were intellectually inferior and congenitally prone to criminality.” As a result, he argues, that that cohort of racist whites in [Jim Crow] America, “looked wistfully to [the] past when African Americans had been governed with whips and chains.” Confirming the fact that class, race, and racism have long been integral parts of America’s long and difficult history.[73]

American capitalism, land, cotton, slaves, and profit: by the early nineteenth century, the U.S. Banking system was fundamental when it came to entrepreneurial revenue development in the form of land acquisition, cotton production, and slave labor. Bank lending became the key ingredient that propelled slave owners to greater heights of wealth accumulation, “Enslavers benefited from bank-induced stability and steady credit expansion.” The more slave purchases that U.S. Banks would finance, the more cotton enslavers could produce, “and cotton [at the time] was the world’s most widely traded product.” As mentioned, in this newly devised system of capital, lending, and borrowing, cotton was an essential resource in an unending global market. So, the more cotton slaves produced, the more cotton enslavers would sell, and thus the more profit they would make. In fact, “owning more slaves enabled planters to repay debts, take profits, and gain property that could be [used as] collateral for even more borrowing.”[74] Early U.S. Capitalism not just undergirded, but bolstered and expanded the harsh and inhumane system of slavery as such, “Lending to the South’s cotton economy was an investment not just in the world’s most widely traded commodity, but also in a set of producers who had shown a consistent ability to increase their productivity and revenue.”[75] Said differently, American slave owners, throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, had the “cash flow to pay back their debts.” And, the debts of slave owners were secure, given the fact that they had “a lot of valuable collateral.” In fact, as argued by a number of economic historians, enslavers, by mid-century had in their possession the largest pool of collateral in the United States at the time, 4 million slaves worth over $3 billion, as “the aggregate value of all slave property.”[76] These values embedded themselves in a global system of investment through slave commodification which benefitted mostly the upper crust of society in both the U.S. and the U.K., “this meant that investors around the world would share in revenues made by ‘hands in the field.’” Even though at the time, and to its credit, “Britain was liberating the slaves of its empire,” British banks could still sell, to a wealthy investor, a completely commodified human being in the form of a slave – not as a specific individual, but as a holding or part of a collective investment venture “made from the income of thousands of slaves.”[77]

Furthermore, as mentioned, the fact that popularly elected governments repeatedly sustained such bond schemes, on both sides of the Atlantic, was therefore not only insidious by its very nature, but at the same time remarkable. Popular abolitionist movements were springing up from one side to the other, and demanding abolition across the board. Beyond that, in the United States, there were many elements of class recognition in the form of an “intensely democratic frontier electorate” of both slaves and poor whites that saw banks as “machines designed to channel financial benefits and economic governing power to the unelected elite.”[78] By mid-century, the rift and divisions between the North and the South became catastrophic in the form of a bloody Civil War. It took a poor boy from a dirt-floor cabin in Kentucky named Abraham Lincoln, who rose to the prominence of lawyer and statesman becoming the 16th President of the United States, to write and implement the Emancipation Proclamation brought forth on January 1st, 1863. As President, Abraham Lincoln issued that historic decree, which served not only as a direct challenge to “property ownership,” in the form of human bondage, but a direct assault on the lucrative southern slaveocracy as the nation approached its third year of bloody civil war. The proclamation declared “that all persons held as slaves within the rebellious states are, and henceforward shall be free.”[79] Although Lincoln’s, contribution has been much contested to this day, by historians both Black and white alike, the fact remains that, his efforts as already presented, were undoubtedly a more active and direct support for the freedom of African slaves than those of all the fifteen previous presidents before him combined – The Emancipation Proclamation would prove to be the most important executive order ever issued by an American president, offering the possibility of freedom to an enslaved people held in a giant dungeon that was the confederacy.[80] Even though there are those historians that argue that the Proclamation was incomplete due to the fact that it “excluded the enslaved not only in Union-held territories such as western Virginia, but also southern Louisiana” where there were pro-Union factions that were trying not to be antagonistic toward local whites who were hell-bent on maintaining the status quo.[81]

But facts speak for themselves, Abraham Lincoln had been working diligently to persuade the political class in the border states that were loyal to the Union to agree to a “gradual or compensated” emancipation plan – pushing back against the benefactors of the race and class divide. Even though some within the border states refused to give in and held out for permanent slavery, by April 1862, because of Lincoln’s tenacious efforts, Congress passed legislation “freeing – in return for payments to enslavers totaling $1 million – all 3,000 people enslaved in the District of Columbia, Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky.” After the Union army’s victory at the battle of Antietam, Lincoln felt “he could move more decisively” against the institution of slavery and hence released that historic executive order which he had written months earlier as outlined above.[82] Undoubtedly, again, the Emancipation Proclamation offered for the first time in American history the unquestioned possibility of freedom to a long-held and enslaved people that were seized in a giant open-air prison which was the American South. The Emancipation did unbar the door. Next, enslaved Africans, due to their own agency, forced it wide open.[83]

As an exemplar of that heartfelt commitment, stood Frederick Douglass (1818 – 1895), former slave in his home state of Maryland, who rose to become a historic social reformer, abolitionist, writer, orator, and statesman. Lincoln was the first U.S. President in a long line, to invite an eminent African American intellectual, such as, Frederick Douglass to the White House to discuss the wonton discrimination within the military ranks cast upon African American men. That well-known meeting between Lincoln and Douglass took place in August 1863, two years after the start of the war on April 12, 1861. Douglass tenaciously argued for the enlistment of Black soldiers in the Union Army based largely on his legendary speech delivered at the National Hall in Philadelphia (on July 6, 1863), a month prior, entitled “the Promotion of Colored Enlistments,” outlined in the well-known publication The Liberator, that same month. Where Douglass stated:

Let the black man get upon his person the brass letters US … a musket on his shoulder, and bullets in his pocket, and there is no power on earth or under the earth which can deny that he has earned the right of citizenship in the United States.[84]

Douglass presented the same argument to Lincoln, that “Black men in Blue” would not only swell the ranks of the Union Army but would elevate those former slaves to the status of free men of honor – shifting the course of American history.[85] Lincoln took decisive action, per Douglass’ request, enlisting nearly 200,000 battle-ready African Americans, understanding that without those Black soldiers, there would be no Union. As a result, Douglass wholeheartedly endorsed the President for his coming reelection on November 8, 1864. “The enlistment of blacks into the Union Army was part of Lincoln’s evolving policy on slavery and race.”[86] Ultimately, he paid the price. On April 14, 1865, the 16th President of the United States was brutally slain by an assassin’s bullet for his valiant efforts against the racist slavocracy known as the Confederacy – Lincoln died at 7:22 a.m. on April 15, 1865.[87] The Civil War ultimately nullified the barbarity of slavery, which was later codified in the 13th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, true, yet prejudicial elements of both race and class remained a fixture in American society for decades to come….

In the latter part of the nineteenth century, the coalescing or coming together from a class perspective of the lower ranks in the American South, later revealed itself in the formulation of the “Colored Farmers’ Alliance,” which stood as a direct threat to the established southern regime leading to a brutal and repressive racialized crackdown in the form of the Ku Klux Klan and the implementation of an oppressive social order known as Jim Crow – to be further explored within this study.

3
The Atomization of the Powerless
and the Sins of Democracy

Finally, as alluded to, the appellation and/or utilization of the term “race” was seldom employed by Europeans prior to the fifteen-hundreds. If the word was used at all, it was used to identify factions of people with a group connection or kinship. Over the proceeding centuries, the evolution of the term “race,” that came to comprise skin color, levels of intelligence and/or phenotypes, was in large part a European construct – which served to undergird a strategy of division amongst the masses that helped to maintain a stratified class structure with “elite white land-owning men” placed firmly at the top of the social-ladder in that newly birthed land of “freedom” called America.

As succinctly stated by David Roediger, esteemed Professor of American history at the University of Kansas, who has taught and written numerous books focused on race and class in the United States, “The world got along without race for the overwhelming majority of its history. The U.S. has never been without it.”[88] Nothing could be further from the truth. As outlined in previous chapters, American society uniquely and legalistically formulated the notion of “race” early on to not only justify, but support its new economic system of capitalism, which rested in large part, if not exclusively, upon the exploitation of forced labor – that is, the brutal enslavement and demoralization of African peoples. To understand how the development of race and its bastardized twin “racism” were fundamentally and structurally bound to early American culture and society we must first survey the extant history of how the notions of race, ethnocentrism, white supremacy, and anti-blackness came to exist.

The ideas that undergirded the notions of “race, a class-stratified stratified slave society, as we recognize them today, were birthed and developed together within the earliest formation of the United States; and were intertwined and enmeshed in the phraseologies of “slave” and “white.” The terms “slave,” “white,” and “race” began to be utilized by elite Europeans in the sixteenth century and they imported these hypotheses of hierarchy with them to the colonized lands of North America. That said, originally, the terms did not hold the same weight they have today. However, due to the economic needs and development of that early American society, the terms mentioned would transform to encompass new racialized ideas and meanings which served the upper class best. The European Enlightenment, defined as, “an intellectual movement of the 17th and 18th centuries in which ideas concerning god, reason, nature, and humanity were synthesized into a worldview that gained wide assent in the West and that instigated revolutionary developments in art, philosophy, and politics,”[89] would come to underpin and contribute to racialized perceptions which argued that, “white people were inherently smarter, more capable, and more human than nonwhite people – became accepted worldwide.” In fact, from an early American perspective, “This [mode] of categorization of people became the justification for European colonization and subsequent enslavement of people from Africa.”[90] To be further surveyed.

As Paul Kivel, noted American author, social-justice educator and activist, brings to the fore, the terms “white” or “whiteness,” historically, from a British/Anglo-American perspective, served to underpin class distinctions and justify exploitation through human bondage by providing profit-accumulation to a distinct ownership class, “Whiteness is [historically] a constantly shifting boundary separating those who are entitled to have privileges from those whose exploitation and vulnerability to violence is justified by their not being white.”[91] Where and how did it begin? The conception of “whiteness”  did not exist until roughly 1613 or so, when Anglo-Saxon forces, later known as the English, first “encountered and contrasted themselves” with the Indigenous populations of the East Indies – through their cruel and rapacious colonial pursuits – later justifying, and bolstering, a collective cultural sense of racial superiority. Up and until that point, roughly the 1550s to the 1600s, within Anglo-Saxon society, “whiteness”  was used to set forth clear class signifiers.

In fact, the word “white”  was utilized exclusively to “describe elite English women,” because the whiteness of their skin indicated that they were individuals of “high social standing” who did not labor “out of doors.” That said, conversely, throughout that same period, the appellation of “white”  did not apply to elite English men, due to the stigmatizing notion that a man who would not leave his home to work was “unproductive, sick and/or lazy.” As the concept of who was white and who was not began to grow, “whiteness” gained in popularity within the Anglo-American sphere, for example, “the number of people that considered themselves white would grow” as a collective pushback against people of color due to immigration and eventual emancipation.[92] These social constructs centered around race accomplished their nefarious goals – thus, unifying early colonists of European descent under the rubric of “white,” and hence, marginalizing, stigmatizing and dispossessing native populations – all the while permanently enslaving most African-descended people for generations. As acclaimed African American Professor, Ruth Wilson Gilmore (director of the Center for Place, Culture, and Politics at CUNY) contends concerning America’s base history, “Capitalism requires inequality and racism enshrines it….”[93] A revelatory statement by John Jay (1745-1829, the first Chief Justice of the United States and signer of the U.S. Constitution) helps make evident, from a class perspective, the entrenched values of those early American elites toward their newly proclaimed democracy, “The people who own the country ought to govern it!”[94] The preceding two quotes help to summarize and clarify the top-down legal and societal mechanisms embedded within that early American social stratum which linger to this day.

The social status and hence the nomenclature of “slave” have been with mankind for millennia. Historically, a slave was one who was classified as quasi-sub-human, derived from a lower lineage; and forced to toil for the benefit of another of higher standing. We can find the phraseology of slave throughout the ancient world and within early writings from Egypt, the Hebrew Bible, Greece, and Rome, as well as later periods. In fact, Aristotle (384 to 322 BC, famed polymath, and philosopher) succinctly clarified, from his privileged vantage-point, the social standing and value of personages classified as slaves – which would endure for epochs to come. From the legendary logician’s point of view, a slave was defined as, “one who is a human being belonging by nature not to himself [or herself] but to another is by nature a slave.” Aristotle further described a slave as, “a human being belongs to another if, in spite of being human, he [or she] is a possession; and as a possession, is [simply a tool for labor] having a separate existence.”[95] Clarifying the fact that in the known world prior to Columbus’ famed voyage, in the late 15th century, opening the floodgates of European colonial theft, pillage, and domination, historical notions of Western hierarchy and supremacy were commonplace. As European Enlightenment ideals such as, “the natural rights of man,” aforementioned, became ubiquitous amongst early American colonial elites throughout the 18th century, “equality” became the new modus operandi which galvanized whites over and above all others. Hence, by classifying human beings by “race,” a new method of hierarchy was established based on what many at the time considered “science” to be further explored. As the principles of the Enlightenment penetrated the colonies of North America forming the basis for their early “democracy,” those same values paradoxically undergirded the most vicious kind of subjugation – chattel slavery.[96]

A significant codified shift took place in colonial America within one of its most prosperous slave domains known as Virginia. Under the tutelage and guidance of the then Governor Sir William Berkeley (1605-1677), wealthy planter and slave owner, the House of Burgesses (the first self-proclaimed “representative government” in that early British colony) included a coterie of councilors hand-chosen by the governor to enact a law of hereditary slavery – which would economically serve their elite planter class interests. The English common law, known as, Partus Sequitur Patrem, traditionally held that, “the offspring would follow the condition … of the father.”[97] But after a historic legal challenge brought by Elizabeth Key, an enslaved, bi-racial woman who sued for her freedom and won, in 1656, on the basis that her father was white – elite white Virginians understood that a shift in the law was not only necessary, but essential, if they were to maintain and/or increase their wealth through human bondage in the form of “property ownership.” Consequently, the new 1662 law, Partus Sequitur Ventrem, diverged from English common law,  in that it proclaimed that the status of the mother, free or slave, determined the status of her offspring in perpetuity.[98] Thus, African women were subjugated to the ranking of “breeders,” that would serve to produce more offspring categorized as slaves, whether bi-racial or not, and hence more profit for the ruling class. Enlightenment values ensconced in a rudimentary “race science,” by famed early Americans, would also help to solidify a systematized racialized hierarchy for decades to come.[99]


Figure 7: Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), Diplomat, Son of the Enlightenment, Planter, Lawyer, Philosopher, Primary Author of the Declaration of Independence and Third President of the United States.

Thomas Jefferson is famed to be one of the most quintessential characters in the formulation of America’s early Republic, along with James Madison and others, severing foreign rule and developing a new independent nation, substantiated on the Enlightenment principles of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness,”[100] based largely on John Locke’s Two Treatises of Government, which argued that true “freedom” is defined by one’s singular control over their holdings and/or estates, i.e., property.[101] But the most basest question which still lingers, within America’s long and twisted historical tragedy of early conquest and domination, which must be probed, is, “freedom for whom and for what?” Jefferson, that complex and enigmatic son of Enlightenment thought, both in science and sociological principles, clearly demarcated and endorsed a racialized societal structure that undergirded a system of hierarchy in which white colonists and their European legacy were considered far superior to all others – simplified notions woven within an early race science which would endure through time and memorial. Throughout his lifetime, race was defined by phenotype (or the look of human beings), physical characteristics which “appended physical traits [or idiosyncrasies] defined as ‘slave-like’ [were attributed] to those enslaved.”[102] As Karen and Barbara Fields, two noted African American scholars, point out, Jefferson became convinced that a forced separation of people delineated by skin color was the only solution; that “the very people white Americans had lived with for over 160 years as slaves would be, after emancipation, too different for white people to live with any longer.”[103] In fact, he suggested that if slaves were to be freed they should be promptly deported, their lost labor to be best supplied “through the importation of white laborers.”[104]

Jefferson unabashedly qualified his racialized views when writing, “I advance it therefore as a suspicion only that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind.”[105] John Locke and Thomas Jefferson stood in agreement, philosophically, when it came to the superiority versus inferiority of selected “races,” underpinning a racialized stratification within early colonial thought that helped to culturalize a race-based hierarchy in that newly formed “land of freedom,” known as the United States. These arguments of hierarchy which spread throughout the European mindset within that early colonial era, aided and abetted, “the dispossession of Native Americans” and “the enslavements of Africans” during that golden era of revolution.[106] In his historic manuscript known as, Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson outlined in detail his Enlightenment-inspired racialized interpretations of European superiority, demarcating what he believed to be a “scientific view” of the varying gradations of human beings based on race:

Comparing them [both blacks and whites] by their faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to me, that in memory they are equal to the whites; in reason much inferior … and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous. But never yet could I find that a black has uttered a thought above the level of plain narration; never see even an elementary trait, of painting or sculpture.[107]

Ironically, given the complexity of the man, in response to a critic who opposed his views as presented above, Jefferson confessed that even if blacks were inferior to whites, “it would not justify their enslavement.”[108] Hence, to his credit, he admitted and/or recognized the strangeness and/or irony of his own position when it came to Enlightenment constructs of race and their structural consequences.[109] Again, from early on, racialized notions of superiority versus inferiority served the American planter class best, by cleverly embedding perceptions of hierarchy or white preeminence, they were able to suppress that which they feared most – which was the unification or coming together of a mass of lower classes comprising both enslaved Africans and poor whites. The historic incident which, served as an exemplar, sending shockwaves through that propertied class of early colonial America was notably Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676.

Nathaniel Bacon (1647-1676) elite Virginian, born and educated in England, member of the governor’s Council and close friend of Sir William Berkeley then colonial Governor – led a bottom-up rebellion which sent tremors through the upper classes of that newly birthed slave society, known as, Virginia – still considered one of the most foundational events of early American history. The colonial elite were threatened on all sides, as made evident by Governor Berkeley’s revelation, “The Poore Endebted Discontented and Armed” would, he feared, use this opportunity to “plunder the Country” and seize the property of the elite planters.[110] Bacon, “who was no leveler,” was cleverly able to formulate a coalition (or unification), on behalf of his class interests, which included poor white indentured servants, free and enslaved Africans, to push back against any and all encroachments by native inhabitants which included the Appomattox and Susquehannock indigenous tribes of the region, in order to cease their lands and enrich himself and his class even further, insisting that, “the country must defend itself ‘against all Indians in general for that they were all Enemies.’”[111] Some one hundred years later, in his acclaimed paradox of liberty known as the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson, obviously influenced by Bacon’s racialized frame of thought, referred to the indigenous Native American peoples as nothing more than, “merciless Indian savages.”[112] Hence, the native populations of that early America were collectively used as “scapegoats,” to enlarge the land holdings and wealth of the propertied class. From early on, the United States’ nascent form of Capitalism became dependent upon exploitative low-cost labor, “especially that of those considered nonwhite,” but also that of “the poor in general, including women and children – black and white alike.”[113] Ironically, by the 1850s, antislavery sentiment grew even more intense amongst the masses, largely spurred on by white Southerner’s aggressive attempts to maintain the societal structure as such through political dominance and the spread of that “peculiar institution,” known as slavery to newly pilfered lands.[114] In turn, the very idea of the possibility of any and all “lower class unity,” or a coming together of poor white indentured servants and African slaves as a militant force rising up against an entrenched planter class, brought forth a racialized culturalization grounded upon racial difference, racial hierarchy, and racial enmity, “a pattern that those statesmen and politicians of a later age would have found [politically useful and] familiar.”[115] In fact, right through to the end of the 19th century, post-Civil War and Reconstruction era (1865-1877), any form of lower-class unity in America stood as a direct threat to the established order of things throughout the nation as a whole; and especially throughout the South – most notably in the form of the Colored Farmers’ Alliance and the South’s reactionary implementation of a brutal social-order of domination and control known as Jim Crow.


Figure 8: Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), American Lawyer, Statesman and Politician. Sixteenth President of the United States and Author of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Although historically contentious, Abraham Lincoln’s primary goal within his Reconstruction scheme was to reunite a fractured nation after a bloody and costly Civil War. Through which, Lincoln’s objective was to reestablish the union and transfigure that implacable Southern society. His plan was also stridently committed to enforcing progressive legislation driven by the abolition of slavery. In fact, Lincoln directed Senator Edwin Morgan, chair of the National Union Executive Committee, to put in place a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. And Morgan did just that, in his famed speech before the National Convention on May 30, 1864, demanding the “utter and complete extirpation of slavery” via such an amendment.[116] Beyond the Emancipation Proclamation, Abraham Lincoln was the first President in American history to call forth an amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolishing the long-held institution of chattel slavery. For the first time, President Lincoln demanded the eventual passage of the Thirteenth Amendment Section 1 (ratified on December 6, 1865), which mandated that, “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”[117] Defining it as “a fitting, and necessary conclusion” to the war effort that would make permanent the joining of the causes of “Liberty and Union.”[118] Lincoln’s sweeping Reconstruction agenda  was a fight for freedom, requiring the South to adhere to a new constitution that would implicitly include black suffrage through the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment Section 1, ratified after his death on July 9, 1868, which for the first time in American history, declared:

All persons [meaning black and white alike] born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.[119]

Abraham Lincoln, the Great Emancipator, saw his Reconstruction struggles above all as, “an adjunct of the war effort – a way of undermining the Confederacy, rallying southern white Unionists, and securing emancipation,”[120] for which he paid the ultimate price. From early on, internecine rivalry, or infighting, within the Republican Party from those labeled as “the Radicals,” led to a push-back against certain elements of Lincoln’s strategy mentioned above – arguing that Reconstruction should be postponed until after the war, “as outlined in the Wade-Davis Bill of 1864, which clearly envisioned, as a requirement, that a majority of southern whites take an oath of loyalty,” to the United States; and that the federal government should by necessity, “attempt to ensure basic justice to emancipated slaves.” A point at which, “equality before the law,” not “black suffrage,” as Lincoln had suggested, was an essential factor for many of the Republicans in Congress at the time.[121] As a result of Lincoln’s efforts in taking away the productive forces of labor within the South, and in turn, the diminishment of property, wealth, and political power of the elite southern planter class, a nefarious conspiracy to murder the President was hatched and executed by southern loyalist and assassin John Wilks Booth, on April 14, 1865, while the President sat accompanied by his wife, Mary, watching a play titled, Our American Cousin, at Ford’s Theater in Washington, D.C. – oddly, the assassin was able to gain access to the theater, enter the Presidential Booth, and shoot and kill the President of the United States. Lincoln’s body was carried to the nearby Petersen House, where he passed away at 7:22 a.m., the following morning. At his bedside, Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton famously remarked, “Now he belongs to the ages.”[122] Reflecting upon not only the uniqueness of the man, but his tremendous contributions to those American ideals of “Liberty and Freedom.” Emphasizing the fact that the Emancipation of Africans from forced labor; and the abolishment of chattel slavery, through a stroke of his pen, uniquely placed Abraham Lincoln in the pantheon of historical renown.

That said, throughout the end of the 19th Century, the road ahead per class relations for African Americans and poor whites alike, especially in the South, would be a hard and arduous one of top-down control and division. Reactionary as they were, as argued, Southern elites would forcefully implement doctrines of superiority, separation, and control that would crush and/or punish any form of lower-class unity which threatened their power and influence over the majority. This reaction would become most evident in the racialized militant form of the Ku Klux Klan; and later the structural control and dominance of an imposed social order known as Jim Crow, which would orchestrate the groundwork for a deepening racial divide.

The Colored Farmers’ Alliance, formulated in the 1870s, still stands as a historical model of class unity amongst the poor, both Black and white alike, which galvanized southern elites in a top-down belligerent class war to protect their interests. The Alliance was created, “when an agricultural depression hit the South around 1870 and poor farmers began to organize themselves into radical multiracial political groups”[123] – which stood as a direct threat to upper-class Southern dominance and their wealth accumulation. Years earlier by 1865, that elite militancy revealed itself in the form of the Ku Klux Klan (a violent and racist, hate-filled supremacist terror organization) that, “extended into almost every southern state by 1870 and became a vehicle for white southern resistance to the Republican Party’s Reconstruction-era policies aimed at establishing political and economic equality for Black Americans.”[124] Klan members devised a subversive crusade of coercion and brutal violence directed at Black and white Republican leadership. Even though the U.S. Congress had successfully pushed through regulations intended to mitigate Klan extremism, the KKK  viewed its main goal as the “reinstatement of white governance and supremacy throughout the Southlands in the 1870s and beyond,” made most evident through Democratic victories within state legislatures across the South.[125] Jim Crow was the name given to a racialized social order or caste system which operated primarily, but not exclusively, in the southern and border states between 1877 to the mid-1960s. “Jim Crow was more than a series of rigid anti-black laws. It was a way of life.”[126] Under the system of Jim Crow, African Americans were consigned to the rank of second-class citizens, as emphasized by African American Professor Emeritus, Adolph L. Reed Jr., “We were all unequal, but [when it came to race and class], some were more unequal than others.”[127] Divisions amongst the lower classes, throughout the South, served as a powerful and effective hegemonic tool of supremacy. Hence, it was not long, thereafter, within that stratified class society, before that black-white alliance had ended – as Democrats slowly united in a series of successful white supremacy campaigns to banish the Fusionists and discontinue what most white southern racists denoted to as, “Negro rule.”[128] Hence, as noted throughout this study, class, race, and racism have long been fundamental elements of control woven within this class-conscious slave culture, paradoxically, self-described, “birthplace of freedom.”

Conclusion

From the outset, as early as the Constitutional Convention of 1787, it has been inherently difficult to reconcile a faith in the U.S. Constitution as a “living, flexible and changeable,” document – with the fundamental unfeasibility of making systemwide class transformation in the United States of America. There is copious and convincing evidence that the U.S. Constitution was intended and/or mechanized, by design, to stifle and/or inhibit any “meaningful systemic change,” in order to counteract anything that does not assist the benefits of the moneyed elite. Brilliantly designed and implemented by those acclaimed early American “Framers,” such as James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and others – the means and complex configurations woven within the U.S. Constitution were deliberately intended to be unchangeable when it came to any and all challenges from below. The Constitutional aphorism over “the rights of private property possession” and its accompanied protections for example – made possible by the “expropriation of Native Americans lands, slavery; and the exploitation of lower-class labor” as discussed – has served, from the very beginning of that early American experiment, as a primary preset to protect wealth.[129] Political Science Professor Robert Ovetz argues, in fact, that the U.S. Constitution has never really lived up to its well-known first three words, of “We the People,”  insisting that that renowned Charter is, by its very nature and design, “self-breaching,” because “we the people have never directly given consent to be governed by it – nor do the laws put in place give [the people] the liberty to do so.”[130] That said, given the complexity of mind of those men recognized as “the Framers,” and in their defense, they did interweave a certain language of liberty, in the form of protections, as exemplified in Amendment IX, which states, “The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”[131]

Amendment IX to the Constitution was authorized on December 15th, 1791. And, it clearly proclaims that the text is not a wide-ranging list of every right of the citizen, but that the unnamed rights to come will be allowed protections under the law.[132] The IX Amendment explicitly acknowledged that the people have a reserve of rights that go beyond the Constitution. Hence, the enumeration of specific rights “shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”[133] As a counterweight to popular belief, American political scientist, author, and activist, Michael Parenti contends that, “those privileged delegates gave nothing to popular interests, rather – as with the Bill of Rights – they reluctantly made democratic concessions under the menacing threat of popular rebellion.”[134] Race and class, in early America, not only substantiated that, “the wealthy are a better class of men,” as James Madison proclaimed during the Convention[135] – but that wealth and privilege were correlated to intelligence and deserved protections. In fact, not dissimilar to present-day America, “According to the dogma [of that early elite colonial class] efforts to lessen inequality, through progressive taxation, or redistributive public spending, infringe the liberty of the rich,” meaning the rich deserve their benefits and reward as such. Consequently, intelligence determines merit, and merit apportions rewards are those early American values which permeate the culture to this day. The working class, both Black and white alike, “that have been consigned to the lower reaches of society were there,” as noted African American scholars Barbara and Karen Fields have demonstrated, “due to attributions of low intelligence” – demarcating clear class distinctions and divisions based on a model of superiority from early on which privileged an elite few.[136] The seeds of race supremacy and the hypocrisy of liberty, throughout America’s long and difficult history, were planted by the Framers themselves, “most of whom accepted that human beings could be held as property and that Africans and Native Americans were inferior to Caucasians” in a multitude of ways[137] – as demonstrated throughout this study.

Endnotes:

[1] James Madison, “Federalist Papers: Primary Documents in American History: Federalist No. 10,” research guide, accessed August 27, 2023, https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-1-10.

[2] Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia: An Annotated Edition, Notes on the State of Virginia (Yale University Press, 2022).

[3] Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (London: G. Routledge, 1893), 556–60.

[4] Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 8th ed (Boston: Thomson-Wadsworth, 2008), 40.

[5] Louis Otto quoted in Herbert Aptheker, Early Years of the Republic: From the End of the Revolution to the First Administration of Washington (1783-1793) (New York: International Publishers, 1976), 41.

[6] Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 40. Sourcing the works of Sidney H. Aronson, Status and Kinship in the Higher Civil Service: Standards of Selection in the Administrations of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1964); Daniel M. Friedenberg, Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Land: The Plunder of Early America (Buffalo, N.Y: Prometheus Books, 1992).

[7] Francis Bacon, The Philosophical Works of Francis Bacon, with Prefaces and Notes by the Late Robert Leslie Ellis, Together with English Translations of the Principal Latin Pieces, ed. James Spedding, vol. 4 (London: Longman & co., 1861), 64.

[8] “Declaration of Independence: A Transcription,” America’s Founding Documents, National Archives, accessed March 22, 2024, https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/declaration-transcript.

[9] Nancy G. Isenberg, White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America (New York, New York: Penguin Books, 2017), 1.

[10] Isenberg, 1.

[11] David McNally, Blood and Money: War, Slavery, Finance, and Empire (Chicago, Illinois: Haymarket Books, 2020), 178.

[12] Benjamin Irvin, Clothed in Robes of Sovereignty: The Continental Congress and the People Out of Doors (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 1–18.

[13] Isenberg, White Trash, 1.

[14] John Winthrop, “A Modell of Christian Charity, 1630,” in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd Series (Boston, 1838), 7:31-48, https://history.hanover.edu/texts/winthmod.html.

[15] Isenberg, White Trash, 3.

[16] Smith, Wealth of Nations, 556–60.

[17] Robert Ovetz, We the Elites: Why the US Constitution Serves the Few (London: Pluto Press, 2022), 2–3.

[18] Ovetz, 41.

[19] “The Constitution of the United States,” National Archives, accessed September 3, 2023, https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution.

[20] Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle, Ruling America: A History of Wealth and Power in a Democracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 40.

[21] “Declaration of Independence: A Transcription.”

[22] “From George Washington to Henry Knox,” December 26, 1786, Founders Online, National Archives, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-04-02-0409.

[23] Jennifer Nedelsky, Private Property, and the Limits of American Constitutionalism: The Madisonian Framework and Its Legacy, Paperback ed., (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1994), 159.

[24] “From George Washington to Henry Knox,” February 3, 1787, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-05-02-0006.

[25] Gregory H Nobles, “Historians Extend the Reach of the American Revolution,” in Whose American Revolution Was It? Historians Interpret the Founding, ed. Alfred Fabian Young and Gregory H. Nobles (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 213.

[26] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[27] Richard H. Kohn, Eagle and Sword: The Federalists and the Creation of the Military Establishment in America, 1783-1802 (New York: Free Press, 1975), 80, 95, 120.

[28] William Manning, The Key of Liberty: The Life and Democratic Writings of William Manning, “a Laborer,” 1747-1814, ed. Michael Merrill and Sean Wilentz, The John Harvard Library (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1993), 113.

[29] Manning, 164–66.

[30] Manning, 162.

[31] Alexander Hamilton, “Final Version: First Report on the Further Provision Necessary for Establishing Public Credit,” December 13, 1790, Founders Online, National Archives, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-07-02-0227-0003.

[32] Alexander Hamilton, “Final Version of the Second Report on the Further Provision Necessary for Establishing Public Credit (Report on a National Bank),” December 13, 1790, Founders Online, National Archives, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-07-02-0229-0003.

[33] Charles Austin Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (Anodos Books, 2018), 88.

[34] Beard, 164.

[35] “Declaration of Independence: A Transcription.”

[36] Ovetz, We the Elites, 44.

[37] James Madison, “Notes on Debates” (January 28, 1783), Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-06-02-0037.

[38] Woody Holton, Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution, First Edition (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008), 87–88.

[39] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[40] Ovetz, We the Elites, 96.

[41] John Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government (London: G. Routledge and Sons, 1884), 160.

[42] “From James Madison to James Monroe,” October 5, 1786, Founders Online, National Archives, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-09-02-0054; “To Thomas Jefferson from James Madison,” October 24, 1787, Founders Online, National Archives, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-12-02-0274; Madison, “Research Guides.”

[43] James Madison quoted in Michael J. Klarman, The Framers’ Coup: The Making of the United States Constitution (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2016), 210.

[44] John Dickinson quoted in Klarman, 210.

[45] Pierce Butler quoted in Klarman, 210.

[46] Ovetz, We the Elites, 53.

[47] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[48] Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1911), 642.

[49] Smith, Wealth of Nations, 342.

[50] Isenberg, White Trash, 14.

[51] Madison, “Research Guides.”

[52] Madison.

[53] Madison.

[54] Augustus John Foster, Jeffersonian America: Notes on the United States of America, Collected in the Years 1805-6-7 and 1-12 (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1954), 163, 307.

[55] Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1995), 380.

[56] Morgan, 380.

[57] Morgan, 381.

[58] Morgan, 381.

[59] Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government, 169–75.

[60] John Locke, “An Essay on the Poor Law,” in Political Essays, ed. Mark Goldie, Transferred to digital print, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 190–91.

[61] Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government, 239–40.

[62] David Waldstreicher, Slavery’s Constitution: From Revolution to Ratification (New York: Hill and Wang, 2009), 14.

[63] James Madison, “Rule of Representation in the Senate,” June 30, 1787, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-10-02-0050.

[64] James Madison, “Madison Debates,” August 22, 1787, Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/debates_822.asp.

[65] Staughton Lynd, Class Conflict, Slavery and the United States Constitution: Ten Essays (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Pr, 1980), 14.

[66] Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Loaded: A Disarming History of the Second Amendment (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2017), 65.

[67] Michael J. Klarman, The Framers’ Coup: The Making of the United States Constitution (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2016), 294.

[68] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[69] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[70] Paul Finkelman, “Slavery in the United States: Person or Property,” in The Legal Understanding of Slavery: From the Historical to the Contemporary, ed. Jean Allain (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2012), 118.

[71] Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, trans. W. D. Ross, 2009, https://classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/nicomachaen.html.

[72] Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 386–87.

[73] Edward E. Baptist, The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism, Paperback edition (New York: Basic Books, 2016), xviii–xix.

[74] Baptist, 244–45.

[75] Baptist, 245.

[76] Steven Deyle, “The Domestic Slave Trade in America: The Lifeblood of the Southern Slave System,” in The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas, ed. Walter Johnson and Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 95.

[77] Baptist, The Half Has Never Been Told, 248.

[78] Baptist, 248.

[79] Abraham Lincoln, “The Emancipation Proclamation, 1863,” January 1, 1863, https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/american_originals_iv/sections/nonjavatext_emancipation.html.

[80] James M. McPherson, “Who Freed the Slaves?,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 139, no. 1 (1995): 1–10.

[81] Baptist, The Half Has Never Been Told, 400–401.

[82] Baptist, 400.

[83] Baptist, 401.

[84] “SPEECH OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS: Delivered at a Mass Meeting Held at National Hall, Philadelphia, July 6, 1863, for the Promotion of Colored Enlistments,” Liberator (1831-1865), American Periodicals, 33, no. 30 (July 24, 1863): 118.

[85] David W. Blight, Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020), 409–10.

[86] John T. Hubbell, “Abraham Lincoln and the Recruitment of Black Soldiers,” Papers of the Abraham Lincoln Association 2, no. 1 (1980).

[87] “Lincoln’s Death,” Ford’s Theatre, accessed July 16, 2024, https://fords.org/lincolns-assassination/lincolns-death/.

[88] David R. Roediger, How Race Survived US History: From Settlement and Slavery to the Eclipse of Post-Racialism, Paperback edition (London New York: Verso, 2019), XII.

[89] Brian Duignan, “Enlightenment,” in Encyclopedia Britannica, July 29, 2024, https://www.britannica.com/event/Enlightenment-European-history.

[90] “Historical Foundations of Race,” National Museum of African American History and Culture, accessed July 30, 2024, https://nmaahc.si.edu/learn/talking-about-race/topics/historical-foundations-race.

[91] Paul Kivel, Uprooting Racism: How White People Can Work for Racial Justice (Gabriola Islands, BC: New Society Publ, 1996), 127.

[92] “Historical Foundations of Race.”

[93] Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “The Worrying State of the Anti-Prison Movement,” in Abolition Geography: Essays towards Liberation, ed. Brenna Bhandar and Albero Toscano (Brooklyn: Verso, 2022), 451.

[94] Quoted in Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition: And the Men Who Made It, Vol Vintage Books, 1989, 15–16.

[95] Aristotle, Politics, trans. Harris Rackham, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1944), 1.5 1254a13-18, https://catalog.perseus.org/catalog/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0086.tlg035.perseus-eng1.

[96] “Historical Foundations of Race.”

[97] James H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608 – 1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1984), 14–15.

[98] Tarter Brent, “Elizabeth Key (Fl. 1655-1660) Biography,” in Dictionary of Virginia Biography (Library of Virginia, 2019), Available at: https://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.asp?b=Key_Elizabeth_fl_1655-1660.

[99] Richard H. Popkin, “The Philosophical Basis of Eighteenth-Century Racism,” in Racism in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Harold E. Pagliaro (Cleveland: Case Western Reserve University Press, 1973), 246.

[100] “Declaration of Independence: A Transcription.”

[101] Locke, Two Treatises on Civil Government.

[102] Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1981), 132–35, 149–51.

[103] Karen E. Fields and Barbara Jeanne Fields, Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life (London: Verso, 2014), 18.

[104] Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. William Harwood Peden (Chapel Hill, NC: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1995), 137–38.

[105] Jefferson, 143.

[106] “Historical Foundations of Race.”

[107] Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 1995, 139.

[108] “Thomas Jefferson to Henri Gregoire, February 25, 1809” (Correspondence, February 25, 1809), Available at: https://www.loc.gov/resource/mtj1.043_0836_0836/?st=text.

[109] Fields and Fields, Racecraft, 18.

[110] Sir William Berkeley quoted in Stephen Saunders Webb, 1676, the End of American Independence (New York: Knopf, 1984), 16.

[111] Nathaniel Bacon quoted in Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 255.

[112] “Declaration of Independence: A Transcription.”

[113] “Historical Foundations of Race.”

[114] “Historical Foundations of Race.”

[115] Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 250–70.

[116] Eric Foner, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery, 1st ed (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), 298–99.

[117] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[118] Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, vol. VII (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, c1953-55), 380.

[119] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[120] Foner, The Fiery Trial, 302.

[121] Foner, 302.

[122] “Timeline: Assassination of President Abraham Lincoln,” in Library of Congress, Articles and Essays, Digital Collections, accessed August 28, 2024, https://www.loc.gov/collections/abraham-lincoln-papers/articles-and-essays/assassination-of-president-abraham-lincoln/timeline/.

[123] Helen Losse, “Colored Farmers’ Alliance,” in Encyclopedia of North Carolina, ed. William S. Powell (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), Available at: https://www.ncpedia.org/colored-farmers-alliance.

[124] History.com Editors, “Ku Klux Klan: Origin, Members & Facts,” History, April 20, 2023, https://www.history.com/topics/19th-century/ku-klux-klan.

[125] History.com Editors.

[126] “What Was Jim Crow – Jim Crow Museum,” accessed August 29, 2024, https://jimcrowmuseum.ferris.edu/what.htm.

[127] Adolph L. Reed, The South: Jim Crow and Its Afterlives (London; New York: Verso Books, 2022), 41.

[128] “What Was Jim Crow – Jim Crow Museum.”

[129] Ovetz, We the Elites, 159.

[130] Ovetz, 161.

[131] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[132] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[133] “The Constitution of the United States.”

[134] Parenti, Democracy for the Few, 50–51.

[135] Madison, “Notes on Debates.”

[136] Fields and Fields, Racecraft, 278.

[137] Klarman, The Framers’ Coup, 2016, 630–31.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Stephen Joseph Scott.

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Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/18/brazil-experts-alarmed-by-landgrabbers-and-settlers-as-uncontacted-man-emerges-from-the-forest/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/18/brazil-experts-alarmed-by-landgrabbers-and-settlers-as-uncontacted-man-emerges-from-the-forest/#respond Tue, 18 Feb 2025 15:22:26 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=156026 An uncontacted man from the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil who appeared at a settlement in an extractivist reserve in February 2025. © Anon Experts working in the area where an uncontacted Indigenous man appeared last week say it reveals the acute pressures from landgrabbers and the extraction of forest produce in that part of […]

The post Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Uncontacted man among loggers

An uncontacted man from the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil who appeared at a settlement in an extractivist reserve in February 2025. © Anon

Experts working in the area where an uncontacted Indigenous man appeared last week say it reveals the acute pressures from landgrabbers and the extraction of forest produce in that part of Brazil’s Amazon.

The young man, from a group known as “Uncontacted people of Mamoriá Grande,” emerged last week at a settlement occupied by locals harvesting Brazil nuts and other forest produce in the southern part of Amazonas state. He returned to the forest the following day.

Brazil’s Indigenous Affairs Agency FUNAI finally issued a Land Protection Order (a temporary protection) over the area last December, decades after local Indigenous people reported the group’s presence. The area is, however, still not officially demarcated (mapped out and protected), and some local politicians are challenging the Order.

There is mounting pressure on the forest from illegal hunting, fishing and land grabbers in the region.

Video of uncontacted man in settlement

Video of an uncontacted man in the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil has circulated widely online.

Zé Bajaga Apurinã, the Coordinator of local Indigenous organization FOCIMP (Federação das Organizações das Comunidades do Médio Rio Purus) says: “We’ve been asking for that territory to be protected for a long time. They did the temporary protection, but that doesn’t solve it. What really solves it is demarcation. Those people have nowhere else to go. People are invading, taking the wealth that’s inside the land, cutting down wood, fishing, hunting, everything in there. And they’re suffocating, they’re under threat. We need to set up a health cordon immediately and demarcate the land urgently.”

Public prosecutor Daniel Luis Dalberto works on uncontacted peoples’ issues. He was in the area last week and told Brazilian news site A Publica: “I have seen with my own eyes the risks [to] which these peoples are subjected. The risk of genocide or extermination is very high.”

Carlos Travassos is the former head of FUNAI’s uncontacted and recently-contacted peoples unit, and was also previously chief of the FUNAI base in the area. He told A Publica: “[Some parts of this region] are not legally protected and have been the target of land speculation, such as land grabbing. Funai’s Land Protection Order was very important. This is the end of the ‘arc of deforestation’, the most deforested region of the Amazon. It’s a region with a lot of land pressure.”

Survival previously publicized the vulnerable nature of the territory and the people in it, which until recently lacked even the most basic protection.

Survival International Director Caroline Pearce said today: “This alarming development shows how vital it is that this territory, like all uncontacted Indigenous peoples’ territories, is properly demarcated and protected as a matter of urgency. The government has taken years just to issue a temporary Land Protection Order, but the Indigenous people’s presence in this area has been known for decades, and land grabbing is now rampant.”

Note: Survival Brasil’s researcher Priscilla Oliveira was in the area with FUNAI shortly before the young man appeared, and is available to interview.

The post Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

]]>
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Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/18/brazil-experts-alarmed-by-landgrabbers-and-settlers-as-uncontacted-man-emerges-from-the-forest-2/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/18/brazil-experts-alarmed-by-landgrabbers-and-settlers-as-uncontacted-man-emerges-from-the-forest-2/#respond Tue, 18 Feb 2025 15:22:26 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=156026 An uncontacted man from the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil who appeared at a settlement in an extractivist reserve in February 2025. © Anon Experts working in the area where an uncontacted Indigenous man appeared last week say it reveals the acute pressures from landgrabbers and the extraction of forest produce in that part of […]

The post Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Uncontacted man among loggers

An uncontacted man from the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil who appeared at a settlement in an extractivist reserve in February 2025. © Anon

Experts working in the area where an uncontacted Indigenous man appeared last week say it reveals the acute pressures from landgrabbers and the extraction of forest produce in that part of Brazil’s Amazon.

The young man, from a group known as “Uncontacted people of Mamoriá Grande,” emerged last week at a settlement occupied by locals harvesting Brazil nuts and other forest produce in the southern part of Amazonas state. He returned to the forest the following day.

Brazil’s Indigenous Affairs Agency FUNAI finally issued a Land Protection Order (a temporary protection) over the area last December, decades after local Indigenous people reported the group’s presence. The area is, however, still not officially demarcated (mapped out and protected), and some local politicians are challenging the Order.

There is mounting pressure on the forest from illegal hunting, fishing and land grabbers in the region.

Video of uncontacted man in settlement

Video of an uncontacted man in the Mamoriá Grande area of Brazil has circulated widely online.

Zé Bajaga Apurinã, the Coordinator of local Indigenous organization FOCIMP (Federação das Organizações das Comunidades do Médio Rio Purus) says: “We’ve been asking for that territory to be protected for a long time. They did the temporary protection, but that doesn’t solve it. What really solves it is demarcation. Those people have nowhere else to go. People are invading, taking the wealth that’s inside the land, cutting down wood, fishing, hunting, everything in there. And they’re suffocating, they’re under threat. We need to set up a health cordon immediately and demarcate the land urgently.”

Public prosecutor Daniel Luis Dalberto works on uncontacted peoples’ issues. He was in the area last week and told Brazilian news site A Publica: “I have seen with my own eyes the risks [to] which these peoples are subjected. The risk of genocide or extermination is very high.”

Carlos Travassos is the former head of FUNAI’s uncontacted and recently-contacted peoples unit, and was also previously chief of the FUNAI base in the area. He told A Publica: “[Some parts of this region] are not legally protected and have been the target of land speculation, such as land grabbing. Funai’s Land Protection Order was very important. This is the end of the ‘arc of deforestation’, the most deforested region of the Amazon. It’s a region with a lot of land pressure.”

Survival previously publicized the vulnerable nature of the territory and the people in it, which until recently lacked even the most basic protection.

Survival International Director Caroline Pearce said today: “This alarming development shows how vital it is that this territory, like all uncontacted Indigenous peoples’ territories, is properly demarcated and protected as a matter of urgency. The government has taken years just to issue a temporary Land Protection Order, but the Indigenous people’s presence in this area has been known for decades, and land grabbing is now rampant.”

Note: Survival Brasil’s researcher Priscilla Oliveira was in the area with FUNAI shortly before the young man appeared, and is available to interview.

The post Brazil: Experts Alarmed by Landgrabbers and Settlers as Uncontacted Man Emerges from the Forest first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Heads Up, the Revolution is Already Here https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/heads-up-the-revolution-is-already-here/ https://www.radiofree.org/2025/02/08/heads-up-the-revolution-is-already-here/#respond Sat, 08 Feb 2025 08:01:23 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=155755 State and market solutions to the ecological crisis have only increased the wealth and power of those on top, while greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise. Nearly all the experts and professionals are invested, literally, in a framework that is only making things worse. With so much power concentrated in the very institutions that suppress […]

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State and market solutions to the ecological crisis have only increased the wealth and power of those on top, while greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise. Nearly all the experts and professionals are invested, literally, in a framework that is only making things worse. With so much power concentrated in the very institutions that suppress any realistic assessment of the situation, things seem incredibly bleak. But what if we told you that there’s another way? That there are already people all around the world implementing immediate, effective responses that can be integrated into long-term strategies to survive these overlapping, cascading crises?

We spoke with three revolutionaries on the front lines resisting capitalist, colonial projects. Sleydo’ from the Gidimt’en clan of the Wet’suwet’en nation, in so-called British Columbia, Isa from the ZAD in the west of France, and Neto, a militant with the Landless Workers’ Movement based in the northeast of so-called Brazil. They share their experiences gained from years of building collective power, defeating repression, and defending the Earth for all its inhabitants and for the generations still to come.

They share stories of solidarity spreading across a continent, of people abandoned to poverty and marginalization reclaiming land, restoring devastated forests, and feeding themselves communally, stories of strangers coming together for their shared survival and a better future, going head to head with militarized police forces and winning. And in these stories we can hear things that are lacking almost everywhere else we look: optimism alongside realism, intelligent strategies for how we can survive, love and empathy for the world around us and for the future generations, together with the belief that we can do something meaningful, something that makes a difference. The joy of revolutionary transformation.

We learn about solutions. Real world solutions. Solutions outside of the control of capitalism and the state.

The Revolution is Already Here.

Next up: how do we make it our own?

Revolution or Death is a three-part collaboration between Peter Gelderloos and subMedia. Part 1, ‘Short Term Investments,’ examined the official response to the climate crisis and how it’s failing. In Part 2, ‘Heads Up, the Revolution is Already Here’ we talk with movements around the globe that provide inspiring examples of what realistic, effective responses look like. Part 3 ‘Reclaiming the World Wherever We Stand’ will focus on how we can all apply these lessons at home.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by subMedia.

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Who Should Get a Presidential Pardon but Won’t! https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/who-should-get-a-presidential-pardon-but-wont/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/12/11/who-should-get-a-presidential-pardon-but-wont/#respond Wed, 11 Dec 2024 21:28:17 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=155326 President Joe Biden has pardoned his son, Hunter, after having repeatedly promised that he would not.  Biden justifies this act based upon his presumption (likely accurate) that Hunter’s denial of a plea deal was on account of political opposition from Trump Republicans.  Nevertheless, Hunter’s consideration for a lenient plea deal was undoubtedly influenced by his […]

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President Joe Biden has pardoned his son, Hunter, after having repeatedly promised that he would not.  Biden justifies this act based upon his presumption (likely accurate) that Hunter’s denial of a plea deal was on account of political opposition from Trump Republicans.  Nevertheless, Hunter’s consideration for a lenient plea deal was undoubtedly influenced by his status (white privileged son of a prominent politician), whereas such leniency would be far less likely to be considered for a poor racial minority person guilty of similar crimes likewise motivated by the stresses of drug addiction.  Similar favoritism for family members manifested: with Bill Clinton’s pardon for his half-brother’s drug-crime conviction, and Donald Trump’s pardon for his son-in-law’s father’s conviction of tax evasion and witness-tampering.  Both Presidents Bush gave pardons to close political associates.  In fact, who does or does not receive leniency (including pardons) is determined almost entirely by class privilege or lack thereof.

Abuse and impunity.

Especially concerning, in the Hunter Biden case, is that said pardon preemptively covers all possible federal crimes with which Hunter could possibly be charged, if committed at any time during the past 11 years.  And there are unresolved questions concerning his shady business dealings during Joe Biden’s Vice-Presidency.  Moreover, unlike Biden, previous Presidents (including Trump) had (with the exception of the political crimes of one ex-President) always followed precedent by limiting their pardons to crimes for which the accused had been actually prosecuted.  Biden now sets a corrupt example which Trump will almost certainly copy as he (Trump) pardons those whose yet-to-be-charged crimes (including violent ones) were perpetrated by his supporters.

Meanwhile, crimes perpetrated by Joe Biden and other US government decision-makers against people of color in other countries get, not lenient treatment, but absolute impunity.  Among their never-to-be-prosecuted crimes, Biden (and Harris) are full participants with the fascist settler-colonialist state in its genocidal mass murder, rooted in their de facto embrace of the proposition that Zionists are entitled to treat the resistant indigenous population of Palestine as white American expansionists had treated the indigenous nations of this continent.

As for the liberal left, they (being more concerned over possibly somewhat increased repression of liberal dissent in the US than over actual US-backed fascist repression and mass murder elsewhere) shelved their anti-racism and anti-imperialism as they campaigned for the center right Harris-Walz-Cheney-Bolton ticket.  Left liberal fervor to elect the Democrat ticket was despite: Biden-Harris and other centrist Democrat politicians’ complicity in the existing domestic repression of pro-Palestine and other anti-imperialist dissent, as well as their decision to obstruct access to due process for most migrant and asylum-seeking people of color.  Thusly the liberal left has given its allegiance to centrist Democrat politicians, whose opposition to racism and repression is, like that of Trump, entirely expedient and selective.

Will Biden provide clemency for US prisoners who are not of the privileged class?  Consider the US political prisoners, unjustly convicted in rigged political trials, victims who have languished for decades in US prisons!  As these were prosecuted on account of their having acted in opposition to the regime to which Biden et al are committed, it is very unlikely that Biden will pardon them.  Three current examples follow.

[1] Extraordinary prosecution: Ricardo Palmera

Context.  Colombia has been almost continuously torn apart by civil war since 1948 when Jorge Eliécer Gaitán (the populist Liberal Party candidate for President) was assassinated by a lone gunman.  As a proponent of land reform and with a history of advocacy for workers’ rights, Gaitán had incurred the enmity of the ruling elites and of US-based transnational capital.  At the time of his assassination, he was opposing the US project for the formation of the Organization of American States which would be a tool for facilitating US domination and for suppressing “Communist” influence in Latin America.  The assassination provoked armed civil conflict among political factions.  Eventually, rightwing forces gained control of the Liberal Party which then entered into a ruling coalition with the Conservative Party.  The conflict then evolved into one between:

  • the central government (controlled by the oligarch-dominated ruling coalition and relying upon police, armed forces, and right-wing paramilitaries); and
  • leftist guerrilla armies.

The latter eventually consisted mainly of:

  • the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [FARC] which had begun as an offshoot of the Colombian Communist Party, and
  • the National Liberation Army [ELN].

Both sides in this civil war had engaged in practices which were widely condemned as human rights violations: the FARC for ransom kidnappings and extortions; the government (and its rightwing paramilitary death squads) for brutal repression, torture, and assassinations of peasant and labor leaders and other noncombatant left-leaning activists.  The two sides had sometimes engaged in peace talks.  While a negotiated truce was in effect from 1984 until 1987, leftist groups (including the FARC) formed the Patriotic Union [UP] to seek social and political reforms thru peaceful political processes.  In the 1986 elections UP candidates achieved victories in many of the local contests.  The ruling oligarchs became alarmed, and over the following years some 4,000 to 6,000 UP members (including its 1986 and 1990 Presidential candidates) were murdered (with near-universal impunity) by rightwing paramilitaries backed by oligarchs.  The US has actively intervened (since 1964) with material assistance to the armed forces of the central government.  In 2004 the US targeted FARC negotiator Ricardo Palmera.

Ricardo Palmera (a.k.a. Simón Trinidad) had worked as a professor of economic history and had participated in the 1986 UP election campaign.  As the death squads assassinated leftist leaders and activists with impunity, Palmera decided (in 1987) to join the FARC.  He rose to a position of leadership and served as a negotiator for the FARC during the 1998 to 2002 peace process.  He went to Quito, Ecuador (in 2004 January) to meet with James Lemoyne, a United Nations special advisor on peace processes to facilitate a prisoner exchange.  At the behest of the CIA, the Ecuadoran government arrested Palmera and turned him over to the Colombian government, which then conspired with the US (which had no charges against him at the time) to invent a case for his extradition for trial in the US.

The case.  The US DoJ [Dept of Justice] then subjected Palmera to four illegitimate trials on inappropriate charges.  Specifics follow.

(1) The US misclassified FARC revolutionaries as “terrorists”; but, under international law captured participants in a revolutionary civil war are entitled to prisoner-of-war [POW] status.  By prosecuting Palmera for participation in the armed conflict, the US has violated his right to POW status.

(2) The prosecution charged complicity in hostage-taking based on the FARC’s shoot-down and capture of three US contractors on a reconnaissance mission over FARC-held territory in 2003.  Thus, the prosecution misrepresented a legitimate act of war as being a crime.

(3) Even if the capture and detention of the contractors were a crime, the US had no jurisdiction over the area where the event occurred.  Moreover, Palmera had no command authority over the relevant FARC forces or advance knowledge of their operations.

(4) The prosecution charged complicity in “narco-trafficking”, but US government sources had determined: that, although it taxed operators profiting from cocaine production, the FARC did not engage in or control Colombian drug trafficking; and that, meanwhile, many of the rightwing paramilitaries opposed to the FARC were employed by the drug traffickers.  In four trials the DoJ was unable to get a conviction on this accusation.

(5) In the first trial (2006) the jury deadlocked on all charges.  At its conclusion the judge illicitly questioned the jurors in order to obtain information to help the prosecution obtain convictions in the next trial.  Consequently, a new judge had to be found for the subsequent trials.

(6) In the second trial the jury told the judge that they were at an impasse and unable to agree upon a verdict.  The judge required them to continue deliberations until, after another four days, they consented to a guilty verdict on one of five counts – conspiracy to hold three US citizens hostage.  However, there was no evidence of any act by Palmera that involved the capture or detention of the three US citizens.  Consequently, this conviction could only be a verdict of guilt-by-association.

(7) The third and fourth trials on narco-trafficking charges ended with deadlocked juries, and the prosecution then dismissed those charges.

(8) In 2008 Palmera was sentenced to 60 years in prison.  He has been held in solitary confinement with very limited access to his lawyer for nearly all of his 20 years in US detention.

[2] Repressing resistance in the First Nations: Leonard Peltier

 Historical context.  The US government has a long history of atrocious abuse of the indigenous nations and their peoples throughout its territory.  These abuses include: genocidal wars, ethnic cleansings, coerced assimilation with suppression of the native languages and cultures, forcing their peoples into conditions of degrading poverty, imposition of fraudulent and inequitable treaties, subjugation as subordinate nations, routine violations of treaty rights, corrupt governance, theft of their land and resources thru outright seizures and thru imposition of inequitable leases to US capitalists, and so forth.

In mid-20th century, Amerindian resistance grew and produced a number of activist organizations.  The American Indian Movement [AIM] (founded in 1968) adopted a militant posture and gained nationwide prominence.  The poverty and lack of opportunity on reservations had induced many Amerindians to move to urban areas where they concentrated in urban slums and suffered the afflictions common to other disadvantaged racial minorities.  AIM responded by starting remedial projects: health programs, education and job training programs, legal rights centers, and so forth.  In 1969 AIM joined Fred Hampton’s original revolutionary Rainbow Coalition.  During the next few years AIM brought public attention to Amerindian grievances thru participation in a series of militant protest actions including: the occupation of Alcatraz (1969—71), the Thanksgiving Day occupation of the replica Mayflower (1970), the occupation of Mount Rushmore (1971), a brief occupation of US Bureau of Indian Affairs [BIA] headquarters (1971), the “Trail of Broken Treaties” cross-country caravan and protest which included the occupation of the BIA offices (1972).  The US Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI] and DoJ decided that AIM was a “threat to national security” and set out to destroy it.

Repression on the Pine Ridge Reservation.  Tribal members on the (Oglala Lakota) Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota had formed the Oglala Sioux Civil Rights Organization [OSCRO]:

  • to seek justice for Oglala victims of racist attacks in neighboring off-reservation communities where the white perpetrators were routinely given impunity or biased leniency, even in murder cases; and
  • to seek reform of tribal government then ruled by a corrupt and autocratic tribal Chairman, Dick Wilson, who engaged in blatant favoritism, with respect to jobs and other benefits, for his relatives and cronies.

In 1973 some tribal councilors brought misconduct charges against Wilson (who held the chairmanship from 1972 until 1976), and the tribal council then voted 11 to 7 to suspend him, but he managed to have his impeachment trial stopped.  Wilson had already organized his own private militia, Guardians of the Oglala Nation [GOONs], which he illegally paid with tribal funds and used to suppress his political opponents.  When several hundred Oglala gathered to protest the quashing of the impeachment trial, the BIA sent in a force of the US Marshals Service [USMS] to sustain Wilson’s position.

A few days after the foiled impeachment trial, some 200 local protestors and AIM activists occupied the remote Reservation village of Wounded Knee (site of the 1890 massacre of over 200 Lakota men, women, and children by a trigger-happy US Cavalry Regiment).  Using the action to publicize Amerindian grievances, the occupiers demanded: the removal of Wilson, and negotiations to address US violation of its treaty obligations.  USMS, FBI, and other police cordoned the area thereby creating a standoff with frequent shooting from both sides.  After 71 days the occupiers ended the occupation and withdrew.  One FBI agent, two occupiers, and one visitor had been killed; and 13 individuals wounded.

During and after the Wounded Knee siege, the Wilson regime and his GOONs intensified repression of his political opponents of whom more than 60 were killed during the following 3 years, while the Reservation’s homicide rate grew to 17 times the US average.  Meanwhile, the DoJ indicted 185 individuals for alleged crimes involving their actions in occupying Wounded Knee; these included: arson, theft, assault, and interfering with federal officers.  Numerous trials followed, the most prominent being the government’s 1974 show trial of AIM leaders, Dennis Banks and Russell Means.  This (8 ½ month) trial ended when the judge ruled that the prosecution had committed such egregious misconduct, including withholding of evidence and use of perjured witness testimony, that dismissal was the only appropriate outcome.  Nevertheless, the DoJ persisted in its persecution of AIM leaders.

From the start of the conflict between Dick Wilson with his supporters and his opponents (including OSCRO and AIM), the federal agencies (BIA, FBI, USMS, and DoJ) naturally sided with the Wilson regime which leased tribal lands to nearby white ranchers and politically influential American capitalists under inequitable contracts deemed unfair to reservation residents.  The FBI provided Wilson’s GOONs with intelligence on AIM activists and other opponents of the Wilson regime and looked away while the GOONs assaulted, terrorized, and murdered Wilson’s critics.  The FBI also perpetrated warrantless no-knock assaults on homes as it used the Pine Ridge Reservation to train its first militarized commando (i.e. SWAT) teams.  Meanwhile, the FBI and DoJ targeted AIM members and supporters for prosecution on any and every possible charge.  This hostile environment created the tension which eventually erupted into the shootout at the Jumping Bull Ranch.  The DoJ ultimately obtained a fraudulent murder conviction against Leonard Peltier.

Subject events.  In 1975 June 26, two FBI agents, Jack Coler and Ronald Williams, in unmarked cars were following a red pickup truck which they believed belonged to an Oglala alleged to have stolen a pair of cowboy boots.  As they entered the Jumping Bull Ranch (where several AIM members were camped) shots were fired, and a shootout then ensued between the feds and the AIM activists.  There were more than 30 people at the ranch including women, children, and other non-belligerents.  By the end of the confrontation, the ranch was surrounded by some 150 armed agents (FBI, BIA, local police, and GOONs).  Which side fired first is in dispute.  Casualties: the two FBI men were wounded by fire from the AIM side and then killed execution-style by person unknown; AIM member, Joe Stuntz, was killed by a government sniper.

FBI investigators and DoJ prosecutors, embarrassed by their failures to obtain convictions of AIM leaders involved in the Wounded Knee occupation, responded by pursuing only prominent AIM members, the objective being to convict some AIM leaders on charges of having murdered the two FBI men.  For this purpose, they indicted three prominent AIM members who had participated in the shootout, namely: Leonard Peltier, Robert Robideau, and Darrelle Butler.

Trials.  In September Butler and Robideau were arrested.  Peltier fled to Canada, where he was arrested and extradited to the US (1976 December).  While Peltier was not yet in custody, Robideau and Butler were tried and acquitted (1976 July, with Judge McManus presiding) when their jury concluded that, with the level of violence and government intimidation on the Reservation, they could plausibly claim to have acted in self-defense during the exchange of gunfire.

Peltier was extradited and subjected to a rigged trial (in Fargo, ND in 1977) before an all-white jury which convicted him on two counts of first-degree murder.  The judge then sentenced him to two consecutive terms of life imprisonment.  The improprieties in the legal proceedings were as follows.

(1) The FBI coerced one, Myrtle Poor Bear, to allege in a signed affidavit that she had been Peltier’s girlfriend and had seen him kill the two FBI men.  In fact, she had never met Peltier and was not present at the shootout.  The FBI then used this false affidavit to obtain Peltier’s extradition from Canada.

(2) Ms Poor Bear recanted her allegations against Peltier, but the judge refused to permit the defense to present her as a witness (claiming: that she was too mentally unstable to provide competent testimony, and that exposure of the FBI’s extradition fraud would prejudice the jury against the prosecution).  The judge also refused to allow the defense to present evidence of other cases where the FBI had been rebuked for tampering with evidence and witnesses.

(3) An FBI agent changed his story by testifying at trial that the vehicle, which the two agents had pursued and whose occupant had fired at them, was Peltier’s red and white van.  In fact, the two FBI agents had identified the pursued vehicle as a red pickup truck, and it was red pickup trucks which the FBI first sought and searched after the shootout.

(4) The prosecution alleged at trial that the two FBI agents had been killed by Peltier’s AR-15 rifle.  The prosecution also asserted that Peltier’s AR-15 was the only one present, but it was later compelled to admit to the appellate judge that several other AR-15 rifles were present in the area and possibly present at the shootout.  An FBI ballistics expert testified that extractor marks on a shell casing found at the scene matched Peltier’s rifle; he also testified that a more accurate firing pin test had not been performed because of damage to Peltier’s gun.  Some years after Peltier’s conviction, a FOIA request produced documentation of a pre-trial FBI ballistics test on the firing pin which proved that the shell casing had not been fired by Peltier’s AR-15.  The DoJ had withheld this crucial exculpatory evidence from the defense during trial.

(5) No trial witness identified Peltier as the person who killed the FBI men.  And during Peltier’s appeal (in 1986), the prosecution admitted that it had no real evidence to establish who fired the fatal shots.  Nevertheless, the appellate court refused to overturn the conviction based on the prosecutor’s new assertion that the jury had found Peltier guilty of “aiding and abetting” the murders, notwithstanding that the prosecution had never actually pursued that issue at trial.  Moreover, this allegation would have applied equally to Robideau and Butler, whose jury (having heard all of the defense case) had acquitted them.

(6) Other apparent violations of Peltier’s rights to a fair trial include: the arbitrary and never-explained replacement of the originally assigned judge (McManus) by another judge (Benson) more disposed to exclude evidence favorable to the defendant, an undisclosed FBI pre-trial meeting with trial judge Benson, infiltration of FBI informants into the defense team, the presentation of coerced testimony by juvenile witnesses who had been intimidated by the FBI, and the DoJ use of tactics to frighten and bias the jury by always transporting them to and from court under escort by a SWAT team.

Evaluation.  Many organizations and individuals have examined the case and concluded: that the DoJ and federal courts violated Peltier’s right to a fair trial, that he was targeted and convicted for his political associations, that the government has no evidence that he committed the murders for which he was convicted, and that he should be immediately released from prison.  These include: Amnesty International, the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Robert F Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, National Lawyers Guild, Center for Constitutional Rights, European parliament, Belgian parliament, Italian parliament, several Nobel Prize winners, and many other well-known advocates for human rights.

Frame-up in Milwaukee.  2 ½ years prior to the 1975 shoot-out, AIM activist Leonard Peltier, was sitting in a Milwaukee restaurant where 2 off duty cops (in 1972 November) picked a quarrel with him.  Then, as he was leaving, the same 2 cops jumped and beat Peltier.  They then arrested Peltier on a charge of attempted murder (of themselves) with what was later shown to be a nonfunctional gun.  Fearing that he would be killed or railroaded to prison on perjured police testimony, Peltier obtained release on bond and then fled.  In 1978, while in prison following his frame-up conviction for the premeditated murders of the two FBI agents, he was finally brought to trial on this “attempted murder” charge.  At trial the girlfriend of one of the two cops testified that her cop friend had shown her a photo of Peltier prior to the incident and had told her that “he was going to help the FBI get a big one”.  Thus, it became clear that the entire incident had been a set-up and fraud.  The prosecution’s case then collapsed, and the jury acquitted this “notorious AIM felon”.

Sources

[1] Wagner & Lynch PLLC: Wounded Knee – the Massacre, the Incident, & the Radical Lawyer (© 2023).

[2] International Leonard Peltier Defense Committee: Facts (accessed 2024 Dec).

[3] FOIA Documents – U.S. v Leonard Peltier (CR NO. C77-3003): Post-Trial Actions – Criminal (© 2015 Dec).

 [3] Criminalizing Muslim charities

The Holy Land Foundation [HLF] was the largest Islamic charity in the US in 2000.  It distributed charity (food, clothing, healthcare services, et cetera) thru established local zakat [charity] committees in the Israeli-occupied territories of Palestine.  Because it provided charitable relief to victims of Israeli persecution, HLF was targeted first by American Zionists and then, at their behest, by the US government.

Islam in Palestine.  90% of Palestinian Arabs are Muslim.  Naturally, they vary widely in their devotion to religious prescriptions.  Until the PLO’s capitulation and corruption cost it most of its popular sympathy, Hamas had the allegiance of only a small minority of Palestinian Muslims.  Hamas, which is a political and social force within Palestinian Muslim communities, was founded in 1987 as an offshoot of the (Islamist Egyptian) Muslim Brotherhood [MB].  Until 1987, MB in Palestine maintained peaceful relations with the Zionist state, and its leaders had met regularly with Israeli officials.  Because said MB was hostile to the secular and leftist Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the Israeli state: had happily encouraged the former as a potential alternative Palestinian leadership to that of the PLO, and had refrained from interfering when MB Islamists perpetrated violent attacks against secular groups aligned with the PLO.  However, violent Israeli repression impacted all Palestinians (including MB adherents) in the occupied territories; and overwhelming Palestinian support for the First Intifada (1987—93 civil disobedience campaign) finally induced Palestinian MB, reconstituted as Hamas, to embrace the resistance to Israeli occupation.  When Hamas responded to Israeli violence by forming a military arm to retaliate with its own violent counterattacks upon Israelis, the Zionist state branded it as a “terrorist” organization.  In 1995 the US accommodated its Israeli ally by also branding Hamas as a “terrorist” organization.

Target.  Although a Hamas fundraiser, Musa Abu-Marzuk, had provided financial support at its founding (in 1989), HLF was not an affiliate of Hamas, and its actual activities had nothing to do with violent resistance to Zionist oppressions.  Nevertheless, Zionist groups targeted HLF with smears and demands for revocation of its tax-exemption.  HLF continued its charitable work until 2001, when the US government used the 9-11 Al-Qaeda attacks as pretext for a so-called “war on terror” which became largely an attack upon civil liberties with widespread targeting of (mostly innocent) Arab-American activists and US-based Islamic institutions.  One such target was HLF.  The federal government (in 2001 December): seized its assets, shut down its operations, and branded it as a “terrorist” organization.

Prosecution.  In 2007 the DoJ brought the HLF and five of its principal officers (now known as the Holy Land Five) to trial on allegations of providing material support to a designated terrorist organization (meaning Hamas).  In this trial (which included violations of the defendants’ due process rights), the jury acquitted on some counts and deadlocked on the others.  A more egregiously rigged retrial in 2008 resulted in convictions on all remaining counts.  Specific violations of due process follow.

(1) The prosecution contended that, by providing charity to needy Palestinians thru the local charity committees which the prosecution alleged were controlled by Hamas, HLF was bolstering Hamas’ popularity and thereby providing material support for “terrorism”.  Thus, the prosecution sought conviction of the accused based upon guilt-by-association.

(2) The prosecution’s classification of the local charities as agents of “terrorism” was baseless.  The relevant facts: (1st) the local committees were independent entities devoted to charitable purposes, and their leaders included individuals with no ties to Hamas as well as those who were members or sympathizers with Hamas; (2nd) immediately after the US had listed Hamas as “terrorist”, HLF had sought advice from the federal government as to which, if any, of the charities were deemed unacceptable; (3rd) none of the charity committees was listed by the US as a terrorist organization; (4th) the US (thru its USAID program) had provided funding for many of the same local charity committees until 2006 (for five years after the HLF had been shut down); and (5th) the prosecution acknowledged that none of the funding of the charities was used for acts which the US deemed to be “terrorist”.

(3) The prosecution was permitted, over defense objections, to present two unidentified Israeli state security agents as “expert” witnesses for the purpose of tying the charity committees to Hamas.  The anonymity of these “experts” prevented effective defense cross-examination to challenge their credentials and the validity of their assertions thereby violating the defendants’ 6th Amendment rights to confront and rebut their accusers.

(4) In the retrial the only significant change in the prosecution’s presentation was its move to bolster its case by introducing additional “evidence” which consisted of untestable assertions, hearsay, and irrelevant material, all of which served only to prejudice the jury against the defendants.  The appeals court (in 2011): ruled this additional “evidence” inadmissible, then astonishingly asserted that its use did not affect the outcome, and finally refused to overturn the convictions.

(Ω) The Holy Land Five are: Ghassan Elashi, Shukri Abu-Baker, Mufid Abdulqader, Abdulrahman Odeh, and Mohammad El-Mezain.  Their prison sentences were: 65 years for each of the first two, 20 years for the third, and 15 years for the remaining two.

Source

For more on Hamas, see Pierce, Charles: Gaza War: Palestine, Zionism, imperialism, Hamas, previous wars, atrocities. What are the relevant actual facts?.

 Conclusion

For 3 reasons (their liberal capitalist indoctrination, their attachment to their own privileges and entitlements, and their dependency upon their capitalist campaign funders), governing centrist Democrat politicians are incapable of providing: equal justice in law enforcement, or consistent enforcement of the civil rights of opponents of their imperial and capital-serving policies.  Moreover, any concessions (reforms) which they offer, in support of greater social justice, will always be limited to what does not seriously impinge against the interests of powerful factions of the ruling class.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Charles Pierce.

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Demand for EVs Drives Destruction of Uncontacted People https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/demand-for-evs-drives-destruction-of-uncontacted-people/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/25/demand-for-evs-drives-destruction-of-uncontacted-people/#respond Mon, 25 Nov 2024 16:51:24 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=155165 Two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warn bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. Multiple similar videos prove unequivocally the presence of uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people in and around the nickel mining areas. ©Anon A new report by Survival International has revealed that demand for electric vehicles is destroying uncontacted people’s lives and lands in Indonesia. […]

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Hongana Manyawa men with weapons aim at bulldozers.Two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warn bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. Multiple similar videos prove unequivocally the presence of uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people in and around the nickel mining areas. ©Anon

A new report by Survival International has revealed that demand for electric vehicles is destroying uncontacted people’s lives and lands in Indonesia.

The report, published today, reveals:

  • The uncontacted Indigenous Hongana Manyawa people of Halmahera island in Indonesia, are facing a severe and immediate threat of genocide because mining nickel for use in electric vehicle batteries is destroying their rainforest home and puts them at risk of contracting deadly diseases.
  • French mining company Eramet, which operates the largest mine on uncontacted Hongana Manyawa territory has known of the severe risks to the 500 uncontacted Indigenous people for more than 10 years. Eramet oversees the mining operations of Weda Bay Nickel (WBN), the largest nickel mine on Earth.
  • According to its own reports, the company has been aware of uncontacted Hongana Manyawa in and around the WBN concession since at least 2013. In spite of this, the company continues to deny their presence, and has been mining on territory belonging to the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa since 2019.
  • There are at least 19 mining companies operating on the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa, most mining for nickel.
  • Mining in Halmahera is part of a major Indonesian government project to massively expand nickel mining to feed the global demand for electric vehicle batteries.
  • The mining is not simply deadly, it is also a violation of international law. The uncontacted Hongana Manyawa have not given their Free, Prior and Informed Consent to the destruction of their forest and land, and are unable to give it.

Following intense lobbying from Survival International, German chemical giant BASF pulled out in June from a $2.6 billion dollar project with Eramet to process nickel from Halmahera.

In recent months, as the miners pushed ever-deeper into Hongana Manyawa territory, a series of videos went viral, showing uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people resisting bulldozers operating on their territory, or being forced out of the forest into mining camps.

Uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people with minersUncontacted Hongana Manyawa appear at a Weda Bay Nickel mining camp. The uncontacted Hongana Manyawa are becoming effectively forced to beg for food from the same companies destroying their rainforest home. ©Survival

Survival International’s Director Caroline Pearce said today: “It’s obscene that a nickel rush to fuel supposedly sustainable consumption is in fact on the verge of wiping out the uncontacted Indigenous Hongana Manyawa, who truly live sustainably.

“Survival International is calling for the urgent, immediate recognition and demarcation of their territory, an end to mining on their land and the establishment of a ‘no-go zone’ – the only way to ensure the survival of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people.

“It’s also vital that electric vehicle manufacturers publicly commit to ensuring that their supply chains are entirely free of materials stolen from the territories of uncontacted Indigenous peoples, or from companies operating on (or sourcing from) the territories of uncontacted peoples, including the Hongana Manyawa.”

The post Demand for EVs Drives Destruction of Uncontacted People first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Maori MPs Perform War Chant in Parliament https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/15/maori-mps-perform-war-chant-in-parliament/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/15/maori-mps-perform-war-chant-in-parliament/#respond Fri, 15 Nov 2024 14:49:49 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154924 Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke performs a Haka in parliament in Wellington, New Zealand, November 14, 2024 ©  X / @StrayDogNZ New Zealand’s parliament was suspended on Thursday after lawmakers from the Maori Party tore up a copy of a controversial bill on tribal rights and performed a traditional war chant in the legislature. For nearly two centuries, […]

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Maori MPs perform war chant in parliament (VIDEO)Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke performs a Haka in parliament in Wellington, New Zealand, November 14, 2024 ©  X / @StrayDogNZ

New Zealand’s parliament was suspended on Thursday after lawmakers from the Maori Party tore up a copy of a controversial bill on tribal rights and performed a traditional war chant in the legislature.

For nearly two centuries, the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi has guided relations between New Zealand’s native Maori people and its white settlers. The treaty promised the natives that they would keep their lands and customs in exchange for accepting British rule, and has since been interpreted by parliament and courts to guarantee the Maori a broad range of rights – including hiring quotas and financial reparations.

The libertarian ACT party, part of the country’s governing coalition, has argued that that the treaty discriminates against non-Maori people, and has put forward a bill that would dramatically narrow its interpretation.

During a vote on the bill on Thursday, Maori Party MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke tore up a copy of the legislation before breaking into a Haka, a traditional Maori war chant. Maipi-Clarke’s colleagues rose from their seats and joined in the chant, as did opposition lawmakers and spectators in the gallery.

Unable to quiet the shouting MPs, Speaker Gerry Brownlee cut the hearing short and suspended Maipi-Clarke from parliament for a day.

Despite the Maori Party’s opposition, the vote passed and the bill will now proceed to a public consultation process. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon opposed the bill, but his National Party voted to support it under the terms of an agreement signed with ACT last year. The National Party is the largest faction in New Zealand’s coalition government, with ACT and New Zealand First serving as junior partners.

Thursday was not the first time that Maori Party MPs have broken into Hakas in parliament. Back in 2021, party co-leader Rawiri Waititi was ejected from the legislature for performing the ceremonial chant after a National Party MP argued that implementing a separate healthcare system for the Maori community was discriminatory.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by RT.

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This Day in Anarchist History: The Assassination of Colonel Falcón https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/14/this-day-in-anarchist-history-the-assassination-of-colonel-falcon/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/14/this-day-in-anarchist-history-the-assassination-of-colonel-falcon/#respond Thu, 14 Nov 2024 19:20:15 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154920 On this day in Anarchist History, November 14 1909, we remember young Simón Radowitzky and his assassination of Colonol Falcón, the head of the federal police in Argentina. Colonel Falcón rose through the ranks of the military by conducting genocide and enslaving Mapuche and other Indigenous People in Patagonia and brought those same skills to […]

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On this day in Anarchist History, November 14 1909, we remember young Simón Radowitzky and his assassination of Colonol Falcón, the head of the federal police in Argentina.

Colonel Falcón rose through the ranks of the military by conducting genocide and enslaving Mapuche and other Indigenous People in Patagonia and brought those same skills to Buenos Aires where he brutally repressed anarchists.

After assassinating Falcón, Radowitzky was tortured and jailed for 22 years but that didn’t stop him from continuing to lead a revolutionary life.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by subMedia.

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Hold onto Your Ethical and Intellectual Integrity with All Your Might https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/06/hold-onto-your-ethical-and-intellectual-integrity-with-all-your-might/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/11/06/hold-onto-your-ethical-and-intellectual-integrity-with-all-your-might/#respond Wed, 06 Nov 2024 18:58:27 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154715 In the face of an avalanche of brain-numbing and spiritual-lobotomizing wrong “truths” and miseducated citizens, it is still incumbent upon the misinformed, ill-informed and uninformed to attempt to learn. Deep learning deploys a set of lenses that takes the complexities of contradictions and not-so-self-evident truths and focus into some sense of why “they” are where […]

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In the face of an avalanche of brain-numbing and spiritual-lobotomizing wrong “truths” and miseducated citizens, it is still incumbent upon the misinformed, ill-informed and uninformed to attempt to learn.

Deep learning deploys a set of lenses that takes the complexities of contradictions and not-so-self-evident truths and focus into some sense of why “they” are where “they” are economically, culturally and spiritually.

The US election is over (as of Nov. 5 midnight?), but the dangerous clown show of misanthropy and hegemony marches on. I am writing this for National American Indian Heritage Month (Nov.), because Native Peoples in this part of the world are actually way beyond the rhetoric and knee-jerk responses of the bad history books of the children of the colonizers.

My Native brothers and sisters everywhere, but specifically in New Mexico, West Texas and Northern Arizona, have a deeper understanding of their own history and that of the current indigenous people undergoing eradication, ethnic cleansing, and genocide.

“Dehumanization is the first step in genocidal incitement. However, counter-annihilation is also a key feature of settler colonialism. It is the belief and practice that colonial society must annihilate Native people; otherwise, the colonizers, in turn, will be annihilated in a zero-sum calculus. It is a pre-emptive ‘self-defense’ against any real or imagined anti-colonial attack. It makes invasion look like ‘self-defense.’ It is why the chorus of Western media outlets repeat the mantra: ‘Israel has the right to defend itself.’ But the colonized are never granted the authority of self-defense or the right not to be annihilated.” — Nick Estes

Again, ‘open those eyes,’ is what I insist with students and others I intersect with in Lincoln County. Those words above are from someone most Lincoln County Leader readers have never heard of: Nick Estes, an enrolled member of the Lower Brule Sioux Tribe. He is an Assistant Professor of American Indian Studies at the University of Minnesota and the co-host of The Red Nation Podcast.

We can jump through superficial hoops with this 34th year of National American Indian Heritage Month, a 1990 congressional resolution signed into law by President George H.W. Bush.

The irony isn’t lost on many of us who have parsed our history, or the Bush Family’s dark legacy.

George H.W. Bush’s father, the late US senator Prescott Bush, was a director and shareholder of companies that profited from their involvement with the financial backers of Nazi Germany.

Journalists 20 years ago discovered files in the US National Archives that a firm of which Prescott Bush was a director was involved with the financial architects of Nazism.

His business dealings, which continued until his company’s assets were seized in 1942 under the Trading with the Enemy Act, has led more than 60 years later to a civil action for damages being brought in Germany against the Bush family by two former slave laborers at Auschwitz.

Moreover, the cry by Estes and others in the Native American rights community announce their own declaration of liberation: “Until Decolonization, Liberation, and Landback.”

This November’s not limited to those here on Turtle Island to find a space for deep reflection and education. Others around the world who are indigenous are collectively traumatized by the current genocide in Gaza and Lebanon.

“Many of the lessons people are learning are not new to me;  for many this moment has been a realization that their governments are not just corrupt, but also complicit in the evils of the world, that their media is biased and that the people around them will turn their backs on a genocide being live-streamed on their social media. As an Aboriginal person living in so-called Australia, these truths have been a reality for me and my people for decades and nor am I shocked to learn of the ignorance of so many others,” states Dominic Guerrera, a Ngarrindjeri and Kaurna poet, community organizer, artist and curator.

Closer to my Central Oregon Coast home, we have groups fighting for cultural preservation and land acknowledgement. View the Future is a Yachats nonprofit collaborating with our two confederated tribes from the central Oregon Coast who are the descendants of the first people: The Confederated Tribe of Siletz Indians and the Confederated Tribe of Coos, Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw Indians.

Land Acknowledgment for tribes is more than a ceremonial point in cultural fluency. Words and declarations are the soul and spirit of Native people. You can read the two land acknowledgments at  (https://viewthefuture.org/)

Find something to “hook into” this month (and every month), to acknowledge our own temporary “holding” of land here in Lincoln County or wherever you live. Forget about the elections.

Be deep in understanding why this month can be important for individual and societal change. Don’t parrot the bad history taught or just live life in an echo chamber of your choosing with “monkey do as monkey sees” superficial engagement with the issues.

Find Native writers on alternative sources like Red Nation.

Listen to Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, a Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg writer, academic and musician and member of Alderville First Nation.

“Although our ancestors lived through the genocide of Indigenous peoples in North America, this past year we have witnessed genocide in real-time, with technologically advanced warfare, destruction and obliteration on a spectacular scale. We’ve watched daily video footage and photos of unimaginable violence targeting families and children. We’ve read social media posts, news reports and poetry coming from Palestinians inside Gaza. And we’ve watched the very states that have dispossessed us of our homelands, supply the weapons and unwavering political support to Israel to do the same to the Palestinian people.”

Be Native Aware.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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Brazil: 5 Years on, Amazon Guardian’s Killers Still Escape Justice https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/25/brazil-5-years-on-amazon-guardians-killers-still-escape-justice/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/25/brazil-5-years-on-amazon-guardians-killers-still-escape-justice/#respond Fri, 25 Oct 2024 15:00:44 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154460 Paulo Paulino “Lobo” Guajajara, Guardian of the Amazon, was killed in an ambush by loggers in his people’s territory, Arariboia. © Sarah Shenker/Survival International Five years after the killing of Paulo Paulino Guajajara, an Indigenous Amazon Guardian who was gunned down by illegal loggers, his family still waits for justice. Paulo’s death was widely covered […]

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Paulo Paulino Guajajara in a blue t-shirt with the forest behind him.Paulo Paulino “Lobo” Guajajara, Guardian of the Amazon, was killed in an ambush by loggers in his people’s territory, Arariboia. © Sarah Shenker/Survival International

Five years after the killing of Paulo Paulino Guajajara, an Indigenous Amazon Guardian who was gunned down by illegal loggers, his family still waits for justice.

Paulo’s death was widely covered by the world’s press, but despite the global outcry, the killers have never been brought to trial. Two men, Antônio Wesly Nascimento Coelho and Raimundo Nonato Ferreira de Sousa, have been charged, but not tried.

Paulo Paulino, known also as Kwahu Tenetehar, was shot in the neck and died in the forest after an ambush by loggers. His colleague, Tainaky Tenetehar, was shot in the back and arm but escaped.

The Amazon Guardians have patrolled their territory in the eastern Amazon, which has been heavily invaded by loggers, for more than 15 years. Uncontacted members of the Awá people also live in the territory.

Guajajara Guardians stand before a fire in the forest.Amazon Guardians Tainaky Tenetehar (left), Paulo Paulino Guajajara (center) and Olimpio Guajajara (right) during an operation to destroy an illegal logging camp. Paulo was shot dead in November 2019, Tainaky was wounded. © Sarah Shenker/Survival International

At least six Guardians have been killed, and many of their relatives shot dead, as loggers and land grabbers target their territory, known as Arariboia – one of the last areas of forest left in that region, in the eastern state of Maranhão.

Survival has supported the Guardians for many years. Survival’s Brazil researcher Sarah Shenker, who accompanied the Guardians on one of their operations, said five years ago: “Kwahu was completely dedicated to defending his forest and his uncontacted relatives, despite the risks. He was also one of the most humble people I’ve ever met.

“He knew that he might pay with his life, but he saw no alternative, as the authorities did nothing to protect the forest and uphold the rule of law.”

His friends and colleagues paid tribute to him in an emotional video.

After years of pressure from the Guardians, and from contacted Awá people, Brazilian authorities have finally begun construction of a guard post in the Arariboia territory, to help them monitor, and prevent incursions by, illegal loggers.

In a statement to mark the anniversary of Paulo’s murder, the Guardians said: “We feel the distress of the Guajajara people over the continued impunity of our people’s murderers, and especially of the warrior Paulo Paulino, who we will always remember, above all for his struggle to protect our ancestral territory.

“The Guardians are preparing an act of remembrance to mark five years of impunity, and we join Survival for this moment of denunciation, and to demand that those responsible for the murder of Paulo Paulino are duly tried and sentenced.”

Fiona Watson, Survival International’s Director of Research and Advocacy, said today: “Five years ago Paulo Paulino paid with his life to protect his beloved rainforest home, and the Indigenous people who live in it.

“He was one of countless Indigenous people in Brazil killed every year for defending their land – and the killers persist because they know it’s unlikely they will ever face justice. Brazil’s government pays lip service to the need to protect what is left of the Amazon – but the people defending it on the ground are sacrificing their lives as the rainforest is destroyed around them. How much longer will this appalling injustice continue?”

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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California Law Mandates That Public School Children Be Taught About State’s Genocide of Indigenous Peoples https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/19/california-law-mandates-that-public-school-children-be-taught-about-states-genocide-of-indigenous-peoples/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/19/california-law-mandates-that-public-school-children-be-taught-about-states-genocide-of-indigenous-peoples/#respond Sat, 19 Oct 2024 22:21:57 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154352 From the time the Europeans arrived on American shores, the U.S. government authorized more than 1,500 wars and attacks on Indigenous people and at the conclusion of the “Indian wars” in the late 19th century, of the estimated 10 million to 15 million native peoples, fewer than 238,000 remained. In the past I’ve written about […]

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From the time the Europeans arrived on American shores, the U.S. government authorized more than 1,500 wars and attacks on Indigenous people and at the conclusion of the “Indian wars” in the late 19th century, of the estimated 10 million to 15 million native peoples, fewer than 238,000 remained. In the past I’ve written about these efforts in the Great Plains and upper Midwest. I’m now spending some time  in Santa Barbara, California which has prompted my looking into that state’s role in the great American genocide. The Santa Barbara region was inhabited by Chumash people for at least 11,000 years and before the European invaders arrived the population was some 18,000. By 1900 it had declined to less than 500 and today it’s leveled off at about 5000.

A new California law, which takes effect on January 1, 2025, requires that public schools begin teaching about the state’s treatment of Indigenous peoples. The State Department of Education must consult with tribes when updating the social studies curriculum and several tribes are advocating the inclusion of material contained in UCLA professor Benjamin Madley’s  book, An American Genocide: The United States and the California Indian Catastrophe, 1846-1873. This is the first comprehensive account of the state-sanctioned murder of California’s Native People. Madley documents how state and federal governments employed their legitimizing authority for the genocide and Congress financially underwrote California’s extinction campaign.

The new legislation was set in motion five years ago when California Gov. Gavin Newsome publicly apologized for the “war of extermination” pronounced by Peter Burnett, the state’s first governor in 1851.  Newsome said that at time, state law required that Indigenous peoples be removed from their land, children separated from their families, native people stripped of their language and culture and a system of indentured servitude was begun. Under Gov. Burnett, California’s Indigenous population was reduced by 80 percent.

In 1846, U.S. troops took control of California from Mexico and in 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the war with Mexico. Mexico ceded California and its other northern territories for 15 million dollars. On January 6, 1851, the new governor of California said the following about the “Indians” in his inaugural address: “That war of extermination will continue to be waged between the races until the Indian is extinct. While we cannot anticipate this result with painful regret, the inevitable destruction of a race is beyond the power of wisdom of man to avert.” California Senator John B. Weller declared of the Indigene, “Humanity may forbid, but the interests of the white man demands their extinction.” This “myth of inevitable extinction”  fueled the ideology that Indigenes were destined to vanish, that it was simply their fate and unstoppable.

And in case there remains any doubt that this was not official policy, we know that the men who “killed thousands of Indians from the 1840s to the 1870s were paid by the state of California and the federal government…they filed expenses and were reimbursed.” (Tom Fuller, “Hastings Law Grapples with the Founder’s Involvement with Native Massacres,” NYT, (pay wall, updated November 4, 2021). It should be noted that with the outbreak of the Civil War,  California sent 15,725 volunteers to serve in the Union Army. However there so many volunteers that enough remained at home to serve as the primary agent of the killing machine. Furtherduring the Civil War the Union government’s treasury was running perilously low but Congress still allotted major funding to the California Volunteers for their  Indigene-hunting operation. Madley calculates that at the end of the Civil War, only 34,000 Indians remained from from 150,000 in 1845. Limited attacks continued until 1871 when it was beginning to find any more Inidigenes left to kill. The decline was caused by killings, disease, starvation and massacres. Madley estimates that the “state spent 1.7 million — a staggering sum in its day — to murder some 16,000 people.”

My hope (perhaps a fantasy) is that Indigenous and non-Indigenous public school kids in California will be deprogrammed and learn that genocide, like slavery, was part of the inherent capitalist logic of dispossesion.   Will they be exposed to the truth that there exists a glaring contemporay parallel to this history in Israel’s “plausible genocide” (ICJ) in Gaza and the future ethnic cleansing of the West Bank? Young Indigenous peoples understand that they are the descendants of genocide as the banner  flown by the Oglala Lakota’s Youth Council in South Dakota reads, “From Pine Ridge to Palestine.” Will school chidren learn, as Middle East Eye‘s Jonathan Cook points out, that Israel is now finishing the job it began in 1948? At least as important, will they be encouraged to understand that, as in the 1840-1871 period in California, the U.S. government is not only backing this modern day war of extermination but its actions are wholly consonant with the objective of U.S. imperialism in its efforts to maintain America’s global empire? Will they learn that both Israel and the United States were settler-colonial state projects and not as the official narratives proclaim, “nations of immigrants.”

The post California Law Mandates That Public School Children Be Taught About State’s Genocide of Indigenous Peoples first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Gary Olson.

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Indigenous Peoples Day, Some History https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/14/indigenous-peoples-day-some-history/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/10/14/indigenous-peoples-day-some-history/#respond Mon, 14 Oct 2024 19:32:06 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=154194 I was very surprised a few days ago to see the local bank where I have an account displaying a sign outside the front door which referred to what they called, “Columbus Day/Indigenous Peoples Day.” Although I wish the first two words had not been there, it is still a positive thing that they went […]

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I was very surprised a few days ago to see the local bank where I have an account displaying a sign outside the front door which referred to what they called, “Columbus Day/Indigenous Peoples Day.” Although I wish the first two words had not been there, it is still a positive thing that they went public in this compromise kind of way.

There’s something personal to me about this day. I’m not Indigenous, am very much of European ancestry, but in 1992 at the time of the 500th anniversary, official celebrations in the US of Columbus’ arrival in the western hemisphere, I took part in a 42 day, water-only Fast for Justice and Peace in the Americas. It was initiated by Brian Willson, Scott Rutherford and Diane Fogliatti, and it went from September 1 to October 12.

The overall message of this action and the much broader movement out of which it emerged was that it was long past time to turn away from all that Christopher Columbus represents—racism, slavery, militarism, imperialism and ecological destruction—and commit ourselves to working for a next 500 years very different than the one experienced between 1492 and 1992. One specific demand was for Columbus Day to be replaced by Indigenous Peoples Day.

There was an Indigenous-led movement that had been taking action over many months in 1991-92 in support of this essential new direction for the USA and other countries in the Americas. The fast was inspired by that movement.

20 years before I had taken part in two long fasts/hunger strikes, one in 1971 for 33 days while in prison for draft resistance and another in 1972, a 40 day, water-only fast to end the war in Indochina.

When I heard about this initiative by Brian, Scott and Diane about a month before it was to begin, it struck a chord in me, and my life circumstances were such that I could join it. Then, toward the end of the fast, Diane Fogliatti came up with an idea for how to continue to build this movement: do an organized fast for 12 days, from October 1 to October, each year going forward. I ended up taking part in this, helping to lead a People’s Fast for Justice loose network which did so from 1993 to 2001. Our two demands were for Columbus Day to be renamed Indigenous Peoples Day and for political prisoner Leonard Peltier to be freed.

Doing some research for this column, I have learned that since 1992 there have been a growing number of localities and states which have officially recognized in some way the second Monday of October as Indigenous Peoples Day, including the states of Alaska, California, Iowa, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, Michigan, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Virginia and Wisconsin. What a surprise!

And responding to this upsurge, in 2021 President Joe Biden signed a proclamation in support of Indigenous Peoples Day.

There’s an awful lot of reasons to be anxious or depressed right now, but it is a very positive thing, something for which to be thankful, that Indigenous peoples throughout the Americas and elsewhere in the world continue to survive. Even more, they continue to give leadership in the existential battle to prevent cascading ecological and societal devastation and for a very different future in the years to come. La lucha continua!

The post Indigenous Peoples Day, Some History first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Ted Glick.

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“What Did You Learn in School Today?” https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/13/what-did-you-learn-in-school-today/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/08/13/what-did-you-learn-in-school-today/#respond Tue, 13 Aug 2024 15:27:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152737 Through the centuries, the Republic that eventuated in North America has maintained a maximum of chutzpah and minimum of awareness in forging a creation myth that sees slavery and dispossession not as foundational but as inimical to the nation now known as the United States. But, of course, to confront the ugly reality would induce sleeplessness interrupted by haunted dreams, so far this unsteadiness has prevailed.
— Dr. Gerald Horne

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circa 1830: A slave auction in America. (Photo by Rischgitz/Getty Images)

Through the centuries, the Republic that eventuated in North America has maintained a maximum of chutzpah and minimum of awareness in forging a creation myth that sees slavery and dispossession not as foundational but as inimical to the nation now known as the United States. But, of course, to confront the ugly reality would induce sleeplessness interrupted by haunted dreams, so far this unsteadiness has prevailed.
— Dr. Gerald Horne1

When an origin story is considered sacrosanct, any challenge to it is sacrilege.
— Prof. Abby Reisman2

In most areas of the United States, school will be starting up in a few weeks. This reminds me of the song “What Did You Learn in School Today?” which was written by Tom Paxton and then recorded and released by Pete Seeger in 1963. Paxton’s lyrics mock the misinformation and lies provided by the public school system. This prompted me to wonder what would happen if today’s school children returned home from school and responded to Paxton’s question.

You’ll need to imagine that their teacher, (let’s call her, Ms Brown) is able to recast what follows in age appropriate language, a skill that lies far beyond my limited capacity and that he adopted a creative, critical thinking approach and not rote learning. Finally, how the precocious student conveys this information to parents might take the form of a jumbled response but we can hope the essential information is intact.

Okay. How about something along the following lines: “What did you learn in school today?” We discussed the America Revolution in 1776 and Ms Brown said that when she was in school, she was taught that the American Revolution was about besieged colonists courageously standing up against British tyranny and it was all about life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. She said the textbook authors characterized it as a glorious confirmation of American exceptionalism.

One of countless celebratory examples that she was taught was from Joseph J. Ellis, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his book, The Cause: The American Revolution and Its Discontents, 1773-1783 (New York: Liveright 2021). According to Ellis and other myth-making historians, the greatest activity of this “Revolutionary generation” was their devotion to popular sovereignty and their “common sense of purpose.”3

Ms Brown said that she later learned that this devotion excluded the majority of people in the new nation and that slavery existed in all 13 British colonies and had begun at least in 1619. And Africans weren’t the only ones aware of specious reasoning in the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Hutchinson, the last colonial governor of Massachusetts, queried that if the rights were “absolutely inalienable” how could the delegates deprive so many Africans of “their right to liberty?”4 And this apparently included George Washington’s order for the genocidal attack on the Haudenosaunee nation in upstate New York where more than 40 villages were burned to the ground and all crops and winter provisions destroyed. Those not killed or captured fled to Canada. This event was, in truth, an example of the Founder’s “common purpose.”

We learned that in 1700, roughly 75 percent of land in colonial New York state was owned by only 12 individuals. In Virginia, 1.7 million acres was held by seven individuals.5 In 1760, less than five hundred men in just five colonies controlled most of the shipping, banking, mining and manufacturing on the eastern seaboard and in1767 the richest 10 percent of Boston’s taxpayers had 66 percent of Boston’s taxable income while some 30 percent had no property at all.6 Ms Brown said that fifty-six of these propertied men later signed the Declaration of Independence.7

Many of the Founders were not only slave holders but obsessive land speculators This included George Washington who began acquiring land in 1752, while still a teenager. He eventually owned more than 70,000 acres in what became seven states and the District of Colombia. Ms Brown smiled and said, “I cannot tell a lie. George Washington became the richest person in America.” We also learned that even before King George III issued his Proclamation forbidding settlements from the Appalachian Mountains to the Mississippi, individuals and colonial land speculators were staking claims to millions of acres of and were eager to push forward into Indigenous land. Ms. Brown said that we must consider the possibility that Native dispossession and exclusion played a key role in creating the country through speculative capitalism.8 The patriotic fantasy or fig leaf for all of this was that America was destined by God to expand democracy and the Protestant ethos to the native inhabitants.

Ms Brown said we should always look for other sources of information and rely on evidence. She learned from her own reading — outside of school — that there’s an entirely different view of the so-called Revolutionary War of 1776 and that it was actually part of a “counter-revolution,” a conservative movement that the “Founding Fathers” — Britain’s “revolting spawn” — fought to oust London. When the colonial elites broke with the Mother Country, the world’s first-ever apartheid state came into being.9 We learned that in the 1770s, the British Parliament was moving toward abolition and in 1773 there was the famous Somerset case in Britain in which Lord Mansfield banned slavery — calling it “odious” —within the country but not yet in the colonies. There was a real fear that Britain would soon cease to support slavery in the thirteen colonies. Simultaneously, Alexander Hamilton, another Founding Father, bought and sold slaves for his wife’s family, owned slaves himself and called Indigenous people “savages.”

More specifically, Ms Brown told us that “…In November 1775, Lord Dunsmore in Virginia issued his famous — or infamous, in the view of the settlers — edict offering to free and arm Africans to squash an anti-colonial revolt, he entered a pre-existing maelstrom of insecurity about the fate of slavery and London’s intentions. And by speaking so bluntly, Dunsmore converted the moderates into radicals.” Indeed, another expert on the Colonial period says that Dunsmore’s edict “did more than any another measure to spur uncommitted white Americans into the camp of rebellion.”10 Our teacher said that many more Africans — some estimates run as high as 100,000 — allied with the Red Coats rather than with their masters. Of course there were risks for the Africans because if the Revolution succeeded they would be considered traitors and punished as such. It was a terrifying choice and their fears were justified because after the 1776-1783 Revolutionary War, tens of thousands of formerly enslaved people were returned to enslavement.

We learned that in 1787, after the war, James Madison made sure that the Constitution guaranteed that the government would, in his words, “protect the minority of the opulent against the majority.” He was firmly against agrarian reform of any sort and opposed to anything akin to actual functioning democracy. Why? Because the majority — the poor and landless — might use the political power they were granted to force a redistribution of wealth.

We learned that the British were jeopardizing numerous fortunes, not only based on slavery, but the slave trade. So, the war was necessary to protect the freedom of a small white elite to maintain slavery and further, not have any interference as they went ahead with dispossessing and exterminating indigenous people. In short, British colonialism was replaced with U.S. capitalist state colonialism.11

Ms Brown said there was evidence strongly suggesting that the American Revolution was, in the words of historian William Hoagland, “The first chapter in an inter-imperial war between Great Britain and its dissident elite in North America.” We learned that the Euro-American elite ‘patriots” had only contempt and fear of actual democracy which they termed “The tyranny of the majority.” One historian pointed out that “The American state, even in its earliest incarnation was more concerned with limiting popular democracy than securing and expanding it.”12 He told us that the Declaration’s phrase “Life, liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness” was changed in the Constitution to “Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Property.”

In support of this revisionist history, Ms Brown shared a few excerpts from Howard Zinn’s magisterial book, A People’s History of the United States, in which he cogently explains that over a relatively short period, the colonial elite were able to:

… take over land, profits and power from the British empire. In the process they could hold back a number of potential rebellions and create a consensus of popular support for the rule of a new privileged leadership. When we look at the American Revolution in that way it was a work of genius.

The Declaration of Independence was a wonderfully useful device because the language of liberty and equality could unite just enough whites to fight for the Revolution, without ending either slavery or inequality.

…the rebellion against British rule allowed a certain group of the colonial elite to replace those loyal to England, give some benefits to small holders and leave poor white working people and tenant farmers in very much the same situation.13

Finally, we considered that in 1776, nascent capitalists pulled off the ultimate coup and succeeded in “convincing the deluded and otherwise naive (to this very day) that this naked grab for land, slaves and power was somehow a great leap forward for humanity.”14

Just before the bell rang, one kid in my class asked the teacher, “If what we’ve previously been taught about the American Revolution may not be true what else may not be true?” Ms Brown said that was a good question and we’d talk about it next week and also do some role playing.

ENDNOTES:

The post “What Did You Learn in School Today?” first appeared on Dissident Voice.
1    Gerald Horne, The Apocalypse of Settler Colonialism: The Roots of Slavery, White Supremacy, and Capitalism in the Seventeenth-Century North America and the Caribbean. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2018) p.191. Dr. Horne is a national treasure and I concur with those who’ve described him as the preeminent radical historian of our era. I suspect this accounts for why so few people know of his indispensable work.
2    Abby Reisman, “America as it actually was: Symposium confronts American myth, complexities of teaching 1777 in light of 1619. Penn GSE News, April 1 2022.
3    Book Browse, “An Interview with Joseph J. Ellis.”
4    Comment, in Woody Holton, ed. Black Americans in the Revolutionary Era: A Brief History With Documents, (Boston: Bedford, 2009) 6-7 in Horne, p.238. Here it should be noted that the Reconstruction period of 1865-1877 was the sole attempt to realize interracial democracy — what W.E.B. Du Bois termed “abolition democracy — and with it, the potential for economic democracy. The best account of Reconstruction’s remarkable achievements and its ultimate defeat at the hands of racial terrorism and the withdrawal of Federal support is Manisha Sinha’s new book, The Rise and Fall of the Second American Republic (New York: Norton, 2024). Sinha is the Draper Chair in American History at the University of Connecticut.
5    Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few. (Boston: Wadsworth, 2011), p.5
6    Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States. (New York: Harpers, 2008, 2011).
7    Parenti, p.11.
8    For more on this topic, see, Michael A. Blackman, Speculation Nation: Land Mania in the Revolutionary American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023); Colin Calloway, The Indian World of George Washington (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018); “The Founders and the Pursuit of Land,” The Lehrman Institute.
9    Gerald Horne, The Counter Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of the United States of America. (New York: New York University Press, 2014), p.222 and 224. This section relies on Horne’s thoroughly documented Chapter Nine “Abolition in London” with its 147 footnotes.
10    Ibid, p.224.
11    For a semi-autobiographical piece on U.S. capitalist state colonialism toward Native-Americans, see, Gary OIson, “Decolonizing Our Minds, Including My Own, About U.S. Capitalist State Settler Colonialism,” Left Turn, Vol 3, No. 2, Fall 2021.
12    William Hoagland, “Not Our Independence Day,” Interviewed by Jonah Waters, Jacobin, 07/04/2006.
13    All quotations from Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States.
14    William Pettigrew, “Commercialization,” in Joseph C. Miller, ed., <em>The Princeton Companion to Atlantic History</em>, 111-116 at 115.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Gary Olson.

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Peru: New Images Show Uncontacted Tribe Dangerously Close to Logging Concessions https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/16/peru-new-images-show-uncontacted-tribe-dangerously-close-to-logging-concessions/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/07/16/peru-new-images-show-uncontacted-tribe-dangerously-close-to-logging-concessions/#respond Tue, 16 Jul 2024 13:45:01 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=152020 Extraordinary new images released today show dozens of uncontacted people in the Peruvian Amazon, just a few miles from a number of logging concessions. ©Survival Campaigners say they’re a graphic illustration of the urgent need to revoke all the logging licenses in the area, and recognize that the territory belongs to the Mashco Piro people, […]

The post Peru: New Images Show Uncontacted Tribe Dangerously Close to Logging Concessions first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Mashco Piro people on a riverbankExtraordinary new images released today show dozens of uncontacted people in the Peruvian Amazon, just a few miles from a number of logging concessions. ©Survival

Campaigners say they’re a graphic illustration of the urgent need to revoke all the logging licenses in the area, and recognize that the territory belongs to the Mashco Piro people, which Survival believes is the largest uncontacted tribe in the world.

More than 50 Mashco Piro people have appeared near the Yine village of Monte Salvado, in SE Peru, in recent days. In a separate incident, another group, of 17, appeared near the neighboring village of Puerto Nuevo. The Yine, who are not uncontacted, speak a language related to Mashco Piro, and have previously reported that the Mashco Piro angrily denounced the presence of loggers on their land.

Several logging companies hold timber concessions inside the territory that belongs to the Mashco Piro people. The nearest is just a few miles from where the Mashco Piro were filmed.

Mashco Piro men on the riverbank near the Yine village of Monte Salvado, in Southeast Peru.Mashco Piro men on the banks of a river near near the Yine village of Monte Salvado, in Southeast Peru. ©Survival

One company, Canales Tahuamanu, that operates inside the Mashco Piro territory has built more than 200km of roads for its logging trucks to extract timber. It is certified by the FSC (Forest Stewardship Council) for its supposedly sustainable and ethical operations there, despite the Peruvian government acknowledging eight years ago that it is cutting down trees within Mashco Piro territory.

Survival International is calling on the FSC to withdraw its certification of the company’s operations. More than 8,000 people have already lobbied the FSC.

Alfredo Vargas Pio, President of local Indigenous organization FENAMAD said today: “This is irrefutable evidence that many Mashco Piro live in this area, which the government has not only failed to protect, but actually sold off to logging companies. The logging workers could bring in new diseases which would wipe out the Mashco Piro, and there’s also a risk of violence on either side, so it’s very important that the territorial rights of the Mashco Piro are recognized and protected in law.”

Survival International Director Caroline Pearce said today: “These incredible images show that very large numbers of uncontacted Mashco Piro people are living just a few miles from where loggers are poised to start operations. Indeed one logging company, Canales Tahuamanu, is already at work inside Mashco Piro territory, which the Mashco Piro have made clear they oppose.

“This is a humanitarian disaster in the making – it’s absolutely vital that the loggers are thrown out, and the Mashco Piro’s territory is properly protected at last. The FSC must cancel its certification of Canales Tahuamanu immediately – failure to do so will make a mockery of the entire certification system.”

The post Peru: New Images Show Uncontacted Tribe Dangerously Close to Logging Concessions first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/07/indonesian-senate-leader-protect-uncontacted-tribe-from-nickel-mining/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/07/indonesian-senate-leader-protect-uncontacted-tribe-from-nickel-mining/#respond Fri, 07 Jun 2024 15:53:14 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=150911 In recent footage, two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warned bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. © Anon One of the most senior politicians in Indonesia has said the government should protect an uncontacted tribe whose territory is being destroyed for the world’s largest nickel mine. Senate Leader AA LaNyalla Mahmud Mattalitti, a close ally […]

The post Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Tiger
In recent footage, two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warned bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. © Anon

One of the most senior politicians in Indonesia has said the government should protect an uncontacted tribe whose territory is being destroyed for the world’s largest nickel mine.

Senate Leader AA LaNyalla Mahmud Mattalitti, a close ally of President-elect Prabowo, said Hongana Manyawa people should be protected from nickel mining on their land. He urged the government to “immediately intervene to provide protection to the indigenous tribe.”

Up to 500 uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people live on Halmahera island, about 1,500 miles NW of Jakarta. They refuse interactions with outsiders and rely entirely on their rainforest for survival. Contact with outsiders can kill them through exposure to diseases to which they have no immunity. Their rainforest home sits on huge deposits of nickel and is being torn apart for mining. One of those mines – the largest nickel mine in the world – is run by Weda Bay Nickel, attracted by the global boom in nickel for electric car batteries.

Tiger
Eramet’s Weda Bay Nickel mine on the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people in Halmahera, Indonesia. © Survival

Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution specifically recognizes the protection of Indigenous tribes, LaNyalla said. He added that it’s vital to ensure the Hongana Manyawa can be “independent over all matters relating to their livelihoods.” He called on Halmahera’s North Maluku provincial government to revisit their land planning regulations to ensure the Hongana Manyawa would no longer be displaced by mining.

LaNyalla’s comments were prompted by the viral spread of a video showing uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people forced by the destruction of their rainforest home to beg for food from Weda Bay Nickel miners – the very people responsible for that destruction.

Tiger
Uncontacted Hongana Manyawa appear at a Weda Bay Nickel mining camp.

The uncontacted Hongana Manyawa are becoming effectively forced to beg for food from the same companies destroying their rainforest home.

The mining operations are run by French company Eramet, which has known about the presence of uncontacted Hongana Manyawa in their concession since 2013, yet continues to mine on their territories regardless.

This is believed to be the first time the plight of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa has received the direct attention of the Indonesian central government. LaNyalla’s comments also follow Tesla’s recent announcement that the company is exploring the need for a mining no-go zone to protect the rights and territories of uncontacted Indigenous people in Indonesia. Tesla included the statement in its 2023 Impact Report, issued in May, after Survival International supporters sent more than 20,000 emails to electric vehicle companies, mining companies and the Indonesian government calling for a mining no-go-zone.

LaNyalla said: “Whatever form it takes, I ask that development does not displace the surrounding communities, especially the indigenous tribe who lives in the interior, where they depend on the forest.” There’s not much time. The recent video reveals the rapid destruction of the Hongana Manyawa’s rainforest home.

Survival’s Director Caroline Pearce said: “This is an unprecedented announcement and offers a lifeline to the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa. The solution is clear: Their territory must be protected and must be free from mining and other developments. Eramet and other companies must abide by international law and stop mining on these territories, where they clearly have no consent.”

Survival calls upon local and national governments in Indonesia to urgently demarcate and protect the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa and establish a no-go zone to protect them against the catastrophic effects of mining and forced contact.

Pearce said: “Time is ticking for the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa. Their territory must be urgently protected, with a no-go-zone established before it’s too late.”

Notess:

1. Out of a total population of approximately 3,000 Hongana Manyawa people, between 300 and 500 are uncontacted, and could be wiped out. Mining destroys their rainforest home, and the mine workers bring diseases for which the uncontacted people have no immunity.

2. Survival is calling on all electric vehicle companies, including BMW, Volkswagen, and BYD, to commit to not source any materials from uncontacted tribes’ territories and for Tesla to make this their formal policy.

The post Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/07/indonesian-senate-leader-protect-uncontacted-tribe-from-nickel-mining/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/06/07/indonesian-senate-leader-protect-uncontacted-tribe-from-nickel-mining/#respond Fri, 07 Jun 2024 15:53:14 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=150911 In recent footage, two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warned bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. © Anon One of the most senior politicians in Indonesia has said the government should protect an uncontacted tribe whose territory is being destroyed for the world’s largest nickel mine. Senate Leader AA LaNyalla Mahmud Mattalitti, a close ally […]

The post Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Tiger
In recent footage, two uncontacted Hongana Manyawa men warned bulldozer operators to stay off their territory. © Anon

One of the most senior politicians in Indonesia has said the government should protect an uncontacted tribe whose territory is being destroyed for the world’s largest nickel mine.

Senate Leader AA LaNyalla Mahmud Mattalitti, a close ally of President-elect Prabowo, said Hongana Manyawa people should be protected from nickel mining on their land. He urged the government to “immediately intervene to provide protection to the indigenous tribe.”

Up to 500 uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people live on Halmahera island, about 1,500 miles NW of Jakarta. They refuse interactions with outsiders and rely entirely on their rainforest for survival. Contact with outsiders can kill them through exposure to diseases to which they have no immunity. Their rainforest home sits on huge deposits of nickel and is being torn apart for mining. One of those mines – the largest nickel mine in the world – is run by Weda Bay Nickel, attracted by the global boom in nickel for electric car batteries.

Tiger
Eramet’s Weda Bay Nickel mine on the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people in Halmahera, Indonesia. © Survival

Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution specifically recognizes the protection of Indigenous tribes, LaNyalla said. He added that it’s vital to ensure the Hongana Manyawa can be “independent over all matters relating to their livelihoods.” He called on Halmahera’s North Maluku provincial government to revisit their land planning regulations to ensure the Hongana Manyawa would no longer be displaced by mining.

LaNyalla’s comments were prompted by the viral spread of a video showing uncontacted Hongana Manyawa people forced by the destruction of their rainforest home to beg for food from Weda Bay Nickel miners – the very people responsible for that destruction.

Tiger
Uncontacted Hongana Manyawa appear at a Weda Bay Nickel mining camp.

The uncontacted Hongana Manyawa are becoming effectively forced to beg for food from the same companies destroying their rainforest home.

The mining operations are run by French company Eramet, which has known about the presence of uncontacted Hongana Manyawa in their concession since 2013, yet continues to mine on their territories regardless.

This is believed to be the first time the plight of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa has received the direct attention of the Indonesian central government. LaNyalla’s comments also follow Tesla’s recent announcement that the company is exploring the need for a mining no-go zone to protect the rights and territories of uncontacted Indigenous people in Indonesia. Tesla included the statement in its 2023 Impact Report, issued in May, after Survival International supporters sent more than 20,000 emails to electric vehicle companies, mining companies and the Indonesian government calling for a mining no-go-zone.

LaNyalla said: “Whatever form it takes, I ask that development does not displace the surrounding communities, especially the indigenous tribe who lives in the interior, where they depend on the forest.” There’s not much time. The recent video reveals the rapid destruction of the Hongana Manyawa’s rainforest home.

Survival’s Director Caroline Pearce said: “This is an unprecedented announcement and offers a lifeline to the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa. The solution is clear: Their territory must be protected and must be free from mining and other developments. Eramet and other companies must abide by international law and stop mining on these territories, where they clearly have no consent.”

Survival calls upon local and national governments in Indonesia to urgently demarcate and protect the territory of the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa and establish a no-go zone to protect them against the catastrophic effects of mining and forced contact.

Pearce said: “Time is ticking for the uncontacted Hongana Manyawa. Their territory must be urgently protected, with a no-go-zone established before it’s too late.”

Notess:

1. Out of a total population of approximately 3,000 Hongana Manyawa people, between 300 and 500 are uncontacted, and could be wiped out. Mining destroys their rainforest home, and the mine workers bring diseases for which the uncontacted people have no immunity.

2. Survival is calling on all electric vehicle companies, including BMW, Volkswagen, and BYD, to commit to not source any materials from uncontacted tribes’ territories and for Tesla to make this their formal policy.

The post Indonesian Senate Leader: Protect Uncontacted Tribe from Nickel Mining first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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A Certain French Stubbornness: Violence in New Caledonia https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/a-certain-french-stubbornness-violence-in-new-caledonia/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/05/28/a-certain-french-stubbornness-violence-in-new-caledonia/#respond Tue, 28 May 2024 14:04:07 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=150695 France’s Emmanuel Macron can, at times, show himself at odds with the grime and gristle of grounded politics.  Able to pack in various snatches of philosophical reflection in a speech, straddling the highs and lows of a rhetorical display, his political acumen has, at times, deserted him. Nothing is more evident of this than his […]

The post A Certain French Stubbornness: Violence in New Caledonia first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
France’s Emmanuel Macron can, at times, show himself at odds with the grime and gristle of grounded politics.  Able to pack in various snatches of philosophical reflection in a speech, straddling the highs and lows of a rhetorical display, his political acumen has, at times, deserted him.

Nothing is more evident of this than his treatment of New Caledonia, a Pacific French territory annexed in 1853 and assuming the title of a non-self-governing territory in 1946.  Through its tense relationship with France and the French settlers, the island territory has been beset by periodic bursts of violence and indigenous indignation.  Pro-independence parties such as L’Union Calédonienne have seen their leaders assassinated over time – Pierre Declerq and Eloi Machoro, for instance, were considered sufficiently threatening to the French status quo and duly done away with.  Kanak pro-independence activists have been butchered in such confrontations as the Hienghène massacre in December 1984, where ten were killed by French loyalists of the Lapetite and Mitride families.

As for Macron, New Caledonia was always going to feature in efforts to assert French influence in the Indo-Pacific.  In 2018, he visited the territory promising that it would be a vital part of “a broader strategy” in the region, not least to keep pace with China.  Other traditional considerations also feature.  The island is the world’s fourth ranked producer of nickel, critical for electric vehicle batteries.

In July 2023, Macron declared on a visit to the territory that the process outlined in the Nouméa Accord of 1998 had reached its terminus.  The accords, designed as a way of reaching some common ground between indigenous Kanaks and the descendants of French settlers through rééquilibrage (rebalancing), yielded three referenda on the issue of independence, all coming down in favour of the status quo. In 2018, the independence movement received 43% of the vote.  In 2020, the number had rumbled to 47%.

The last of the three, the December 2021 referendum, was a contentious one, given its boycott by the Kanak people.  The situation was aided, in large part, by the effects of Covid-19 and its general incapacitation of Kanak voters.  Any mobilisation campaign was thwarted.  A magical majority for independence was thereby avoided.  The return of 97% in favour of continued French rule, despite clearly being a distortion, became the bullying premise for concluding matters.

The process emboldened the French president, effectively abandoning a consensus in French policy stretching back to the Matignon Accords of 1988.  With the independence movement seemingly put on ice, Macron could press home his advantage through political reforms that would, for instance, unfreeze electoral rolls for May 2024 elections at the provincial and congressional level.  Doing so would enable French nationals to vote in those elections, something they were barred from doing under the Nouméa Accord.  New Caledonian parliamentarians such as Nicolas Metzdorf heartily approve the measure.

On May 13 riots broke out, claiming up to seven lives.  It has the flavour of an insurrection, one unplanned and uncoordinated by the traditional pro-independence group.  Roadblocks have been erected by the Field Action Coordination Cell (CCAT).  It had been preceded by peaceful protests in response to the deliberations of the French National Assembly regarding a constitutional arrangement that would inflate the territory’s electoral register by roughly 24,500 voters.

Much of the violence, stimulated by pressing inequalities and propelled by more youthful protestors, have caught the political establishment flatfooted. Even Kanak pro-independence leaders have urged such protestors to resist resorting to violence in favour of political discussions.  The young, it would seem, are stealing the show.

Macron, for his part, promptly dispatched over 3,000 security officers and made a rushed visit lasting a mere 18 hours, insisting that, “The return of republican order is the priority.”  Various Kanak protestors were far from impressed.  Spokesperson for the pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), Jimmy Naouna, made the sensible point that, “You can’t just keep sending in troops just to quell the protests, because that is just going to lead to more protests.”  To salve the wounds, the president promised to lift the state of emergency imposed on the island to encourage dialogue between the fractious parties.

Western press outlets have often preferred to ignore the minutiae about the latest revolt, focusing instead on the fate of foreign nationals besieged by the antics of desperate savages.  Some old themes never dissipate.  “We are sheltered in place because it’s largely too dangerous to leave,” Australian Maxwell Winchester told CNN.  “We’ve had barricades, riots … shops looted, burnt to the ground.  Our suburb near us basically has nothing left.”

Winchester describes a scene of desperation, with evacuations of foreign nationals stalling because of Macron’s arrival for talks.  Food is in short supply, as are medicines.  “Other Australians stranded have had to scrounge coconuts to eat.”

René Dosière, an important figure behind the Nouméa Accord, defined the position taken by Macron with tart accuracy.  Nostalgia, in some ways even more tenacious and clinging than that of Britain, remains.  The French president had little interest in the territory beyond its standing as “a former colony”.  His was a “desire to have a territory that allows you to say, ‘The sun never sets on the French empire’.”

For the indigenous Kanak population, the matter of New Caledonia’s fate will have less to do with coconut scrounging and the sun of a stuttering empire than electoral reforms that risk extinguishing the voices of independence.

The post A Certain French Stubbornness: Violence in New Caledonia first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

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Imperialism and Anti-imperialism Collide in Ukraine (Part 8) https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/25/imperialism-and-anti-imperialism-collide-in-ukraine-part-8/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/04/25/imperialism-and-anti-imperialism-collide-in-ukraine-part-8/#respond Thu, 25 Apr 2024 14:31:00 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=149989 In the American political tradition, doctrines (political, economic, military, etc.) have a distinct role to play. They prepare the ground for devising policies, making decisions, and enacting laws. Still, among all doctrines that have been shaping the identity of the United States, those related to foreign policy stand out. This is due to their (a) […]

The post Imperialism and Anti-imperialism Collide in Ukraine (Part 8) first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
In the American political tradition, doctrines (political, economic, military, etc.) have a distinct role to play. They prepare the ground for devising policies, making decisions, and enacting laws. Still, among all doctrines that have been shaping the identity of the United States, those related to foreign policy stand out. This is due to their (a) consequences aboard, (b) ideological capacity to keep reproducing, and (c) representative value as embodiment of power. Altogether, such doctrines tell other countries that the United States has a global agenda to pursue regardless of international objections.

Invariably since foundation, foreign policy doctrines were conceived as instruments of imperialist expansions and ideological sources pointing to the worldview and political direction of the United States. Not only did they become the official banners externalizing its aims, but also blueprints for establishing operational plans for territorial conquests, interventions, and wars. The threat of using military force (or other corecitive measures) to implement those plans has consistently been the chosen method. Did the U.S. achieve anything as consequence? Yes.  Its colonialistic and imperialistic accomplishments during the past two centuries are vast and impressive.1

From measuring their collective place in the practice of imperialism, foreign policy doctrines can be described as the engine that moves the global objectives of the United States. Once an administration comes up with a specific policy course, the engine is revved up for action, guidelines drafted, and the course is announced. At the same point in time, an army of doctrinaires and agents of the state go into overdrive to procure all military, budgetary, and legislative means needed for the planned enterprise.

For instance, after the breakup of the USSR, the United States relentlessly reprised its previous attempts to be the sole decision maker of world affairs. Or, said differently, to exercise total control over the world system of nations using aggressive tactics—always backed by doctrines. On occasion, adages mix with doctrines. One such adage that U.S. ruling circles have been repeating ad nauseam is the “sole remaining superpower” (1, 2, 3, 4). Interpreted correctly, it means that the United States feels it has “earned the right” to rove around the world unopposed.

Nevertheless, with or without doctrines, the U.S. project to subjugate nations still out of its control has come to a full stop consequent to three convergent events. The first is the Russian intervention in Ukraine. The second is the unstoppable rising of China as a world power. The third is the overdue defiance that the South (formerly called developing countries) has launched against the pan-imperialist American-European order.2

Since their appearance on the scene in the early 19th century, foreign policy doctrines helped build the U.S. imperialist system. For the record, from the very beginning, this system was born neither pacifist nor peaceful or open to re-thinking. George Washington and the Continental Congress’s policy ordering Original Peoples to choose either relocation or war is an irrefutable case in point.

Special Note

In 2012, Mitt Romney recycled Washington’s concept of the U.S. power using a different figure of speech. “If you don’t want America to be the strongest nation on earth, I am not your president“. In 2024, Romney replayed his arrogant refrain. He stated, “What America is as a nation, what has allowed us to be the most powerful nation on Earth, and the leader of the Earth is the character of the people who have been our leaders”. [Italics added].

Comment: Romney stated his vision for America in terms and images that leave no doubt on his hegemonic agenda. Is that surprising? No. he is a product of a system and ideology that sees the world as something to grab, own, manage, and even go to war to keep it. In other words, his vision is about imposing U.S. domination over all other nations. Pertinently though, with phrases such as “strongest nation on earth”, “most powerful nation on Earth”, and “leader of the Earth, Romney allow his militaristic hyperimperialism to float to the surface but disguised it under the “leadership” heading.

Question: how could Romney install America as a “leader of the earth” without first unleashing global violence to accomplish that installation? More importantly, has China, Russia, Hungary, Serbia, Algeria, Cuba, Brazil, Iran, Palestine, Sri Lanka, India, Colombia, Malaysia, or Turkey, for example, ever asked for such leadership in the first place?

General Discussion

As it developed into a military and economic superpower, the United States emerged first with distinct character: (a) colonialist, racist, and supremacist to the bone, (b) imperialist-focused conduct sold as a product of “democratic” statecraft, and (c) official culture primed for violence domestically and wired for war internationally.

To summarize, as conceived, adopted, and thereafter transformed into programs of the United States, foreign policy doctrines have been occupying a central place in the thinking, policymaking, and actions of presidents, their administrations, and orbiting institutions and think tanks. Remark: doctrines are not announced as such—a president does not go the podium and say: hey, here is my doctrine. Generally, doctrines start as specific acts to serve the system, to stress its assumed prowess and power, and to uphold its declared objectives.

This is how the process works. Initially, the habitual protocol leading to the informal promulgation of doctrines is scripted and introduced to make it sound as a “reasoned” conclusion to debated matters. But debates such as these and conclusions thereof are of no value whatsoever to those affected by their outcome. First, they are not rooted in the natural laws and needs of world societies. Second, they only reflect the hegemonic thus exploitive aims of U.S. ruling circles. For instance, aside from carpet-bombing, burning Viet Nam with Napalm bombs, poisoning it with Agent Orange, and killing three million of its people to prove Robert McNamara’s Domino Theory was never a good reason for the Vietnamese people to accept the U.S. motive for destroying their country.

Successively, when an administration reaches a decision on an issue, makes an announcement  against a specific country, and when that issue finds its way to the public, the system’s “pundits” proceed to extract passages from presidents’ speeches and writings, assign to them concept and purpose, and, before you know it, a doctrine is born. In the case of Ukraine, new doctrines are taking the center stage in the defense of U.S. post-USSR unipolarism and hegemonic agendas. One such ad hoc doctrine is that the United States is fighting Russian imperialism in Ukraine.

Doctrines, in the American practice of imperialism, offer a two-layer function. First, they intellectualize the bullying language of imperialism to solemnize the power of the ruling regime at enacting its “rules of engagement” with foreign nations. Second, they set the pattern, methodology, and ideological structure for the next enterprise. (Caveat: despite heavy setbacks in many parts of the world, the U.S. doctrine industry is highly adaptable, and it is not going to close its gates any time soon.)

Given that foreign policy doctrines have become a showcase for displaying the objectives of the ruling circles, as well as a repetitive ideological ritual confirming the unity and continuity of the imperialist state, is there a pattern to their mechanisms?

As it happens, when a president vacates the office for the next occupant, he leaves behind a trail of ideas and political positions highlighting the collective thinking of the system. Comparing the U.S. doctrines to those of religions may be of value. For instance, unlike the field of religions where doctrines are static and permanent (created to defend original, ancient, or old beliefs and dogmas), the U.S. doctrines are dynamic, always open to re-interpretations, and reflect three-stage process with a precise scope of work and finality—all situated in the future.

The first stage begins with deliberation on the objectives of the ruling circles in a given period. The second continues by enshrining them into a general declaration(s) of intent. The third, which is extremely important, turns that declaration into a three-tier sequential process. The first presents the system’s rationales for the decisions taken. The second deals with their implementation. The third is more complex: it turns all interrelated processes and sustaining ideologies into a legacy of some sort. That is, what has been decided by a president (and his administration) at a specific period is going to be invoked, expanded on, and continued by his successors.

For example, with its post-WWII focus on hypothetical threats from international Communism to the Middle East, Eisenhower’s doctrine is a replica of Truman’s doctrine that declared the Soviet Union a universal threat. As for John Kennedy, his doctrine, often referred to as his foreign policy, is a mixture between those of Truman and Eisenhower. To see the U.S. doctrines in a broad perspective, I’m going to briefly discuss the Monroe Doctrine (corner stone of all successive doctrines), and three other doctrines relating to Theodore Roosevelt, Jimmy Carter, and Joe Biden.

The Monroe Doctrine (1823) 

When the thirteen colonies became a political state in 1776, the objective was to claim neutrality to avoid further conflict with Britain or potential ones with France and Spain. But when the thirteen states increased to eighteen under the presidency of James Monroe (1817-25), that objective became two-pronged: (1) a call for increased expansion of colonies, and (2) a declaration that United States is the sole power in charge of the entire Western hemisphere. The U.S. Naval Institute describes the Monroe Doctrine as follows:

“As a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . . We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. [Italics added]

Comment

  • Monroe was a skillful imperialist tactician. He presented his theory (attributed to his secretary of state and future president John Quincy Adams) of colonialism and domination in clear wording. First, he prohibits European powers from colonizing the rest of the Americas; yet, he allows the heir to colonialist Britain (the United States) the exclusive privilege of further colonization. With that, Monroe instituted the infamous American dual-standard paradigm in world relations.
  • The inherent fascism of the new American state under Monroe is self-explanatory. He treated Turtle Island as lands without people and civilizations. The question is how could one colonize lands without removing or killing first their original inhabitants and destroying their stewarded environment?
  • As I stated, Monroe is the prototype of typical U.S. hyper-imperialist. He arrogantly considers any challenge to the new system of things as “dangerous” to peace and prosperity of the United States.
  • Two centuries later, anything happens in the world that U.S. fascist rulers do not like, they deem it a threat to U.S. national security, or, “dangerous” to peace and prosperity of the United States.
  • The peremptory, imperialist injunction of Monroe reaches the apex when he declares that every portion of the hemisphere is, by exclusive U.S. unilateral decisions, under the U.S. indirect control thus jurisdiction. This declaration has led countless administrations not only to claim extraterritorial jurisdiction, but also to pretend that domestic affairs and development of a country could imperil U.S. national security. (Read: US to probe if Chinese cars pose national data security risks)

Doctrines: The Reincarnation of Monroe  

  • The case of Theodore Roosevelt: in 1904, the Monroe Doctrine gave birth to the Roosevelt Doctrine—then named the Roosevelt Corollary. I already stated that what has been decided by a president at a specific period is going to be invoked, expanded, and continued by his successors. Theodore Roosevelt corroborates my statement. A National Archives’ article states the following:

“In his annual messages to Congress in 1904 and 1905, President Theodore Roosevelt expanded the Monroe Doctrine. The corollary stated that not only were the nations of the Western Hemisphere not open to colonization by European powers, but that the United States had the responsibility to preserve order and protect life and property in those countries.” [Italics added]. The text in Italics proves my point.

  • The case of Jimmy Carter: As Henry Kissinger had Richard Nixon in the palm of his hand; Zbigniew Brzezinski had Carter in his—coincidence or lack of intellectual security? Carter who, much later, had a rude awakening to the racist nature of Zionism (re: Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid), was another example representing the hyper-imperialist model. In his Union Address in 1980, Carter declared, among many other important things, the following:

“Let our position be absolutely clear: An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force. [Italics added]. Who was talking—Monroe or Carter?

It is beside the point to state that while the Soviet power or its main successor Russia never intervened in the Middle East during the past 107 years (exception in Syria to stop the U.S. and Israel from dismembering it. (Read, The Debate on the Imperialist Violence in Syria series by Kim Petersen and B.J. Sabri). At present, the American power is everywhere in the Middle East. It has full political and military control—direct and indirect—of Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Sudan, and Morocco. Conclusion: an attentive study of Carter’s address will prove that the mind of Monroe has transmigrated to that of Carter.

  • The case of Joe Biden: in 1986, Biden (then senator) stated, “If there were not an Israel, we’d have to invent one.” The issue I am raising here is not about this Zionist wanting to create at any cost a state for Zionist settlers on Arab Palestinian soil. It is about Joe Biden repeating Monroe. That is, the United States consistently gives itself the unearned right to shape the world according to its convenient imperialist view.
  • As for Biden’s doctrine, The Hoover Institution (an imperialist academic think tank claiming liberalism) addresses the topic. One of its doctrinaires, Colin Dueck (a university professor and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a known nest of American Zionists) thusly defines Biden’s philosophy of imperialism, “If the Biden administration’s grand strategy could be summed up in a single phrase, it would be – progressive transformation at home and abroad”.

Could specialists in semantics and esoteric writings help us to decode what does “progressive transformation at home and abroad” mean? In the first place, what is progressive? Second, domestically, can Biden, as per Dueck, progressively transform the Zionist mobs inside his party, as well as those of Trump and his crowds? Internationally, could Sweden, Switzerland, Russia, Ukraine, Cameroon, Bolivia, Nepal, or Bolivia, etc. partake in or learn from Biden’s “progressive” doctrine? Incidentally, how would Dueck qualify America before the advent of Biden: progressive, regressive, or what?)

To settle the issue on Dueck’s bogus idea of “progressive transformation”, we need to pose a few questions.  Suppose an independent country X is touched by the American wand of “progressive transformation”. Would that touch entail, among other things, invading it, installing military bases on its soil, dissolving its army, partitioning it in “federated” regions, abolishing its national currency, co-opting pro-American elements to lead it, writing constitutions for it, and building “without permit” the largest embassy in the world? It happened in Iraq.

Aside from this thematic mishap, Dueck redeemed himself by presenting articulate arguments—all anchored to the basic elements of U.S. hegemonic imperialism. Not to be overlooked, he permeated—perhaps without realizing it—his elaborations with undeclared references to the Monroe Doctrine and its successors. The following are selected passages:

  • “Biden went further than either Obama or Trump in declaring that a global struggle against authoritarianism would be a strategic centerpiece of his new administration”. Remark: “authoritarianism” is a catchword to say that this or that country is antithetical to U.S. objectives, thus it is, de facto, a hostile nation.
  • Dueck declares that Jack Sullivan (current National Security Advisor) and other Democrats, “Developed the concept of a “foreign policy for the middle class”. Remark: Dueck’s statement begs the question: is there a foreign policy for the upper and lower classes. It is notable though that the United States never cast its foreign policy in terms of class or class conflict. For the record, who decides on this policy is the deep American State and its Zionist elites.
  • Dueck then goes to the traditional themes of U.S. foreign policy: “China, Russia, and so on” are the real threat to the United States. He then adds, “Populism, nationalism, liberalism, and authoritarianism are each assumed by the Biden administration to be pressing threats.” REMARK: This is overly trite. With regard to China, the United States has been inimical since the Long March of Mao Zedong.
  • With typical American imperialist zeal, Dueck concludes, “We now face a kind of anti-American axis of hostile dictatorships, however loosely coordinated, covering most of the Eurasian continent. This is the most deadly threat in generations. By that standard, have we developed the policy tools, and specifically the military capabilities, to meet that challenge?  The answer is obvious: not even close.” REMARK: with these words, Dueck has effectively announced that all ante-Biden doctrines have come together in the person of Biden and his cohorts.

Propaganda and foreign policy     

  • The National Museum of American Diplomacy asks an “interesting” question, “What are the key pillars of American diplomacy?” The Museum answers with stock American slogan: “Security, Prosperity, Democracy, and Development”. Then it goes on to give frivolous examples such as the one about “development in Cambodia”—the country that United States obliterated in order to fight the Vietcong and North Viet Nam. It is a fact that the United States never brought security, prosperity, democracy, and development to any country it attacked.
  • The official voice of American diplomacy: the Zionist-ruled State Department is a pompous factory specialized in rhetorical garbage. It declares, “The State Department has four main foreign policy goals: Protect the United States and Americans; Advance democracy, human rights, and other global interests; Promote international understanding of American values and policies; and; Support U.S. diplomats, government officials, and all other personnel at home and abroad who make these goals a reality.”

As I am forfeiting my right to comment, I am curious to know where Monroe is hiding in the statement. Look no farther than (a) “Protect the United States and Americans”, and (b) “Other global interests”.

Preliminary Conclusion

From the end of WWII forward, the phenomenon of U.S. doctrines is what it is—a bizarre menagerie of global power themes. Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush Sr., Clinton, Bush Jr., Obama, Trump, and Biden each have their own doctrine—or, to be exact, doctrines the system prepared for them. Conceptually, all such doctrines are declarations of allegiance to the continuity of imperialism and to the path that many generations of American colonialists, expansionists, supremacists, imperialists, and hegemonists set for the United States.

Observation: none among the above presidents had any doctrine with a specific formulation before taking seats in the halls of power. But once there, the seated presidents reprise the preceding doctrines and amplify content and reach. When you closely examine them, however, you will find out that they mimic each other in essence and means—and all have for a common goal the application of U.S. imperialist power abroad.

Evaluating how doctrines prepare the ground for the solidification of anti-Russian policies can be done by looking at how candidates conduct their campaigns for political positions. During such events, they speak of this and that idea so sketchily but only to sell their electability to a complacent and uninformed audience—normally, details of foreign policy and motivations never appear on the stage. Still, despite the paucity of substantive talk, their endeavor is mainly directed to the establishment, not to the public. Ultimately, this establishment has the overwhelming ability to promote or demote candidates with ease—kneeling to it, therefore, is an electoral necessity.

In the end, when it boils down to voting, the public will have only a Hobson’s choice: candidates, with different names and faces, have identical views on the world—and a plan to rule it. They all have to sell the same merchandise: we control, we want, we oppose, we think, we decide, and so on.

Is selling the imperialist merchandise an important factor in U.S. foreign policy decision-making and actions?

In his book: A Nation of Salesmen, Earl Shorris, an attentive sociological researcher, touched on the crafty art of selling “things”. He delves into the essence of controlled persuasion by taking on advertising as a tool that subverted the American culture. Shorris, of course, did not include foreign policy as “merchandise” that has been subverting the entire American polity for decades while inflicting incalculable heavy damages on all humanity. Briefly, selling its Foreign Policy Brand—by persuasion, coercion, or aggression—has been America’s never-ending endeavor.

At this point, how is the United States merchandizing and selling its Brand and policy schemes on Ukraine and Russia?

ENDNOTES:

  1. To fight U.S. imperialism, we have to acknowledge its danger by looking at its accomplishment. In 1783, the newly established American Republic was 800,000 square miles. In 2024 factsheet, its area is 3,796,742 square miles. Currently and to varying degrees, the U.S. controls the entire European continent with the exception of Serbia. It controls Japan. It castrated the entire Arab states with the exception of Syria and Algeria. It controls most of South Asia. It controls many Latin American and African countries. It controls Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. And, it largely controls the UN and the UNSC—the UN’s General Assembly is of no consequence. About the territorial colonialist expansions of the United States: the professional misinformants writing at Wikipedia calls the U.S. violent, bloody colonialist conquests as “territorial evolution” as if these were in line Darwin’s theory of natural selection.
  2. The expression: American-European order is an umbrella term specifically denoting American, British, French, Italian, Spanish, and German imperialisms. By extension, it also includes the dangerous trio: Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. These three countries work under U.S. wings and take direct orders from Washington. Among all U.S. vassals, Japan is insidious. Although it does not appear often on the news, Japan is an advanced country, still very much militaristic, and acts according to U.S. rules and political views.
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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by B.J. Sabri.

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Reimagining “Nationalism” and “Democracy” with “the View from the Shore” https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/23/reimagining-nationalism-and-democracy-with-the-view-from-the-shore/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/03/23/reimagining-nationalism-and-democracy-with-the-view-from-the-shore/#respond Sat, 23 Mar 2024 20:57:54 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=149137 Having no Native American ancestry, I nevertheless want to express a deep admiration for the intense beauty of the spiritual foundations of what Steve Newcomb (Shawnee-Lenape) suggests we refer to as “the view from the shore”—the perspectives of peoples enjoying a genuinely free and independent existence before what Tink Tinker (wazhazhe/Osage) has called “the eurochristians” […]

The post Reimagining “Nationalism” and “Democracy” with “the View from the Shore” first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>
Having no Native American ancestry, I nevertheless want to express a deep admiration for the intense beauty of the spiritual foundations of what Steve Newcomb (Shawnee-Lenape) suggests we refer to as “the view from the shore”—the perspectives of peoples enjoying a genuinely free and independent existence before what Tink Tinker (wazhazhe/Osage) has called “the eurochristians” invaded bringing with them a foreign system of domination that has since been maintained by their heirs and successors.

If we take this “view from the shore” seriously, it calls into question all of the crumbling dominant narratives of our world today—especially narratives based in “nationalism” or in “democracy and human rights” as paths to a more just and peaceful world—and offers a possible way out of what Iain McGilchrist has called “The Unmaking of the World.” We may, perhaps, reimagine global history to see the world as voluntarily entering or reentering into millennia of Indigenous history and culture rather than continually absorbing the peoples of the Native Nations with horrific force and violence into a “Western,” or a “modern,” or even a “democratic” culture that is steadily attacking the spiritual foundations for a shared life on this planet.

The steady attack that is conveyed in these still widely cherished narratives—the steady attack on Indigenous wisdom and spiritual truth that the false universalism of these narratives entails—draws its strength from a covert religious bigotry and a doubling down on moral depravity that has become traditional over the past six centuries; an ongoing whirlpool of lowering moral standards.

Originating in fifteenth century papal bulls attempting to justify what would become chattel slavery, the trans-Atlantic slave trade, and the invasion and conquest of the “New World,” the first doubling down came—as we will see—in response to the criticisms of grotesque Spanish misconduct articulated by Bartolomé de Las Casas and his allies beginning early in the sixteenth century. In this dynamic, first Spain, and then the other eurochristian powers (including, as of the 1830s, the United States), ultimately embraced the arguments—not of Las Casas—but of Juan Ginés Sepúlveda and his allies and their successors as to the alleged virtue of their “Christian” nations and the alleged inferiority of the peoples of the Native Nations—the “heathens.” This contrast between “Christians” and “heathens” is at the origins of both eurochristian nationalism and modern racism and has been ever since 1452 when Pope Nicholas V authorized Portugal’s Alfonso V to enslave in perpetuity “Saracens,” “Pagans,” and “other enemies of Christ wheresoever placed.”

The difference between “Christian” dominators and the “heathen” dominated remains the foundation of what the American Bar Association calls “federal Indian law” to this day. This is a body of “law” that is not made by the Native Nations but rather imposed upon them. As a unanimous Supreme Court put it, in 1823, in Johnson v. McIntosh, the mere presence of representatives of a “Christian people” on this side of the Atlantic “necessarily diminished” the sovereignty of the “heathens”—the Native peoples—and gave an “ultimate dominion” to the discoverers whereby they claimed a “title” to the land and a “right” to dominate the Native inhabitants—a “degree of sovereignty” over them—to be in their government.

This pernicious doctrine of Christian discovery has been inscribed in more secular language into what now passes for international law where “Indigenous peoples” (read: “heathens”) are defined as peoples under the domination of nation-states (read: “eurochristian dominators”). The covert religious bigotry this involves—and the ongoing and deliberate doubling down on immorality—is part of what Denise Ferreira da Silva has called our “global political architecture.”

The secular religion of nationalism—in many ways the infrastructure of this global architecture—has greatly reinforced the claims made by those who exercise, or seek to exercise, domination in our world. Having experienced domination at the hands of eurochristian nationalists, much of the world has adopted and adapted a version of nationalism in an attempt at self-defense. Nationalist doctrine holds (mistakenly), as Elie Kedourie argued more than sixty years ago, that humanity is divided by nature into nations, that nations are known by certain characteristics that can be ascertained, and that the only legitimate form of government is national self-determination (in the sense of a nation having a state of its “own”). In short, this doctrine holds that “nations” are “rightful sovereigns” under no superior moral or legal authority whose states can pretty much dominate “things” at will (such as—according to the United States Supreme Court to this day—“Indigenous peoples”). This assertion that the Supreme Court claims that the United States has a “right” to treat the Native Nations as things—as subjects completely under its “plenary power”—is evident in such horrific American misconduct as that involved in forcing the Native Nations onto the Trail of Tears and is powerfully demonstrated in my most recent book, Arguments Over Genocide, in Peter d’Errico’s Federal Anti Indian Law, in Steve Newcomb’s classic, Pagans in the Promised Land, and in the more philosophical exploration of the historical record, Political Principles and Indian Sovereignty, by Lee Hester (Choctaw).

All nations, from a perspective informed by Indigenous ideas, are constituted by the collective self-consciousness of peoples with a capacity to recognize all living beings as our kith and kin; peoples who are obliged to act in accordance with that recognition in trustworthy, reciprocal, and consensual ways towards all life. All peoples sense the presencing of the whole and the relationships it contains in contrast with the re-presentations of reality that are perceived and generated by states—the maps rather than the terrain—that are part of the efforts of all systems of domination to control and manipulate.

As George Manuel (Secwepemc), chief of the National Indian Brotherhood (known today as the Assembly of First Nations), has written:

Perhaps when men no longer try to have ‘dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that liveth upon the earth,’ they will no longer try to have dominion over us. It will be much easier to be our brother’s keeper then.” As the Basic Call to Consciousness—emerging from the Haudenosaunee in 1977—puts it: “The way of life known as ‘Western Civilization’ is on a death path…. The air is foul, the waters poisoned, the trees dying, the animals are disappearing. We think even the systems of weather are changing…. The people who are living on this planet need to break with the narrow concept of human liberation and begin to see liberation as something that needs to be extended to the whole of the Natural World. What is needed is the liberation of all the things that support life—the air, the waters, the trees—all the things that support the sacred Web of Life.

The greatest political divide in our world today is the divide between those who believe that benevolent authority (however variously defined) is necessary to the establishment, maintenance, and improvement of any worthwhile community, and its conduct of relations with any and all other communities, and those who think that at the most inclusive level the beloved community already exists (that it is constituted by the spiritual fact that all living beings are our kith and kin) and that our responsibility is to maintain balance and harmony with and within this beloved community without domination. Those on the pro-“benevolent authority” side of this divide tend to seek security through control and manipulation. Those on the other side understand that the whole cannot be dominated and that harmony and balance with and within it must be sought instead. Such balance and harmony is not a human creation, still less an expression of some “political will.” On the contrary, it is a gift of creation, and especially of our grandmother Earth, and we are all obliged to respect this gift.

There is a grain of truth in the narrative that presents “democracy and human rights” as emerging in the United States and then spreading—as the “best” form of government—towards global hegemony in subsequent centuries against the resistance of monarchical and dictatorial powers including, in the twentieth century, both Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. That grain of truth is rooted in the soil of the “New World” and the cultures and polities that this land has sustained for millennia. Embracing the original free and independent existence of the peoples of the Native Nations, these cultures and polities do in fact include forms of government from which the “modern” world has learned much of what little it knows of genuine democracy. It is as an attempt at genuine democracy—a failed attempt at voluntarily entering Indigenous culture and history—that the narrative of “democracy and human rights” should be seen and understood.

Brother Gabriel Sagard’s early seventeenth century account of the Wendat, a work that became a bestseller in Europe cited by both Locke and Voltaire, is one of many that David Graeber and David Wengrow review in The Dawn of Everything. According to Sagard: “They reciprocate hospitality and give such assistance to one another that the necessities of all are provided for without there being any indigent beggar in their towns and villages; and they considered it a very bad thing when they heard it said that there were in France a great many of these needy beggars, and thought this was for lack of charity in us, and blamed us for it severely.” The Jesuit missionary Le Jeune wrote of the Montagnais-Naskapi in 1642: “They imagine that they ought by right of birth, to enjoy the liberty of wild ass colts, rendering no homage to anyone whomsoever, except when they like. They have reproached me a hundred times because we fear our Captains, while they laugh at and make sport of theirs. All the authority of their chief is in his tongue’s end; for he is powerful so far as he is eloquent; and, even if he kills himself talking and haranguing, he will not be obeyed unless he pleases the Savages.” Writing of the Wendat in 1648, Father Lallemant noted that “They are free people, each of whom considers himself of as much consequence as the others; and they submit to their chiefs only in so far as it pleases them.”

As Graeber and Wengrow note, when it comes “to questions of personal freedom, the equality of men and women, sexual mores or popular sovereignty—or even, for that matter, theories of depth psychology—indigenous American attitudes are likely to be far closer to the reader’s own than seventeenth-century European ones.” Sixteenth and seventeenth century glimpses of this more genuine democracy became a major tributary flowing into the Enlightenment. Their significance is only beginning to be recovered by contemporary scholarship. And the depth of the failure of the Enlightenment and its successors to become rooted in Indigenous spiritual truth rather than in intellectual abstractions is still to be fully recognized.

It is only as Native scholars have addressed the spiritual foundations of their own societies—as, for example, in God is Red by Vine Deloria, Jr. (Standing Rock Sioux) and Aazheyaadizi: Worldview, Language, and the Logics of Decolonization by Mark Freeland (Sault Ste. Marie Tribe Chippewa)—that they have begun to become more accessible to academic audiences. The works of some rare outsiders, such as Marshall Sahlin’s recent The New Science of the Enchanted Universe, are also helpful. In Radical Wholeness, Philip Shepherd shows something of how “modern” culture enforces divisions within each of us, and among all of us, depriving our world of the qualities we most want to experience—connection, peace, grace, simplicity, clarity, and the like—all of which arise from a sense of wholeness.

It is past time to put an end to the false universalism, perhaps most persuasively expressed by G. K. Chesterton, that links democracy to Christian thought and that claims that “There is no basis for democracy except in a dogma about the divine origin of man.” While that claim is obviously mistaken as it completely ignores the Indigenous foundations of a deeper and more genuine democracy and its influence, Chesterton was correct to warn that without an adequate spiritual foundation there was a great danger to democracy—including to the American democratic experiment—that it would “become wildly and wickedly undemocratic.” Chesterton was not looking back—as he easily could have been—to slavery, the Trail of Tears, and the invasion of the West, but rather looking ahead toward the future and, in particular, the danger to American society that “Its rich will riot with a brutal indifference far beyond the feeble feudalism which retains some shadow of responsibility or at least of patronage.”

The sharp and difficult point that must be grasped here—wounding to the egos of prideful people and prideful nations as it will be—is that, under adherence to even a tacit and allegedly democratic system of domination, the terms “human” and “Christian”—and even “democratic”—can acquire horrific meanings and their advocates become filled with enslaving and even genocidal intent toward those deemed “outside” these categories and seen as “justly” subordinated to those within them. The truth is that the Native peoples have proved better able to realize a human flourishing—in terms of the moral standards that are allegedly held by the societies of Christendom and its secular successors—than have these same societies. The Native peoples have proven that they are capable of being more virtuous—more charitable, more equalitarian, more free, and more attuned to the needs of the land and of all living beings. Much as some contemporary eurochristian attitudes may be closer to those of the Indigenous world than to those of Christendom, the spiritual foundations of our societies seem as far away as ever.

There was, to be sure, a spiritual foundation to the work of the philosophers of the American Revolution and the framers of the Constitution. Perhaps the single most important architect of this work was the Pennsylvanian jurist James Wilson. In a famous political pamphlet in 1774, Wilson declared that “All men are, by nature, equal and free” that “no one has a right to any authority over another without his consent” and that “all lawful government is founded upon the consent of those who are subject to it.” Wilson recognized that the Native Nations had never consented to be governed by the United States and that the United States therefore had, as he put it in 1776, “no right over the Indians, whether within or without the real or pretended limits of any Colony.”

Wilson’s respect and love was not confined to white male property owners. His hope was for an American society in which: “All will receive from each, and each will receive from all, mutual support and assistance: mutually supported and assisted, all may be carried to a degree of perfection hitherto unknown; perhaps, hitherto not believed.” And he carried this hope into the international sphere:

It may, perhaps, be uncommon, but it is certainly just, to say that nations ought to love one another. The offices of humanity ought to flow from this pure source. When this happily is the case, then the principles of affection and friendship prevail among states as among individuals: then nations will mutually support and assist each other with zeal and ardour; lasting peace will be the result of unshaken confidence; and kind and generous principles, of a nature far opposite to mean jealousy, crooked policy, or cold prudence, will govern and prosper the affairs of men.

Wilson believed that the American people had claimed such powers as they asserted a right to exercise under the law of nations—an expression of natural law—while recognizing the equal right of all other nations, including the Native Nations, to do likewise. This is what the sovereignty of “we the people” meant to Wilson: that we were answerable to the international moral and legal order under which we claimed our rights—and ultimately answerable to God—for our conduct. He made this perfectly clear in his law lectures in 1790-1791 at the College of Philadelphia. The first of these lectures was attended by the entire House of Representatives and the entire Senate of the United States—and by the entire Pennsylvania House of Representatives and Senate—as well as by the President and Martha Washington, and by the Vice President and Abigail Adams, and they are a marvel to read. These lectures provide an authoritative context in which to understand the intentions of the framers of the Constitution in terms of the revolutionary American jurisprudence that helps inform it and which has in the past enabled reform movements to appeal to the Constitution as if it were a “promissory note.”

[When] I say that, in free states, the law of nations is the law of the people; I mean that, as the law of nature, in other words, as the will of nature’s God, it is indispensably binding upon the people, in whom the sovereign power resides; and who are, consequently, under the most sacred obligations to exercise that power, or to delegate it to such as will exercise it, in a manner agreeable to those rules and maxims, which the law of nature prescribes to every state, for the happiness of each, and for the happiness of all. How vast—how important—how interesting are these truths! They announce to a free people how exalted their rights; but at the same time, they announce to a free people how solemn their duties are.

The spiritual truths Wilson articulated and relied upon were inadequate to establish, maintain, and improve a genuine democracy. In the first place, adherence to these truths was not universal even among the more radical American revolutionaries. Such adherence as there was, moreover, was vitiated by the common practices of tolerating and even maintaining active legal support for slavery and was profoundly eroded by the genocidal conduct towards the Native Nations that the Supreme Court sanctioned beginning in the 1830s with the Trail of Tears. From such beginnings as the elimination of religious tests for office, the rise of abolitionism, the movement for women’s suffrage, and the emergence of the trade union movement, there have been powerful reformist endeavors that sought to strengthen adherence to spiritual truth, but they have rarely had the ascendancy for any great length of time. From the practices associated with extractive industries and industrial modernity to the development of those associated with financial capitalism and neoliberalism the corrosion of adherence to spiritual truth has been more of the norm.

At a deeper level, the spiritual truths Wilson sought to advance were inadequate because his strategy involved combining a potentially impressive approach—one that involved cultivating what he called “the power of moral abstraction”—with a deliberate effort to build a democracy with the power of the state.

The power of moral abstraction was as necessary to the progress of exalted virtue, Wilson maintained, as the power of intellectual abstraction was to the progress of extensive knowledge. By this power, the commonwealth of a state, the empire of the United States, the civilized and commercial part of the world, and the inhabitants of the whole earth become the objects of the warmest spirit of benevolence. By this power, even a minute, unknown and distant group of individuals may become a complex object that will warm and dilate the soul. By this power, people otherwise invisible are rendered conspicuous and become known to the heart as well as to the understanding.

This enlarged and elevated virtue ought to be cultivated by nations with peculiar assiduity and ardour. The sphere of exertion, to which an individual is confined, is frequently narrow, however enlarged his disposition may be. But the sphere, to the extent of which a state may exert herself, is often comparatively boundless. By exhibiting a glorious example in her constitution, in her laws, in the administration of her constitution and laws, she may diffuse reformation, she may diffuse instruction, she may diffuse happiness over this whole terrestrial globe.

That this whole terrestrial globe was in need of the “happiness” the Constitution of the United States could provide is a position that can be challenged, particularly by the Native Nations of Turtle Island (this continent) and by the enslaved people coercively held inside the new American states and outside of the equal rights and equal belonging of the supposedly truly human. For them, and for their heirs, the expansionism underlying Wilson’s vision of diffusing happiness—the politics of domination with which this effort was (and is) inextricably bound up—meant that not joy but a challenge to their very existence and relationship to reality was part of even the best intentioned version of the aspirations informing the invader state’s constitution in the aftermath of the American Revolution. Wilson sought to strengthen a political will to “progress” that would suffuse both American society and “its” state. The peoples of the Native Nations sought to maintain balance and harmony with ancestors and descendants.

Wilson could speak of maintaining a warm spirit of benevolence toward all the inhabitants of the earth, but this was still a far cry from respect and love for all living beings, including the Earth herself. That the heart should inform the understanding was a possible place of common ground. With that truth as a shared foundation, what might have been built by working together—or what might be done along such lines even today—remains an open question, particularly if there would be a willingness on the eurochristian side to act with trustworthy, reciprocal, and consensual conduct and to leave aside any attempt at continued domination.

The relevant question is whether the “modern” world can, first, overcome its prejudices about the peoples of the Native Nations and their ways and accomplishments—whether it can overcome its absurd “evolutionary” social theories and its simplistic and wrongheaded conceptions of “human nature” (theories and concepts designed to blunt what Graeber and Wengrow call an “Indigenous Critique” of Western culture)—second, whether we can relinquish our efforts at domination, and, third, whether we can voluntarily enter or reenter into millennia of Indigenous history and culture.

Here it may be helpful to make explicit an alternative global political architecture that I think is implicit in “the view from the shore,” a perspective that encourages respect and love for “all our relations” (if not necessarily a liking for each and every one of them) without a pursuit of domination.

It is easy, in the “Western” or “modern” or even “democratic” world, to think of national collective self-consciousness as tending towards an identification with the state, with what might be termed the nation’s ego. This may be considered, from a global perspective, as a form of insanity; a cause of fearful, selfish, and violent behavior on a massive scale. Such nations, from this perspective, are schizophrenic: caught between identifying with their egos in ways that in the extreme are solipsistic and profoundly antisocial and identifying with the peoples they embrace in ways that can open to respect and love for all living beings without a search for domination over any of them.

At the level of national collective self-consciousness, those nations that claim to be devoted to “democracy and human rights”—to say nothing of the outright dictatorships—are more or less dimly aware of the systems of domination that “their” states maintain. They tend to accept, with greater or lesser degrees of enthusiasm, the claims to legitimacy that “their” politicians proffer (both for their own rule and for their efforts to rule over other peoples). The challenge is how to help these nations to develop a form of social self-understanding that separates their collective selves from their states and brings clarity to their minds—that deepens their connections with their genuine peoplehood—and thus helps them bring their nations into what JoDe Goudy (Yakama Nation), the founder of www.redthought.org, has called “right and respectful relations.”

A people, in contrast with a state, is a matrix of affinity for all of the members of that people who recognize themselves as fellow nationals, their nationality being understood in relation to such things as territoriality, language, consanguinity, shared history, shared stories, and the like. A people is a form of social self-awareness—a body. A nation, in contrast, is a collective self-consciousness capable of validating the referents of a people’s identity—a mind. A state is a system of domination that involves a claim to a monopoly on the legitimate exercise of violence within a particular territorial jurisdiction—an ego.

One can distinguish among peoples, nations, and states in such a way that everyone should be able to see all peoples as potential allies, to perceive nations whose collective self-consciousness is more attuned to their full peoplehood as likely friends, to perceive nations whose collective self-consciousness confuses their selves with “their” states as misguided and as likely dangerous, and to see states as unhelpful—as systems of domination that the world would be better off without or, at the very least, would be better off having regulated by the concern for the whole of every people. Such concern for the whole is part of the spiritual foundation of the international laws and usages that were so much a part of life on Turtle Island before the eurochristians invaded, so much a part of the relatively full peoplehood of these nations. And these international laws contributed to the maintenance of a relative harmony and balance that it is illuminating to contrast with the “order” to which the best of the international laws rooted in Christianity contributed.

Underneath modern conceptions of both “nationalism” and “democracy and human rights” are ideas of the global common good in which the rights of every nation and every national are to be secured under the law of nations understood as an expression of natural law. And secured under that law—as if such were possible—by benevolent political authority. When Bartolomé de las Casas condemned Spanish colonialism and imperialism in the so-called “New World” in the sixteenth century this was the language in which he did so:

The king of France does not pronounce sentence in Spain nor does the king of Spain dictate laws for France, nor does the Emperor himself, in his travels, use his imperial authority outside the borders of his empire. [In all of these cases] there is a lack of that power and jurisdiction which in his indescribable wisdom the author of nature has prescribed within certain limits for each nation and prince so as to safeguard and preserve the common good of each. For this reason jurisdiction is said to be implanted in a locality or territory, or in the bones of the persons of each community or state, so that it cannot be separated from them any more than food can be separated from the preservation of life.

At the heart of Charles V’s empire—and at the risk of charges of lèse majesté and heresy (and he was reported to the Inquisition)—Las Casas publicly and persuasively appealed to this global common good arguing that “war against the Indians, which we call in Spanish, conquistas, is evil and essentially anti-Christian…. war against the Indians is unlawful.”

“The Natives (of America),” Las Casas insisted, “having their own lawful kings and princes, and a right to make laws for the good government of their respective dominions, could not be expelled out of them, or deprived of what they possess, without doing violence to the laws of God, as well as the laws of nations.”

When God divided kingdom from kingdom and people from people—when he gave the nations their inheritance—it was, Las Casas maintained, for the common good of each. The office of ruler had been established especially that its holder might be diligently concerned with the public good: “For whatever right a king has, he has by the consent of his people. If a king should die without heirs, the right of choosing a new king belongs to the people…. injustice is committed by depriving a community or people of its right of choice without any lawful cause.”

Those apologists for Spain’s grotesque misconduct who claimed to find a sanction for violence in the gospels (specifically in Luke 14:16-23) were articulating an opinion that Las Casas maintained was “completely foreign to all reason and Christian teaching.” According to this passage, Jesus spoke of a man who gave a great supper and invited many, but found that those originally invited made excuses and did not come. He then ordered his servant to invite the poor and the lame, the blind and the maimed, from the streets and lanes of the city. When this had been done, and there was still space for more, the master ordered his servant to go out to the highways and hedges and “compel them to come in.” That passage had traditionally been interpreted as involving spiritual persuasion, not violence, Las Casas insisted: the use of violence was tyrannical and in direct opposition to the instructions of Christ to his disciples and to the example they established.

Consider, in contrast, the words of Juan Ginés Sepúlveda, the court historian in mid-sixteenth century Spain and Las Casas’ great rival in the debate within Spain over Spanish colonialism. Sepúlveda described the Indians of the New World harshly. There are early expressions of both eurochristian nationalism and modern racism in his opposition to Las Casas’ critique. Speaking of the Native peoples, Sepúlveda declared: “In prudence, talent, virtue, and humanity they are as inferior to the Spaniards as children to adults, women to men, as the wild and cruel to the most meek, as the prodigiously intemperate to the continent and temperate, that I have almost said, as monkeys to men.”

The idea that Las Casas knew better was beyond Sepúlveda’s imagination and would have seemed to him an affront to the dignity of the crown and of Spain: “Shall we doubt that those peoples, so uncivilized, so barbarous, so wicked, contaminated with so many evils and wicked religious practices, have been justly subjugated by an excellent, pious, and most just King, such as was Ferdinand and the Emperor Charles is now, and by a most civilized nation that is outstanding in every kind of virtue?” To the claim that wars of conquest were impeding the progress of Christianity because the Indians came to hate those who did them harm, Sepúlveda replied, “the madman also hates the doctor who cures him, and the unruly boy hates the teacher who punishes him, but this fact does not negate the usefulness of one nor the other, nor should it be abandoned.”

The ongoing process of seeking to “teach” or “cure” the Native peoples with the force and violence that Sepúlveda and the papal bulls championed was, as Steve Newcomb has noted—and, to a considerable extent, still is—a process of seeking to strip them of their original free and independent existence, to deny them their national rights, to steal their lands, to force them to work, and to force baptism and “cultural conversion” upon them under conditions of torment and misery beneath the incessant and cruel demands of states claiming to be sovereign over them.

While the law of nations that Las Casas was appealing to had less tangibility for the eurochristians and much less political efficacy than the international laws and usages of Turtle Island had for the peoples of the Native Nations, and while the international laws Las Casas championed expressed a false universalism grounded in the inadequate conceptions of a Christianity as yet unfamiliar with Indigenous wisdom and spiritual truth, it was still far preferable to the arrogant, ignorant, hate-filled, and dominationist prejudices that animated Sepúlveda and that continue to animate his heirs and successors including the members of the United States Supreme Court.

The American Constitution sanctioned slavery. It did not sanction genocide. That was the handiwork of Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall and his allies. That handiwork was accomplished, in the first place, by their claim that the treaty-guaranteed dominion of the Cherokee Nation, Choctaw Nation, Muscogee Nation, Chickasaw Nation (and many others) was a mere right of “occupancy,” as a unanimous Supreme Court put it in 1823, in Johnson v. McIntosh. When this pernicious nonsense was criticized, the Supreme Court doubled down on that wrongly decided opinion in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, in 1831, by deciding—again wrongly—that no Native Nation has a right to bring an action in the courts of the United States in defense of their treaty rights because they are (allegedly) “domestic” and “dependent.”

In fact, the Cherokee Nation had a perfect right to bring an action in the Supreme Court to enforce the treaty obligations of the United States because their case arose under a treaty and a state of the union was a party to the case, regardless of whether the Cherokee Nation was considered as an independent “foreign state” or not.

While the advocates of “self-restraint”—the advocates of respecting the equal rights of others under the same international moral and legal order in which one claimed one’s own rights—have rarely had the ascendancy over the past six centuries, they exercised a decisive influence on the Constitution’s Treaty Supremacy Clause. It was that clause that James Wilson, clarifying the intentions of the framers, would proudly champion in the Pennsylvania ratifying convention: “This clause, sir, will show the world that we make the faith of treaties a constitutional part of the character of the United States; that we secure its performance no longer nominally, for the judges of the United States will be enabled to carry it into effect, let the legislatures of the different states do what they may.”

Without even attempting to address the reality of the Constitution’s text and of the framers’ intentions, John Marshall and his allies betrayed the Constitution and sanctioned the genocide of the 1830s and those that followed: “If it be true that the Cherokee Nation have rights, this is not the tribunal in which those rights are to be asserted. If it be true that wrongs have been inflicted, and that still greater are to be apprehended, this is not the tribunal which can redress the past or prevent the future.”

These two Supreme Court decisions—Johnson and Cherokee Nation—are the equivalent, for the Native Nations, of a combination of Dred Scott v. Sanford and Plessy v. Ferguson. There can be no fundamental movement toward justice for the Native Nations until these anti-constitutional precedents are overturned. Nor can there be much movement towards getting in touch with the true peoplehood of the American people—and away from the insanity of identifying with a state that has committed genocide and that continues to defend the “federal Indian law” that allowed it—without recognizing the anti-constitutional character of what should properly be called federal anti-Indian law.

Here it should be stressed that while there was a spiritual foundation to the self-restraint that both Bartolomé de Las Casas and James Wilson advocated with regard to the Native Nations, and while both men articulated a genuine respect for some of these nations’ national rights, there was still a spiritual failure to recognize that the only lawful basis for any eurochristian presence in the “New World” was in accord with the wishes of these nations and in accord with the wishes of the land and the international laws and usages the land sustains. The eurochristian imperialists had no right to bring any domination system with them to the free soil of Turtle Island, still less to impose one by horrific force and violence on the peoples of the Native Nations.

If we—the heirs and successors of these imperialists—are to free ourselves from the ongoing legacies of their grotesque misconduct (rather than simply continuing to double down upon such misconduct with sanitized and “secular” justifications for our ultimately religious bigotry and domination) we will have to reimagine both “nationalism” and “democracy” in ways that strip these doctrines of their dominationist elements. We will have to fashion, instead, doctrines that genuinely rely upon peoples who recognize all living beings as our kith and kin and act, accordingly, with trustworthy, reciprocal, and consensual conduct toward all life. More than this, we will have to recognize the inadequacy of even the best doctrines and seek to learn, instead, from the peoples of the Native Nations as they continue a deep process of healing and of the recovery of their original free and independent existence. If we are all to enter or reenter into millennia of Indigenous history and culture—if we are to enjoy genuine democracy—it will have to be not only by mutual consent among our true selves, who are always already connected (all being “of creation”), but by mutual respect and love in our conduct.

John Collier, who served as the US Commissioner of Indian Affairs from 1933 to 1945, in a popular book titled Indians of the Americas, sought to share something of what he felt the world can learn from the spirituality of the Native Nations:

They had what the world has lost. They have it now. What the world has lost, the world must have again, lest it die. Not many years are left to have or have not, to recapture the lost ingredient…. It is the ancient, lost reverence and passion for human personality, joined with the ancient, lost reverence and passion for the earth and its web of life. This indivisible reverence and passion is what the American Indians almost universally had; and representative groups of them have it still. They had and have this power for living which our modern world has lost—as world-view and self-view, as tradition and institution, as practical philosophy … and as an art supreme among all the arts…. If our modern world should be able to recapture this power, the earth’s natural resources and web of life would not be irrevocably wasted … which is the prospect now. True democracy, founded in neighborhoods and reaching over the world, would become the realized heaven on earth. And living peace—not just an interlude between wars—would be born and would last through ages.

The post Reimagining “Nationalism” and “Democracy” with “the View from the Shore” first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Steven Schwartzberg.

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Respite: Smart People, Concerned Environmentalists, Talking Whales, Kelp, Tidepools https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/respite-smart-people-concerned-environmentalists-talking-whales-kelp-tidepools/ https://www.radiofree.org/2024/02/22/respite-smart-people-concerned-environmentalists-talking-whales-kelp-tidepools/#respond Thu, 22 Feb 2024 22:21:30 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=145879 just for a few hours: out of the insanity of the insane and dementia patients and psychopaths ruling the world, inside and outside of government Sure, I live along the Central Coast of Oregon. How many times, even in my small memoir writing class I am conducting, to people tell me they are “living on/in […]

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just for a few hours: out of the insanity of the insane and dementia patients and psychopaths ruling the world, inside and outside of government

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Paul Haeder.

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Boycott of Leather Suppliers over Fears for Uncontacted Indigenous People in Paraguay https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/21/boycott-of-leather-suppliers-over-fears-for-uncontacted-indigenous-people-in-paraguay/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/21/boycott-of-leather-suppliers-over-fears-for-uncontacted-indigenous-people-in-paraguay/#respond Thu, 21 Dec 2023 16:42:15 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146771 Guireja, an Ayoreo woman, on the day she was first contacted in 2004. Her relatives are still hiding in the forest. © GAT/Survival Pasubio, one of Europe’s leading leather manufacturers, has today announced that it will refuse to buy leather from suppliers whose activities directly or indirectly threaten the forests inhabited by the uncontacted Ayoreo people […]

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Guireja, an Ayoreo woman, on the day she was first contacted in 2004. Her relatives are still hiding in the forest. © GAT/Survival

Pasubio, one of Europe’s leading leather manufacturers, has today announced that it will refuse to buy leather from suppliers whose activities directly or indirectly threaten the forests inhabited by the uncontacted Ayoreo people in Paraguay.

Pasubio’s decision follows intensive dialogue with the Italian office of Indigenous rights organization Survival International, which filed a formal complaint against the company under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, assisted by the lawyers Veronica Dini and Luca Saltalamacchia.

These Ayoreo are the last uncontacted Indigenous people in South America outside the Amazon, and the ranches occupying and illegally deforesting their ancestral land threaten their very existence.

In its announcement, Pasubio said: “[Our company] is today announcing its commitment to defend the ancestral territory of the Ayoreo-Totobiegosode Indigenous people…

“Thanks to the awareness-raising role played over the years by Survival International, the global movement for Indigenous peoples’ rights, and the NGO Earthsight, the Pasubio Group has learnt about the threat to the Ayoreo Totobiegosode people of Paraguay’s Gran Chaco region, especially the uncontacted Ayoreo groups living in the forest.

“The Pasubio Group is therefore announcing its decision to exclude from its suppliers any leather linked to the deforestation of the [Ayoreo territory]; starting today, the Pasubio Group will halt all commercial relationship with any Paraguayan supplier unable to provide appropriate guarantees regarding the absence of any relationship, direct or indirect, with the cattle ranches located within the [Ayoreo territory].”

The Ayoreo territory is today an island of forest surrounded by a sea of deforestation, as the land around it (and some inside it) has been cleared for cattle ranching. Since the start of this year countless fires set by ranchers have consumed a significant part of the Ayoreo’s forest.

An unknown number of Ayoreo live uncontacted in the forest. Many more have been forced out of the forest, and now live in settled communities.

Caroline Pearce, Director of Survival International, said today: “We’re delighted that Pasubio has committed to boycott leather from suppliers that threaten the lives and lands of the Ayoreo in Paraguay, and we look forward to other companies doing the same. We will, of course, be watching closely to ensure that the commitment is implemented in full.

“The powerful figures behind Paraguay’s leather industry need to know that the world won’t stand for the illegal destruction of the forest and its people in the name of profit. Their industry’s name is being brought into disrepute: we hope this news will serve to speed up the appallingly slow process of recognizing the Ayoreo’s land rights, which has already gone on for  thirty years. The authorities in Paraguay should finally respect national and international law; expel all the cattle ranchers from inside the Ayoreo’s territory, and return the land to them.”

Note: 

Italy is the world’s biggest buyer of Paraguayan leather, and Pasubio is the main Italian importer (2022 data). Pasubio leather is primarily used in the automotive industry. BMW, Jaguar Land Rover, Porsche and many others buy it to make interiors, seats and steering wheels.

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This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Indian Ministries Set to Approve Mega-project that Will Destroy Uncontacted Island People https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/08/indian-ministries-set-to-approve-mega-project-that-will-destroy-uncontacted-island-people/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/12/08/indian-ministries-set-to-approve-mega-project-that-will-destroy-uncontacted-island-people/#respond Fri, 08 Dec 2023 15:41:39 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=146421 The Shompen live in the rainforests of Great Nicobar. If their forest and rivers are destroyed, they will be too. © ASI Authorities in India have vowed to press ahead with a controversial mega-development project, despite experts’ warnings that it will destroy a unique uncontacted tribe. The $5bn mega-port planned for the Indian Ocean island of […]

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The Shompen live in the rainforests of Great Nicobar. If their forest and rivers are destroyed, they will be too. © ASI

Authorities in India have vowed to press ahead with a controversial mega-development project, despite experts’ warnings that it will destroy a unique uncontacted tribe.

The $5bn mega-port planned for the Indian Ocean island of Great Nicobar, plus associated ‘development’ such as a new city, defense base, industrial zones, airport and power station, will utterly destroy the Shompen people. They are one of India’s two tribes who shun contact with outsiders, alongside their neighbors, the better-known Sentinelese.

Numerous experts including 87 former high level Indian government officials and civil servants have called on the government to abandon the scheme. Since the Shompen cannot give their Free, Prior and Informed Consent to it, it is illegal under international law.

The Shompen are one of India’s two tribes who shun contact with outsiders, alongside their neighbors, the better-known Sentinelese. © Survival

The project does not yet have all the necessary approvals, but in a series of briefings the Indian authorities have made it clear that they will be pressing ahead with the project. They plan to transform the Shompen’s small island home into the “Hong Kong of India,” with a new city of 650,000 people just one of the project’s components.

Caroline Pearce, Director of Survival International, said today: “This project will devastate the Great Nicobar rainforest, where the Shompen live, and with it the Shompen themselves. They survived the 2004 tsunami, but there is simply no way they can survive this catastrophic destruction of their entire world.

“Not only will their livelihood be destroyed, but like all uncontacted peoples, they can be wiped out by diseases to which they have no immunity. It will be a genocide. We call on the Indian government to urgently scrap this scheme – it will destroy the Shompen if it goes ahead.”

Note: The 100 – 400 Shompen live only on Great Nicobar Island, as nomadic hunter-gatherers. They have lived there since time immemorial, and survived the 2004 tsunami, whose epicenter was close by. Some Shompen have limited contact with Indian officials, but the majority live uncontacted in the forests.

The post Indian Ministries Set to Approve Mega-project that Will Destroy Uncontacted Island People first appeared on Dissident Voice.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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The Osage want you to know their story doesn’t end with Killers of the Flower Moon https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/27/the-osage-want-you-to-know-their-story-doesnt-end-with-killers-of-the-flower-moon/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/27/the-osage-want-you-to-know-their-story-doesnt-end-with-killers-of-the-flower-moon/#respond Fri, 27 Oct 2023 17:33:27 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=145272 This week, director Martin Scorsese releases his film Killers of the Flower Moon: the true story of the mass murder of Osage Native Americans and the plot to steal the tribe’s oil wealth. The film is a powerful telling of what came to be known as the Reign of Terror, a period that resulted in the deaths of as many as 200 Osage. But the story didn’t end there. For the past 27 years, I have been reporting on what happened afterwards.

My documentary Long Knife – produced by George DiCaprio, with his son Leonardo’s encouragement – recounts, in the words of the Osage people, what happened in the century since the killings portrayed in the film, from the Terror to oil thievery to today’s fight for sovereignty

‘The Osage Nation has continued to suffer massive oil thievery, impoverishment and oil-sludge poisoning’. Lily Gladstone and Leonardo DiCaprio in Killers of the Flower Moon.

Over the past century, the Osage Nation has continued to suffer massive oil thievery, impoverishment and oil sludge poisoning on their Oklahoma reservation. “It’s not over,” Osage principal chief, Geoffrey Standing Bear, tells me. “It’s still happening.” At the heart of it is legal control of Osage native land by the US Bureau of Indian Affairs, an entity the Osage call the Ma-he-tah, or the Long Knife. Standing Bear, a lawyer himself, likens the arrangement to a military occupation.

The Osage’s current misfortunes began in 1894 with, ironically, the discovery of a gigantic oil reservoir under their Oklahoma land. Suddenly, desperately poor Osage became the richest people on Earth.

But for the US government, that was too much oil and too much money under the control of a people who were not at that time recognised as US citizens. In 1906, the US Congress passed the Burke Act, named after congressman Charles Burke, who called American Indigenous people “half animal”. Burke would head the Bureau of Indian Affairs, which determined that Osage were not sufficiently competent to handle their new wealth. It assigned each full-blood Osage a white “guardian”.

These guardians wrote themselves into Osage wills and insurance policies, then systematically murdered their wards and took their oil rights. That’s where Killers of the Flower Moon ends, in the 1920s.

But the predation continued. The US government barred the tribe from developing their own oil and instead auctioned off the Osage’s drilling rights. The giant reserves were then exploited by the behemoths we now know as Getty Oil, ConocoPhillips, Sinclair and Exxon.

The Osage were left with small “stripper” wells producing too little oil to send out through pipelines. Beginning in the 1960s, a small operator out of Wichita, Kansas, Koch Industries, agreed to send out small tanker trucks to take the Osage crude. Except that Koch truckers would take 30 barrels and write down 20. In 1996, I was brought in as a forensic expert on energy frauds. I calculated they had skimmed off $2.4bn (£2bn) – about $6bn in today’s money.

It’s said that behind every great fortune is a great crime. It was this Osage oil that created one of America’s greatest fortunes: the Koch family, whose wealth is calculated at over $120bn. The Kochs have used this wealth to build a fearsome ultra-rightwing force that can create and destroy political careers. Lisa Graves of True North, an authority on corporate lobbying, calculates that Koch interests have spent no less than $200m on campaigns to attack climate change science.

Everett Waller, Chairman of the Osage Minerals Council from Greg Palast and George DiCaprio’s documentary, Long Knife: Osage Oil and the New Trail of Tears, to be released in 2024. Photo, © Palast Investigative Fund, 2023.

To the Osage, it’s still raw. Only months ago, Everett Waller, Osage’s resource chair, confronted the Bureau of Indian Affairs at a tense hearing. “When you get a quote from Koch Oil that said they deserve a barrel for every two they had to pay for, you should have hung the bastards.” (Appropriately, in Killers, Waller plays the fierce Osage leader, Paul Red Eagle.)

Today, the Koch oil trucks are gone, but their poisons are left behind – and I’m not just talking about the economic legacy. Former Koch trucker Jack Crossen told me that Koch ordered its workers to cover up toxic sludge spilt into creeks and water supplies.

Right now, Chief Standing Bear is at war with the system that engendered the Koch heist, the 1920s Reign of Terror and continuing cruelties. The US government still claims ultimate power over Osage money and lands, simply changing the murderous “guardianship” scheme to the “trusteeship” of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The chief explains: “This is our land, and we bought this land with our own money. But the federal government says: ‘The ownership title may belong to you, but the day-to-day control and operation belongs to the federal government.’ And who do they get to help manage? Koch oil!”

For the chief, it’s also personal. The US government to this day lists Chief Standing Bear as “incompetent”, despite his national recognition as one of America’s top trial attorneys. During those few years of oil wealth 100 years ago, the Osage invested in education and skills, with some becoming noted scholars at Stanford and Oxford, and they gave America its first prima ballerina, Maria Tallchief (née Elizabeth Marie Tall Chief). The chief took me to the Bureau of Indian Affairs office, where, in a huge leatherbound book, he and other college graduates in his family are listed as incompetent. It’s more than an insult. It is part of the legal structure that allows the federal government to remain as sovereign over reservation affairs.

The father of Principal Chief Geoffrey Standing Bear as a baby, surrounded by his family and in the lap of oilman Frank Phillips, in 1929. Photograph: Courtesy of Principal Chief Geoffrey Standing Bear.

Today, Koch’s trucks are gone, but Koch’s campaign to deny climate science and stop the government taking action on greenhouse gas emissions has undermined Osage demands for funds to seal up the thousands of methane-spewing, poisonous wells abandoned by corporate drillers. And Waller needs the sovereign rights granted to other Americans so the Osage can launch his long-term plan to “put it all underground” – that is, instead of drilling oil, drilling huge, clean geothermal reserves. That puts the Osage on the frontline in the war over climate and Koch-ocracy.

While the Osage are appreciative of Scorsese and Leonardo DiCaprio bringing the 1920s Terror to the screen, they want the world to know that their story doesn’t end when the movie credits roll. Former chief Jim Roan Gray, whose great-grandfather’s murder is at the centre of Killers, says the Osage want to be seen as more than victims: they are warriors confronting their US rulers for control of their own land and lives.

• First published in The Guardian


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Greg Palast.

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Ten Years on: Uncontacted Tribe in Danger as Land Protection Stalls https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/16/ten-years-on-uncontacted-tribe-in-danger-as-land-protection-stalls/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/16/ten-years-on-uncontacted-tribe-in-danger-as-land-protection-stalls/#respond Mon, 16 Oct 2023 11:00:15 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=144843

The last of the Kawahiva are forced to live on the run from armed loggers and powerful ranchers. Still from unique footage taken by government agents during a chance encounter. © FUNAI

Ten years after Brazilian authorities released extraordinary footage showing the existence of an uncontacted Amazonian tribe, their lands have still not been fully protected – and loggers and land-grabbers surround them.

In 2013 Brazil’s Indigenous Affairs Department FUNAI released video that they had filmed during a chance encounter with the Kawahiva people of Mato Grosso state, deep in the Amazon.


Award-winning actor Mark Rylance recording the narration for The Last of the Kawahiva. © Survival 2015

Oscar-winning actor Mark Rylance later narrated a film about their plight, “The Last of the Kawahiva,” for Survival International.

A global campaign by Survival International, alongside Indigenous people, pressured the authorities to act, and in 2018 cattle ranchers and loggers who had occupied the Kawahiva territory were evicted.

But since then the land protection process has stalled – loggers and landgrabbers are surrounding their territory, and an illegal road has been built just 2km away.

A FUNAI team at a protection post nearby have been working to keep the loggers and ranchers out, despite the dangers – their post has been attacked several times.

Massacres and disease have already killed many Kawahiva – the only chance of survival for those who remain is if their territory is finally demarcated (legally recognized and marked out).

The government has already been given two deadlines to finish demarcating the Kawahiva territory: in 2013 – the year the video was first released – a Brazilian court ordered the demarcation to be carried out. Ten years on, this still has not happened, and in August of this year, Brazil’s Supreme Court gave FUNAI 60 days to finalize a plan for the definitive demarcation of the territory.

Eliane Xunakalo of Indigenous organization FEPOIMT (Federation of Indigenous peoples and organizations of Mato Grosso) said today: “It’s vital to finish the demarcation for our uncontacted relatives. The “Kawahiva do Rio Pardo” territory is coveted by outsiders, and it’s also extremely dangerous for the FUNAI employees who work on the protection post there. We will only be able to guarantee the survival of our uncontacted relatives if the territory is demarcated.

“It’s up to us to protect our relatives, to protect their way of life, because they are the resistance and resilience in the midst of all these threats and challenges that exist here in Mato Grosso,” she added.

This is one of the most crucial cases concerning uncontacted tribes anywhere in Brazil. The Kawahiva are survivors of countless genocidal attacks which have wiped out many of them; the land demarcation process has ground to a halt; and loggers and landgrabbers see the territory as open for business. We know that they have been active inside the Kawahiva’s forest, and any encounter between the Kawahiva and these outsiders, who are usually armed, could be deadly. The authorities must act now to finish the job, and legally protect the Kawahiva territory once and for all.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Thanksgiving was about Taking https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/09/thanksgiving-was-about-taking/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/10/09/thanksgiving-was-about-taking/#respond Mon, 09 Oct 2023 21:27:04 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=144525

NEW on Smithsonian Voices: Everyone's history matters. The #Thanksgiving story deeply rooted in America’s curriculum reduces the Wampanoag Indians to supporting roles. The true history of Thanksgiving begins with the Indians. @SmithsonianMag https://t.co/nQkI2CnLk4 pic.twitter.com/UhuksA9RGf

— National Museum of the American Indian (@SmithsonianNMAI) November 23, 2017

No one will dispute that the Indigenous peoples of Turtle Island from Umingmak Nuna (Ellesmere Island) to Tierra del Fuego were here long, long before the White Man arrived. So, if land is to be “owned,” it seems only right that the people who first settled it would become the owners. However, the Europeans who chanced upon Turtle Island claimed it in the name of their God and their rulers. Now, if Martians were to land here and claim the land, would any of the inhabitants of the western hemisphere accept that? No, because the Martians were latecomers, and they have their own planet. So by what morality do European Johnny-come-latelies lay claim to Turtle Island? And by Johnny-come-latelies, that is many millennia after the First Peoples arrived.

The First People were originally believed to have crossed the Bering Ice Bridge some 12,000 YA. That time frame has now been superseded, as even in Canada, the evidence is that Indigenous peoples were in the Bluefish Caves in Yukon 24,000 YA. And now some researchers are positing that the first humans might have been here as long as 130,000 YA. At any rate, that is many millennia longer than the first White Men, the Norsemen, who stayed for a while in Ktaqmkuk (Mi’kmaw designation for Newfoundland) back in 1000 CE.

Nonetheless, the Europeans arrived, claimed and took (stole would be an accurate verb) the continents north and south.

Today is Thanksgiving Day in Canada. Thanksgiving traces back to 1621 in the United States. In Canada, it originates with the English explorer Martin Frobisher’s third voyage in 1578. Frobisher arrived in Ktaqmkuk/Newfoundland while seeking the Northwest Passage. It was in Ktaqmkuk/Newfoundland that Frobisher had a meal of salt beef, biscuits and mushy peas to celebrate and give thanks for their safe landing.

But the arrival of the White Man was not about giving; it was about taking that has continued to this day.

What has been taken (Canadian context, but applicable in the US)?

  1. First of all, colonialists took the land. It has been divvied up into provinces and territories, black-topped, and renamed (quite often to the names of colonialist).
  2. Their children. The state had the RCMP remove children from their families and be placed in Indian Residential Schools.
  3. Their spirituality. Indigenous peoples were forcibly proselytized in the church-run schools.
  4. The rich culture. Canada outlawed the Potlatch, an important ceremony of the Pacific Northwest First Nations.1
  5. The vibrant languages. Children were forbidden to speak their language in the residential schools. Linguicide was the result.
  6. Law and governance. Indigenous peoples were now subject to White Man’s laws. Even their ways of governing themselves were rejected by the White Man.
  7. The resources. White Man practiced capitalism, an economic system antithetical to Indigenous peoples. “Those Indians who go over to the white man can be nothing but beggars, for he respects only riches, and how can an Indian be a rich man? He cannot without ceasing to be an Indian,” said the revered leader of the Oglala Lakota, Red Cloud (Maȟpíya Lúta)2 Professor John Lutz wrote of the historical “dialogue” and the subordination of Indigenous economies in the Pacific Northwest. Prior to the establishment of white settlement, the Indigenous peoples of present day British Columbia were among the richest and best-fed societies in the world.3 Thus, the trees were felled, the land was mined, the oil and gas were drilled, the earth and water was polluted.
  8. The fish and game were exploited and became scarce or extinct. The bison no longer roamed the prairies in huge herds. The salmon no longer return to the rivers in previous abundance. The great auk and the passenger pigeon are extinct, as is the Atlantic walrus and blue walleye of the Great Lakes.
  9. Sovereignty. The Indigenous peoples find themselves deprived of nationhood and hindered in their freedom of movement by colonially created borders. Even within the unceded territory of their ancestors, the colonial government acts as the owner and ruler. Thus, the Wet’suwet’en find themselves in a battle against the forces of the Canadian state. The hereditary chiefs are ignored and subject to arrest. And Canada is held to account by Amnesty International.

ENDNOTES


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kim Petersen.

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Seven Generations Behind https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/02/seven-generations-behind/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/09/02/seven-generations-behind/#respond Sat, 02 Sep 2023 20:29:55 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=143627 It’s funny. You think you know a place. A community.

Maybe it’s the town you grew up in. Maybe it’s a city you’ve lived in for decades. Perhaps it’s a state or even a country.

Your primary and secondary schools gave you comic book versions of the place’s history and heroes, and then you were on your merry way. You did the normal things, pursued the typical ends, and enjoyed standard success. You assumed a life.

But somewhere along the way, you remembered something off-putting at a red light or recalled a disturbing image you saw on TV. A face in a crowd or a voice in the back of your head. It unsettled you. Something rattled the acquiescence you had eased into and the cozy assimilation you eventually wore like a leather jacket for adulthood.

Something undermined it and, with it, you.

Most people’s attention to this kind of existential glitch drifts when the TV channel changes or the red light turns green, and they may never revisit it again. Why should they? It was an exception, not the rule. They have their children’s college funds to save for and retirement. They shush the stray notions away or shove them out of the foreground.

Few of them have read Herman Hesse, but a short passage from Steppenwolf perfectly illustrates their stance on the matter. People won’t swim, Hesse suggests.

They are born for the solid earth, not for the water. And naturally they won’t think. They are made for life, not for thought. Yes, and he who thinks, what’s more, he who makes thought his business, he may go far in it, but he has bartered the solid earth for the water all the same, and one day he will drown.

It’s a fair point. Who wants to drown?

Can you name a single person from wherever you grew up who was really interested in swimming? Didn’t almost all of them prefer the safety of solid ground?

Dylan Thomas was a fine swimmer, but he knew there was no future in his “craft or sullen art” and that he’d be treading water ’til the end. Anne Sexton approached the issue more practically.

“Live or die,” she wrote, “but don’t poison everything.”

Hesse and Thomas were the types of friends you let drift away. Sexton killed herself.

Yes.

To think is to undermine. And sinking is the danger of thinking, so we cling to false buoyancies like capitalism, religion, or technology. We know they’re nothing more than garbage patches spinning in the ocean, but a temporary respite from our anxieties is better than nothing.

So here we are. We find ourselves in a time and a place where the complacence that was once guaranteed by standard, obligatory distractions and gaieties is failing us. And we seem to have forgotten how to swim.

Existential urgency encroaches from every direction, including rising, poisoned seas, but only a teenage girl from Sweden has taken to the water.

Does this make us pathetic or simply apathetic?

Our leaders use one to reinforce the other. They certainly work real hard to keep us from abandoning solid ground.

Serious thought processes are what the times require, and I thought my home state and my country were full of serious people. We certainly need to be. We’re seven generations behind.

The average period constituting one generation to the next is 20 to 30 years, and seven generations back, the first Industrial Revolution was about to be supplanted by the second. Meanwhile, our efforts to extinguish or convert our indigenous neighbors—many of whom believed that every major decision in their tribe should be made keeping the well-being of the seventh generation forward in mind were really picking up steam. It was happening to indigenous and aboriginal peoples all over the world, and the white refrain was always the same. The indigenous or aboriginal peoples were considered godless, primitive savages, uneducated, uncivilized, and, in many cases, subhuman.

Boy, do we have egg on our face now.

The Great White Lie that our ways were better than theirs is finally and indisputably being exposed. We don’t even think one generation ahead, much less seven—and our stewardship of the planet and the human population that inhabits it has been cataclysmic and may be unsalvageable.

The white guys were never the smartest folks in the room. Just the greediest and the ones who paid the least heed to living in harmony with their environment and the world around them. Their air. Their water sources. And their animal kin.

Ultimately—and probably until the end—we are the worst lice in creation, and every conscious, sentient creature that isn’t us knows it.

But we’re on solid ground.

And they’ll all drown.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by E.R. Bills.

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Ecuador: Victory for Uncontacted Tribes as Oil Drilling Blocked in Historic Referendum https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/21/ecuador-victory-for-uncontacted-tribes-as-oil-drilling-blocked-in-historic-referendum/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/21/ecuador-victory-for-uncontacted-tribes-as-oil-drilling-blocked-in-historic-referendum/#respond Mon, 21 Aug 2023 14:40:04 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=143331
Contacted Waorani woman in the Yasuní National Park © Anka Maldonado/Yasunidos

In a historic referendum, people in Ecuador have voted to block oil drilling on uncontacted tribes’ land in the Yasuní National Park.

Leonidas Iza, President of Ecuador’s national Indigenous organization CONAIE, said today:

The Ecuadorian people, mindful of life, in solidarity with our uncontacted Tagaeri, Taromenane and Dugakaeri brothers and sisters, said “Yes to Yasuní” in this referendum on August 20th. We have saved their territory, their lives, their food sovereignty, and their medicines in the sacred Yasuní forest”. He added: “In this little piece of territory in the heart of the Amazon, we can find solutions to problems that most affect humanity. Science has shown that the best protected territories in the fight against climate change are Indigenous territories. That’s why we invite the international community to lend a hand, in solidarity and sensitively, to protect the territories that balance the life of Mother Nature, which save species and also humanity.

Julio Cusurichi Palacios from Peru’s Amazon Indigenous organization AIDESEP said:

It is extremely important to protect the territory of uncontacted tribes who share land in Ecuador, in the Yasuní National Park, and in Peru, in the Napo Tigre Indigenous Reserve (awaiting creation), to guarantee their rights to life, health, survival and territory, in compliance with international frameworks that governments must implement. In Peru, the government has officially recognized five uncontacted tribes in the Napo Tigre area. These peoples are cross-border peoples, who live on both sides of the border between Peru and Ecuador in the basins of the Napo, Curaray, and Tigre rivers, and their tributaries. They have lived on their ancestral lands for hundreds of years, even before the countries of Ecuador and Peru were established, and they do not recognize artificial borders.

Survival International is fighting globally for the survival of all the world’s uncontacted tribes. Sarah Shenker, head of Survival’s Uncontacted Tribes campaign, said today:

This is a major victory for Ecuador’s Indigenous movement, and for the global campaign to recognize the rights of uncontacted tribes.

The uncontacted Tagaeri, Dugakaeri and Taromenane have for years seen their lands invaded, firstly by evangelical missionaries, then by oil companies. Now, at last, they have some hope of living in peace once more. We hope this prompts greater recognition that all uncontacted peoples must have their territories protected if they’re to survive, and thrive.

Apart from anything else, we know that their territories are the best barrier to deforestation, particularly in the Amazon rainforest. Uncontacted tribes are our contemporaries, a vital part of humankind’s diversity, and the guardians of the most biodiverse places on Earth.

In Peru, Indigenous organizations have been fighting for more than 20 years to create and protect the Napo-Tigre Indigenous reserve for uncontacted tribes, adjacent to Yasuní. Currently, the oil and gas company Perenco is exploiting Napo-Tigre oil.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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Gussying up Colonialism? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/gussying-up-colonialism/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/08/11/gussying-up-colonialism/#respond Fri, 11 Aug 2023 16:02:30 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141857 Colonialism has as its aim gaining ownership/control of the land and its resources regardless of whether or not the land was already populated by an Indigenous people. Morality aside, colonialism has been very successful in the context of Turtle Island. This is also true in northwestern Turtle Island, where the colonies designated “Vancouver Island” and “British Columbia” (merged in 1866 to become a province of Canada) were created through the dispossession of First Nations.

Dispossession of a people is a thoroughly nasty business, and it blatantly violates one of the biblical ten commandments, one that is encoded in law around the world, namely, “Thou shalt not steal.” Those who have gained property and wealth, and their progeny who continue to profit from the dispossession of Others, would like to paint a prettier picture of colonialism.

Sam Sullivan, a former mayor of Vancouver and former cabinet minister in the BC legislature, is the easy-to-listen-to narrator of Kumtuks, a series of historical videos which are usually interesting and informative. However, Kumtuks often presents a gussied-up narrative around the history of colonialism. Usually omitted from the discussion is that the land that settler-colonialists came into possession of was stolen from Original Peoples who had their own laws, beliefs, economies, and culture.

The Kumtuks video “1862 Smallpox Epidemic: British Columbia’s First Major Contagious Outbreak” claims to be based in the oral history of the Haida. The source given is the book Raven’s Cry (1966, 1992) by American author Christie Harris. Both versions of the book are interesting and informative for the historical perspective they shine on the Haida and the interactions they had with the Iron Men (as the Haida called the White men). The versions differ little, but the 1992 version is preferable because of the respect shown for the names and designations used by the Haida. Bill Reid, whose mother was Haida, is a renowned artist who illustrated Raven’s Cry and was a mentor to Harris. Harris also spent time with the family of Haida artist Charles Edenshaw. Harris, Reid, and Edenshaw are all deceased. So I will refer to Harris’s book to ascertain the verisimilitude of what Sullivan says in his narration.

What does Raven’s Cry indicate about Haida feelings toward the presence and behavior of the Iron Men?

Haida hostility, as well as the stormy moat around the Haida islands, discouraged American miners. Nevertheless, James Douglas, Chief Factor for the Hudson’s Bay Company’s western district and Governor of the little colony of Vancouver Island, advised Her Majesty Queen Victoria that it would be well to maintain a gunboat on the northwest coast to protect British rights. (p 102) [Italics added.]

Harris indicates the priority of Douglas. Douglas is not said to be protecting Haida rights. This was about colonialism: protecting rights claimed by the British, rights that presumably included sailing a gunboat in Haida waters.

The Haida did not acknowledge British rights. When the Company sent its schooner Recovery in with a group of Company miners in 1852, it was thwarted. The Haida simply waited for the white men to blast. Then they rushed in and grabbed the treasure. It was their gold. Let anyone else try to take it! (p 102)

Clearly, Douglas’s  priority was objectionable to the Haida.

The “native chiefs” objected to colonialism:

“What we don’t like about the [White man’s] government is their saying this, ‘We will give you this much land,’ ” they protested. “How can they give it when it is our own? We cannot understand it. They have never bought it from us or our forefathers. They have never fought and conquered our people and taken the land that way, and yet they say now they will give us so much land — our own land!” (p 134)

Sdast’a·aas Saang gaahl Eagle chief chief 7indansuu felt likewise:

“By what right do the King George men claim this land?” 7indansuu demanded of Governor Douglas. “There are no treaties with the tribes. There was no conquest by warriors.” (p 115)

What comes across strongly in Raven’s Cry is what Raven’s cry was about. A Haida legend tells that humans were coaxed from a clamshell into the world by Raven; these people were the first Haida. With the arrival of the greedy colonialists, Raven saw his Haida robbed of their land and lifeways.

In a lighter vein, Harris wrote,

Unfortunately, Governor Douglas retired that year, though not before making a strong case for generous treatment of Indians, or before setting aside many reservations. The Queen had honored him with a knighthood. (p 132)

Harris generally comes across as respectful and sympathetic to the Haida, but she still seems mired in a colonialist mindset. Why is taking the land of a people and setting aside some reservations for them considered “generous”? If a thief steals my library and returns a few of the books, is the thief generous?

*****
Author Tom Swanky has a background having studied journalism, political science, and holding a Doctor of Jurisprudence degree. Therefore, he has the bona fides to listen to the Original Peoples and research what the evidence is for the oral histories. In his latest book, The Smallpox War against the Haida (review), he relates how the Haida were wary of smallpox.

Because the narrative in “1862 Smallpox Epidemic: British Columbia’s First Major Contagious Outbreak” is starkly at odds with the narrative in The Smallpox War against the Haida, I turned to Swanky to discuss the different narratives. I also reached out to Sam Sullivan through the Global Civic Policy Society which produces the Kumtuks videos, but have yet to hear back.

*****
Kim Petersen: Sullivan narrates, “Dr John Helmcken vaccinated 500…. Douglas had Helmcken send vaccine around the province.” Yet, from a reading of your book, there is so much more to say about Helmcken and how “vaccination” was carried out.

Tom Swanky: The Police Commissioner advised a journalist that Helmcken personally had administered a procedure to 500 natives on April 26, 1862, in a context where multiple observers reported that the disease – as of that date – remained confined to just one of the People represented at Victoria and these observers believed the disease still could be contained among that one People.

However, within a few days after the disclosure of Helmcken’s program, witnesses then began reporting that some noticeable number of the natives who he supposedly had “vaccinated” were seen to have the disease. Also, within ten days of Helmcken’s vaccination program being disclosed, that is, within the time usually required for an infection to become visible, the disease suddenly exploded so that it was now no longer visible among only one People, it was everywhere. This evidence is consistent with Helmcken’s program having been all or in part, not “vaccinations” but inoculation with actual smallpox. And thereby creating the opportunity for the disease to become rooted among new Peoples and spread widely as a result of inoculation epidemics. It was because of the risk of inoculation creating epidemics that Parliament had outlawed inoculation in 1840. To administer inoculations in 1862 was a violation of British law, and so any use of the procedure would have to be concealed.

There is substantial other evidence of inoculation being used to spread the disease in the North Pacific during 1862. The Oweekeno said in 1862 that the medicine the colonists sold them started the disease. Numerous other cases can be documented where doctors administered what was advertised as a “vaccination” program, but after which the disease exploded among the targeted population. In fact, there is little to no evidence that “Douglas had Helmcken send vaccines” around the colonies. At Kamloops, the HBC post manger reported administering a procedure to the surrounding natives all summer – however, by late fall, independent observers were reporting that the indigenous residents in the Kamloops area had been virtually exterminated.

Once can draw two lessons from Helmcken’s advertised “500 vaccinations.” The first lesson is that each stage of the disease undergoing an advance – beginning with its original importation in 1862 – was accompanied by some sort of public relations campaign that subsequent events would show was misdirection by those advancing the disease. The second lesson is that historians who come to this material unaware of their own colonial predispositions, or of the phenomenon of confirmation bias, seize on the first thing they read without doing the painstaking work of then seeing how events actually unfolded.

KP: The Kumtuks video mentions numerous conflicts among the Northern First Nations and the Southern First Nations, but he omits mention of any conflicts between First Nations and settler-colonialists. Instead the colonial administration of Vancouver Island is portrayed as a peacemaker in having the Northerners towed up island past Nanaimo. In Raven’s Cry, Harris wrote:

More than ever before, futile rage against the overpowering white man turned on fellow Indians. Understandably, it turned most fiercely on the Haida, the lords of the coast. Centuries of resentment burst out, especially among the northern neighbors.

The native people raged with resentment at these white men; but the rage turned on their ancient rivals. On June 12th, a thousand Haida reinforcements arrived at Victoria. (p 117-118)

The Kumtuks video seems not in concordance with Raven’s Cry or what you have written of the oral history presented to you by knowledge keepers of The People?

TS: If a researcher is unaware of the issues concerning the means through which the Crown asserted control among many of the indigenous Peoples – which diverse knowledge keepers allege was through a smallpox assisted genocide – then the researcher is unlikely to be attuned to the challenges presented by the sources.

On the one hand, among the colonial sources are the multiple efforts at misdirection – which were an integral part of the smallpox program executed by the colonial authorities – and, after 1862, there followed the usual post-genocide or post-criminal activity of denying the shameful or wrongful thing done.

On the other hand, among the indigenous sources there is the necessity of coping with having been purposefully targeted for destruction by the colonial authorities and the incoming colonial community. For the indigenous Peoples, the post-1862 task became walking a fine line so as not to offend a community that has shown a propensity to destroy you and yet wanting to work on the political task of undoing the loss of control brought about by what is understood to have been a smallpox genocide. So, for example, one will see praise offered for Douglas – politely overlooking his smallpox policies to focus on the time before April/June of 1860 when he had set a precedent of colonial respect for indigenous customs in inter-community relations and before he had begun the process of displacing indigenous authority. In addition, in things published primarily for the benefit of a colonial audience, one will see a desire not to be offensive but to cater to the colonial mythology concerning indigenous relations.

Very early in my work, I was advised by more than one elder that if I truly wanted to learn about the teaching in indigenous communities, I would learn by listening to what elders and knowledge keepers told each other or their communities and not by asking questions for someone to tell me something – for members of the colonial community often are told what they want to hear or a version satisfying some political need.

KP: The video depicts Douglas lamenting that some Indigenous peoples did not accept the preventative measures against smallpox. However, in your book, you noted how Douglas had tried to scare Haida by warning of a fake outbreak of measles. (Swanky, p 84-86) Harris in Raven’s Cry wrote:

Alarmed at the thought of what might happen next, Governor Douglas tried to banish all the natives with a measles scare, which had often worked before. But the native people weren’t frightened by it now. (p 118)

TS: This is all just fiction by someone who is not very familiar with the actual record. Nowhere does Douglas do any such lamenting. In fact, Bishop George Hills reported that the indigenous Peoples where the smallpox first broke out at Victoria were ready to do anything asked of them. Nowhere were natives reported to resist vaccinations – at least until the problems associated with inoculation began to emerge – but there are several accounts of natives going out of their way to become vaccinated.

Douglas used the false threat of an imminent outbreak of measles in June of 1860, in conjunction with his first attempt to assert control over the autonomous indigenous Peoples operating around Victoria. Dr. Helmcken proposed this plan and the hope was that all the autonomous communities would flee and then, when they returned, they would be assigned to spaces and come under the Police Commissioner’s control. Helmcken made this proposal in the Assembly and it was reported in the newspapers. Since Capt. John, the Haida leader who led the resistance to Douglas’s policies – and some other natives – were fluent in English, they would have learned from the newspapers that the threat was part of a dishonest plan to assert control over them. There was every reason not to be frightened and to be resentful of this dishonest trick.

KP: Douglas is portrayed as a defender of First Nations. The video gives Douglas a pass for having been away on the mainland when police towed Northerners into the ocean to return home. But the Kumtuks video states that the oral history of elders tells of Douglas trying to save lives by having the Haida towed home.

TS: This is not true. In another case of what turned out to be misdirection, the Police Commissioner advised the newspapers that he and a colonial gunboat would accompany north the Haida expelled on June 11 so that they would have safe passage past their enemies in Georgia Strait. British law in 1862 was that those with the custody of smallpox carriers had a legal duty to keep a safe distance between the infected people and any nearby healthy people. On this trip north, the Cowichan fired on this convoy to keep it from leaving infected people among them, the convoy did leave infected Haida at Nanaimo, and, rather than safe passage, the Police Commission delivered the Haida to the doorstep of some enemies at Cape Mudge who could be expected to kill them. This plan failed only because the enemies of the Haida at Cape Mudge already had attacked a previous Haida convoy, became infected and were dying.

The actual oral tradition is of Douglas executing a smallpox genocide “holding hands with the HBC.” This tradition is conveyed in “The Story of Bones Bay” and the next generation of knowledge keepers was instructed in the oral tradition during a formal ceremony and pole raising in 2008. The “Story” can be found in the March 2009 edition of Haida Laas, an official publication of the Council of the Haida Nation.

KP: This brings up many questions. Why did the video mention that the police removed the Haida when Douglas was away in the lower mainland? How could he attempt to save lives from the other side of the Salish Sea? Was it an eviction or a life-saving attempt? Also, I could find no mention of the oral history of Haida elders (in either the 1966 or 1992 edition of Raven’s Cry) that testifies that Douglas was trying to save Haida lives by having them removed. After all, this is illogical at best, or at worst genocidally racist, given that 1) the video relates a Victoria newspaper editorial that settler lives were at risk from the camps, in which case gathering all Haida together without discerning who was ill or not would put some Haida potentially at risk from each other, and 2) the question of why the Northerners should be removed all the way up the long water highway, especially since the video stated that it takes 12 days for signs of smallpox to manifest and become infectious. Why send them 800 km to Haida Gwaii and not to a nearby uninhabited island of which there are many around Vancouver Island?

TS: Most serious people recognize that Douglas’ 1862 smallpox policies in the ordinary course would have been considered as criminal offences under British law. That is, everyone recognizes that it was easily foreseeable that his policies would increase dramatically the native death toll. Douglas’ apologists are left to contend that his policies – and these additional deaths – were justified because the presence of smallpox among even one of the autonomous Peoples operating in the Victoria area constituted an emergency threatening the colonial population. On examination, this turns out to be another case of misdirection. The Police Commissioner planted the theory of an emergency in the newspapers at Victoria and Douglas planted the theory at New Westminster. Douglas already had used the concept of an emergency in 1860 to justify his first attempt to assert control over the autonomous Peoples operating in the Victoria area, rather than to deal through the existing native leadership as British policy usually required. The theory of an emergency would be advanced again in a bizarre way when colonists advanced the disease to the Nuxalk and Tsilhqot’in territories.

However, there was never any emergency that constituted an existential threat to the colonial community – vaccine was readily available from San Francisco or the Catholic missions in Oregon, and most of the colonial population already had been vaccinated before the theory of an emergency had been raised. The threat to the colonial community was economic. The fear in the colonial community was that prospective miners or settlers would stay away because ordinary human beings prefer not to witness suffering on a grand scale.

If the Douglas administration had wanted to decrease the death toll from smallpox in 1862, it would have carried out the three control measures that it advertised in the newspapers: vaccinations, a pest house for isolating carriers and sanctuaries to quarantine the disease among infected communities. Instead, the administration perverted each control so that it became another means by which the disease would spread.

KP: The character of James Douglas is wrapped up very much in the colonial history of Vancouver Island and British Columbia and the attempts to extinguish Indigenous title. There are plenty of quotations that attest to Douglas being a morally centered person, but they are several quotations that point to a racist streak. Few humans are white or black. In To Share, Not Surrender: Indigenous and Settler Visions of Treaty Making in the Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia (UBC Press, 2022), the contributors have varying viewpoints on Douglas. Keith Thor Carlson, Canadian research chair in Indigenous and Community-Engaged History at the University of Fraser Valley captures the lack of consensus in his piece, “‘The Last Potlatch’ and James Douglas’s Vision of an Alternative Settler Colonialism,” pointing out that Douglas is less racist than others. This is neither laudatory or condemnatory. Nonetheless, relying on quotations seems to contravene the admonition that actions speak louder than words. Overall, Douglas appears lauded by contemporary academia, cultural depictions, and wider society. With the emerging acceptance of First Nations oral history, will a purported genocidaire such as Douglas continue to elude an honest rendering of history?

TS: In his correspondence with the colonial office in London, Douglas freely refers to the Haida as barbarians and savages. He seems an average representative of the British colonial culture in the North Pacific, which culture imagines anglo-saxons as a superior race – to use Dr. Helmcken’s words. However, it is a distraction to use “race” as a point of departure when seeking to understand the transition of sovereign authority that accompanied colonialism in the North Pacific. The problem facing Douglas and the colonists was to dispossess the indigenous Peoples of their communal or “national” resources through the most cost-effective means. Douglas and others make frequent references to the “great number” of natives occupying strategic locations, pointing to the projection of overwhelming political power that is inherent in great numbers. The implicit motive for this genocide, then, is not reducing another race per se, but reducing the native voice and the capacity of native authority to defend the integrity of its sovereign control.


This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kim Petersen.

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The Crimes and Dangers of Elliott Abrams https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/15/the-crimes-and-dangers-of-elliott-abrams/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/15/the-crimes-and-dangers-of-elliott-abrams/#respond Sat, 15 Jul 2023 17:36:40 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=142176 It was a bright sunny March morning in 1980. Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero was saying mass at a church hospital in San Salvador when a bullet from a sniper rifle ripped through his heart. He stumbled and fell to the ground, dead.

Romero started life and ministry as a conservative. But, after his friend Rev. Rutilio Grande was assassinated to discourage other faith leaders from supporting Salvadorian peasants, Romero underwent a political and theological conversion. Picking up where Grande left off, Romero embraced a “theology of liberation,” a perspective that espouses G-d’s preference for the poor and oppressed. His visibility as archbishop elevated his voice and the credibility of his critique of the conditions faced by peasants in El Salvador.

A month before his assassination, Romero wrote President Jimmy Carter requesting a halt to U.S. military assistance to the Salvadoran government.

Over 250,000 people attended Romero’s funeral demonstrating the love of the Salvadoran people and echoing his demands for justice. Tragically, however, they were swimming against a historical current of meddling and manipulation which included murder, often orchestrated or at the very least condoned from the U.S.

Intentionally ignoring two U.S. embassy cables naming the general who ordered his personal bodyguard to carry out the assassination of Romero, in 1982, Elliot Abrams, the newly appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, said, “anybody who thinks you’re going to find a cable that says that Roberto d’Aubuisson murdered the archbishop is a fool.” Thanks to Abrams and his ilk’s support, U.S. military assistance to the Salvadoran regime was dramatically increased that year. The following year, the U.S. gifted the Salvadoran military and government with U.S. advisors.

Last week, President Biden nominated Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell’s pick to join the State Department Bipartisan Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, Elliot Abrams. If you’re not already outraged and infuriated, keep reading.

Under Abrams’ watch, over the 12 years of the Reagan/Bush Sr. administrations, 75,000 Salvadorians were killed. In the village of El Mozote, the army’s Atlácatl Battalion herded women and children into a church convent and opened fire with U.S.-supplied M-16 automatic rifles before burning the building down. One hundred and forty children, average age six, were killed. In 1994, with blood still dripping from his hands, Abrams referred to the U.S.’s record on El Salvador as a “fabulous achievement.”

In addition to supporting the Salvadorian junta, Abrams was a defender of the Guatemalan Montt regime which oversaw the mass murder, rape, and torture of scores of Indigenous Ixil Mayan people in the 1980s. The Montt regime was so brutal that it was later classified by the United Nations as genocidal. From his conviction for lying to Congress during the Iran-Contra affair, to his roles supporting the Iraq war, scuttling the Iran nuclear deal, and attempting to orchestrate a coup in Venezuela as recently as 2019, one thing is clear: Abrams doesn’t have a diplomatic bone in his body.

Abrams epitomizes an extreme form of American biblical nationalism, dressed in the distortions of Christianity and Judaism that ironically echo the papal bulls of 1452. These papal decrees, known as the “Doctrine of Discovery,” codify the rights of white nations to acquire and dominate any lands they “discovered.” Similarly, Abrams speaks the language of the Global North proclaiming that their hegemony is the natural order of the world, as G-d wills it to be.

The Doctrine of Discovery inspired the Monroe Doctrine, which declared the “right” to exploit and plunder Latin America to be exclusive to the U.S. “We should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety,” President James Monroe said. This served as a philosophical justification for the ideological boots Abram’s wore to stomp all over Latin America, the Middle East and other places. Abrams has left bloody footprints across the globe.

  • Originally published in Waging Nonviolence.

  • This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Ariel Gold and Rev. Graylan Scott Hagler.

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    Was Smallpox Weaponized against First Nations? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/07/was-smallpox-weaponized-against-first-nations/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/07/07/was-smallpox-weaponized-against-first-nations/#respond Fri, 07 Jul 2023 14:00:36 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141353

    [S]ettlers in thrall to colonial ideology saw every unfenced meadow as waste land free for the taking, especially the most fertile land supporting native self-sufficiency.

    — Tom Swanky, The Smallpox War against the Haida (p 67).

    July 1, was recently celebrated in “Canada” as Canada Day by “Canadians.” The Dominion of Canada was formed by the joining of three British North American colonies in 1867. It would serve as an Anglo bulwark against the French presence, and a bulwark against the American presence to the south. Over subsequent years, settler-colonialists spread from the Atlantic to the Pacific and Arctic coasts in what was deemed Canada. When the first European natives, the Norsemen, appeared in 1000 CE, Indigenous peoples had already inhabited the land for millennia, or as they often phrase it, since time immemorial.1

    The Original Peoples in Canada were dispossessed, largely decultured, proselytized, assimilated, disappeared. The founding peoples of Canada, as depicted on Canada’s colonialist coat-of-arms, are the English and French. Not the Indigenous peoples. The official languages of Canada are English and French. Indigenous languages are not recognized federally as official; moreover, linguicide of Indigenous languages was an outcome of the Residential School programs. This all amounts, unquestioningly, to cultural genocide.

    But the genocide is more than just the annihilation of a group’s culture and language.

    In The Smallpox War Against the Haida, author Tom Swanky (with contributions from Shawn Swanky) amplifies the oral history of the knowledge keepers among The Peoples that hold the administration of James Douglas, first governor of “British Columbia” (1858–1864) and second governor of “Vancouver Island” (1851–1864) culpable for a genocide via the spreading of the smallpox virus in 1862-63. The Original Peoples would suffer a horrific number of fatalities and would be rendered unable to withstand seizure of their land nor the implementation of colonial government and the meting out of colonial law.

    Swanky humbly presents himself as conduit for the history of the knowledge keepers. He writes, “My only contribution is a search of the documentary record for evidence that may reflect on the native narrative, one way or another. I am not writing history. I am reporting how knowledge keepers tell of the history of BC’s founding and considering to what extent that teaching is justified.”

    Why mention this? Because while discussing the smallpox genocide with a learned gentleman, he asked who the source of the information was. I replied, Tom Swanky. I was informed that some academics consider Swanky’s thesis as disputed. This was nothing new, and it is to be expected that there would be a pushback.2 However, while the book’s authorship is by Tom Swanky, the narrative is the oral history of the Original Peoples. The oral history of First Nations was recognized in 1997 as admissible in court by Delgamuukw v British Columbia. However, Alexandra Potamianos, while a third-year JD student at Osgoode Hall Law School concluded that the Supreme Court of Canada’s Mitchell v Minister of National Revenue (2001) “has made it more difficult for Indigenous claimants to use oral history to counter dominant understandings of Indigenous presence and relationships to land.”3

    Granting further credence to Swanky was his reporting of the Tsilhqot’in’s oral history about a grievous wrong in which chiefs were abducted by provincial officials in violation of the sacred peace pipe ceremony. Six chiefs were subsequently hanged in Quesnel, BC. This is detailed in his book The Great Darkening: The True Story of Canada’s “War” of Extermination on the Pacific plus The Tsilhqot’in and other First Nations Resistance (2012).4 In 2014, then BC premier Christy Clark stated, “[We] confirm without reservation that these six Tsilhqot’in chiefs are fully exonerated for any crime or wrongdoing.”

    Nonetheless, while the source of information is somewhat pertinent, what is unequivocally primary is the factuality of the information and the evidence and logic brought to bear on that information. Swanky listened to the oral history, assessed it and the historical record for verisimilitude, and applied logic to make sense of a narrative. Swanky, who holds a Doctor of Jurisprudence degree (among other academic credentials) connects the dots and builds a compelling case.

    The Opening Scene of the Crime

    It was common during that time period for First Nation peoples, the Tlingit, Haida, Ts’msyen (Tsimshian), Nuxalk, Tahltan, Heiltsuk, and others, to canoe down the water highway from the north to Fort Victoria and set up camps.

    Fort Victoria was established by the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1843 as a trading post at the location the Lekwungen People called Camosack meaning “rush of water.” It is not always easy to nail down the proper Indigenous designation as another moniker has it that the Lekwungen people called it Kuo-Sing-el-as, which means “place of strong fibre,” specifically the Pacific Willow. The WSÁNEĆ, Coast Salish neighbors of the Lekwungen, called Victoria METULIYE. The Haida called it Micdolly. (p ix)

    The colonialist designation eponymous for an imperialist queen still persists, but probably one day moral sentiment and a semblance of honest intent toward reconciliation will result in a re-designation of the city that would honor First Nations.

    The Genocidaires

    Swanky has named the perpetrators of the genocide, many of who have their names applied to various geographic or manmade structures. James Douglas, who allegedly used his position of governor to plan the smallpox epidemic, had his name applied to a mountain (actually a tall hill, since renamed by the WSÁNEĆ as PKOLS while the park around the “mountain” still honors an alleged genocidaire), schools, main street, etc. Francis Poole, a bizarre prevaricator, played a major role in his peregrinations throughout the province, often connected to where smallpox outbreaks had occurred. In Haida Gwaii, his name was elided and replaced by Haida designations. Racist MLA Robert Burnaby is a capitalist whose name was bestowed on a city in the centre of Metro Vancouver, a mountain, a lake, etc. The same applies to other questionable characters in the smallpox war such as Alfred Waddington who was behind the ill-fated Waddington’s Road at Bute Inlet, MLA dr John Helmcken, AG George Cary, HBC insider Ranald McDonald, colonel Richard Moody, and others.

    Indigenous characters are portrayed as well: Haida hyas tyee (roughly translates as “chief”) captain John, hyas tyee Gitkun, hyas tyee Albert Edenshaw, great Haida hyas tyee Geesh, Ts’msyen diarist Arthur Wellington Clah, etc.

    Solving the “Indian Question”

    Pre-1862-63, the settler-colonialists were vastly outnumbered by the Indigenous peoples and presented Douglas with the quandary of how to solve the “Indian Question.” Douglas was fervently against launching costly Indian wars. As a last resort, Douglas decided upon inflicting “cruelty and injustice” on the Indigenous peoples in the case that their suffering “could be given less regard than the ‘evils’ colonists associated with autonomous communities operating freely in colonizing zones…” (p 123-124) About this Douglas had no compunction since “natives who would not compromise their sovereign dignity should expect collective punishments. Otherwise in Douglas’ words, “the country will become intolerable as a residence for white-settlers.” (p 128)

    “Cruelty and injustice” included starvation, ethnic cleansing (clearing The Peoples out of Victoria), and genocide via smallpox.

    Smallpox-afflicted persons traveled by ship from San Francisco. Dubious inoculations were given to some of The Peoples. Dubious because, as Swanky relates, multiple eye-witness reported, and the timing of numerous outbreaks tends to corroborate, that Indigenes who were told that they were being vaccinated with harmless cowpox where instead inoculated with smallpox and, in that way, instead of contributing to controlling the disease, they were made into conduits for spreading the disease. Understanding inoculation as a tool of spreading the disease under the guise of vaccination is critical to understanding the “intent” required to prove genocide. The British Parliament’s Vaccination Act of 1840 had outlawed inoculation precisely because of the ease with which the procedure produced epidemics. (p 139)

    Quarantining is also a tool for controlling the spread of contagions. The Songhees (a Lekwungen people) would ride out smallpox on a nearby island. Tellingly, the Douglas administration would violate British law by forcibly expelling the Northerners, forcing sick and healthy Indigenes into close contact and then putting them on the move to carry the disease up the coast and into their home territories. The administration implied that decreasing the risk of infection for Victoria’s resident colonists — most of whom had been vaccinated — justified actions that were certain to increase the First Nation death toll.

    Swanky, furthermore, furnishes evidence showing that the pliable Poole, who was employed and coached throughout by MLA Robert Burnaby, set out and created his own “trail of blood” (chapters 10-13), thereby magnifying the smallpox epidemic.

    Why Resort to Biological Warfare?

    The settler-colonialists wanted the land. Land is regarded with deep reverence by most First Nations.5 For colonialists, land is money, and private property is a key cornerstone of capitalism. If a people are disappeared, then the empty land is for the taking. Smallpox was a means to weakening the ability of the First Nations to resist dispossession.

    Swanky had as his starting point the oral history of The Peoples. Swanky found that the oral history is supported by the written record. That history, according to knowledge keepers as reported by Swanky, reveals that, starting in 1862, the colonialist administration of James Douglas engaged in biological warfare by spreading smallpox throughout First Nation territories. That measures such as inoculations/vaccinations and quarantines were obviated or ineffective suggests the criminality of the colonial administrations.

    Thus today, the once numerous Indigenous peoples constitute 5.9% (2016 census) of the BC population. Where smallpox has not ended the existence of First Nations sovereignty in their unceded territories, colonial governments still resort to militarized RCMP and colonial courts to maintain colonial law. And when it suits the authorities, colonial court decisions anathema to politicians and corporations will be ignored. Thus today, the Wet’suwet’en are resisting an assault on their unsurrendered territory which is being scarred for a pipeline.

    When the Indigenous peoples and the land they exist on is disregarded and hence disrespected, then reconciliation is diminished to a mere buzzword. It feels good to talk about it, but where is the action to back up the rhetoric?

    That is why Swanky’s The Smallpox War Against the Haida is important. It is an extraordinary historically based opus resulting from detective work that combs the historical record, names the criminals, and points out legal redress to the grave crimes committed against the Haida by settler-colonialists.

    If the admonition against forgetting history is a precautionary wisdom, then The Smallpox War Against the Haida ought to be promulgated in media; be taught in educational institutions, including in public schools; and should set in motion appropriate steps at atonement, beginning with a sincere apology. Indirectly, the book also provides a template for some steps for settler-colonialist society to achieve genuine reconciliation with The Peoples who were appallingly wronged, such as:

    1. listening to the Original Peoples,
    2. taking into account the evidence supporting the oral history,
    3. listening to one’s conscience and what one’s sense of morality dictates,
    4. publicly exposing history’s dissemblers and their disinformation and recasting the information and the dissemblers in an honest light,
    5. educating people about the racism/supremacism that underlies the crimes of colonization,
    6. recognizing the sovereignty of Original Peoples on their unceded territory,
    7. recognizing the inherent humanity of all human beings, and
    8. living according to the golden rule.6

    ENDNOTES


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kim Petersen.

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    Peru: “Genocide Bill” Scrapped as Indigenous People Claim Victory https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/24/peru-genocide-bill-scrapped-as-indigenous-people-claim-victory/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/24/peru-genocide-bill-scrapped-as-indigenous-people-claim-victory/#respond Sat, 24 Jun 2023 14:38:26 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141398

    A Nanti woman and child. The Nanti were just one of many uncontacted and recently-contacted peoples whose survival was threatened by the bill. © Survival

    In a dramatic reversal of fortune, a key Congressional committee in Peru has effectively blocked a draft law, labeled the “Genocide Bill” by Peru’s Indigenous people for the calamitous effects it would have had if approved.

    The bill had been progressing through Congress, but the vote by the Decentralization Committee will now prevent it progressing any further.

    Teresa Mayo of Survival International described this as “a huge victory for Peru’s Indigenous peoples, their organizations, and for thousands of ordinary people around the world who joined the campaign”.

    Indigenous organizations in Peru such as AIDESEP and ORPIO had lobbied intensively to stop the bill, and more than 13,000 Survival supporters had written to the committee, urging them to block the bill.

    The bill had been drafted by Congresspeople with ties to the powerful oil and gas industry. It represented a particular threat to the many uncontacted tribes in the country, whose lands would have been opened up for industrial exploitation.

    Tabea Casique of AIDESEP said: “I’m very happy because we’ve worked hard to stop this draft bill, which violates the rights of uncontacted tribes and those in initial contact…. This scrapping of the draft bill protects our uncontacted relatives, their rights and their lives, and avoids the genocide and ecocide that it would have unleashed.”

    Roberto Tafur of ORPIO said the decision “highlights the participation of those people with a conscience, in order to look out for our [uncontacted] brothers and sisters. Because life comes before money. It’s been a hard-fought vote to get here. And to continue fighting for our brothers and sisters in the jungle, who don’t know that we’re fighting for them.”

    Teresa Mayo of Survival International said today: “It’s hard to believe that this bill was just one small step away from becoming law. It would have been catastrophic for uncontacted tribes in Peru – they’d have been left utterly exposed to the oil and gas corporations who’ve targeted their lands and resources for generations.

    “All their rights would have been stripped away, and many would very probably have been wiped out. So we’re delighted this bill has been blocked – but will remain on alert in case the oil and gas giants and their political allies try again.”

    The crucial vote has come in the middle of Uncontacted Tribes Week, which Survival’s supporters mark annually as a week of action in support of the rights of uncontacted Indigenous peoples worldwide. Celebrities such as Gillian Anderson and Julian Lennon have been posting videos highlighting the campaigns for their rights.

    Notes:

    • Had the Decentralization Committee passed the bill, it would then have passed to a vote in the Chamber of Deputies, where it was likely to have passed.
    • Survival has been campaigning for the rights of uncontacted tribes in Peru for more than forty years.
    • The oil and gas industry has had a catastrophic impact already on such tribes in Peru. In the 1980s, for example, following oil exploration work by Shell, introduced diseases killed more than half the population of the previously-uncontacted Nahua people.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Survival International.

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    Life over Lithium https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/life-over-lithium/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/21/life-over-lithium/#respond Wed, 21 Jun 2023 15:45:51 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=141302 As guilt mounts over humanity’s inaction in the face of the climate crisis, industrialized capitalists have adapted their tactics to meet the demands of a more environmentally conscious market; by selling the image of sustainability!

    Touted as the green transportation of the future, demand has exploded for electric cars. This has, in turn, increased the demand for lithium and other rare earth metals, with corporations rushing to open as many new mines as possible. Indigenous elders have been at the forefront of resistance to this latest wave of extractive capitalism, particularly in Peehee Mu’huh also known as Thacker Pass, Nevada, where the Ox Sam Indigenous Women’s camp has been resisting the construction of what would be North America’s largest lithium mine.

    Later, subMedia’s nihilist weather droid, UV-400 brings us the latest updates in the climate crisis with a global weather report. Included are record-breaking wildfires in Canada, a heatwave and devastating floods across China and an earthquake in Haiti.

    Finally, in so-called Peru, Indigenous warriors seized oil tankers in yet another flare up of the ongoing tensions with Canadian oil company PetrolTal.

    For more information on the Ox Sam Indigenous Women’s Camp visit OxSam.org.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by subMedia.

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    For Argentina’s Small Farmers, the Land Is Predictable but the Markets Are Not https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/09/for-argentinas-small-farmers-the-land-is-predictable-but-the-markets-are-not/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/09/for-argentinas-small-farmers-the-land-is-predictable-but-the-markets-are-not/#respond Fri, 09 Jun 2023 00:35:26 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=140959

    Thirty years ago, in my economics textbook in India, the section on international trade referred to Argentina. It would be better, according to the textbook, for Argentina to concentrate on the production and export of beef, while Germany should direct its resources towards the production of electronics. This example was used to illustrate Adam Smith’s ‘absolute advantage’ principle – countries should focus on what they do ‘best’, rather than diversify their economies. It seemed churlish to me, that developing countries such as Argentina should only produce raw materials, while wealthy countries such as Germany went ahead with technological development.

    Argentina, at that time, was still a major producer and exporter of beef. My peers and I had no access to José Hernández’s epic poem ‘Martín Fierro’, about the gauchos of the pampas, the cowboys of the plains of Argentina, but we knew of the ferocious compadritos (‘streetcorner thugs’) and cuchilleros (‘knife fighters’) from the short stories of Jorge Luis Borges. There were cowboys mixed in here, loners who sat on their horses on Argentina’s flatlands and gathered their cattle for the market. No longer do these horsemen define Argentina’s rural society. Today, the countryside is defined by the small farmer and the agricultural proletariat who work for the large agribusinesses and are the protagonists of the country’s fortunes.

    According to Argentina’s National Agricultural Census, the number of agricultural holdings (EAPs) in the country decreased by roughly 41 percent between 1988 and 2018, due to the increasing concentration of land into the hands of a small elite.

    In 2021, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) noted that Argentina remains ‘a major exporter of agricultural products’, which, at that time, accounted for nearly two-thirds of the country’s exports (as of April 2023, agricultural goods accounted for 56.4% of the country’s exports). The main products are grains (wheat, maize), soya, and beef. Argentina’s agribusinesses enthusiastically entered into the global soybean market, even producing a ‘soy dollar’ scheme to encourage greater exports so that the country could earn dollars to offset its major foreign exchange crises.

    Argentina has been wracked by three consecutive years of drought (exacerbated by the climate catastrophe) and faced pressure from the increasing acreage for soybeans in the other four leading producers (Brazil, the United States, China, and India). The production of soybeans has transformed Argentina’s countryside, drawing in over half of the country’s arable lands and concentrating production into the hands of what the economist Claudio Scaletta called the ‘invisible giants’ (corporations such as Cargill, Archer Daniels Midland Argentina, Bunge Argentina, Dreyfus, and Noble Argentina). It is no longer cattle that run through the pampas; it is now the soybean flowers that tilt in the breeze.

    In this graph, we can see the proportion of agricultural holdings, or EAPs, categorised according to size (hectares), in orange, as well as the share of total surface area that each category accounts for, in yellow. The majority of the productive EAPs are small; as they increase in size, the number of farms is reduced, but the amount of land they account for increases.

    Our latest dossier, Whose Land Is It and What Is It For? An Unfinished Debate about Land Access in Argentina (June 2023), explores some of the most startling contradictions that afflict Argentina’s rural landscape. The most obvious incongruity is that Argentina has more than enough arable land to feed its 46 million people, and yet hunger is growing in the country. Most of the food consumed by the people is produced not by the large agribusiness conglomerates but by family farms, and yet these family farms are disappearing as families find it impossible to economically sustain themselves and make the trek from rural areas to the cities in large numbers. Rising landlessness and hunger have produced the social reality out of which new forms of political protest have appeared: verdurazos (‘vegetable protests’) and panazos (‘bread protests’), often led by rural social organisations, confront the ridiculous situation in which those who farm the soil cannot eat its crops.

    A few years ago, I spent some time with small-scale farmers outside La Plata. Wildo Eizaguirre of the Federación Rural told me that the greatest burden for farmers such as himself is rent. Antonio García as well as Else and Mable Yanaje agreed that rent is a dead weight for them. The cost of land is prohibitive and their tenure on the land is uncertain. It prevents the farmers from making capital improvements to the farm or even from buying equipment (such as tractors) to make their labour more productive. These farmers neither own the fields nor do they control the pathways to the market. Brokers buy their produce at the lowest prices and then take them to be processed or sold directly to supermarkets. The money is made elsewhere than on the fields.

    The land access bills proposed in Argentina in recent years are based on two key laws, the Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law (no. 27118, 2014) and the Indigenous Territories Emergency Law (no. 26160, 2006).

    It is out of the struggles of people such as Wildo and Mable that Argentina’s government passed key laws such as the Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law of 2014 and the Indigenous Territories Emergency Law of 2006 (repeatedly extended in 2009, 2013, 2017, and 2021). The Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law seeks to ‘construct a new rural life in Argentina’ and guarantee ‘access to land for family, peasant, and indigenous agriculture, given that land is a social good’. These are powerful words but, in the face of the power of the agribusiness, they are not often translated into deeds. The law itself does not close off the class struggle. In Brazil, for instance, the Movement of Rural Landless Workers (MST) uses the 1988 Brazilian Constitution to the letter as a legal justification for its land occupations. And yet, punctually, Brazil’s agribusinesses and their political allies try to criminalise the MST occupations with a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, which MST leader João Paulo Rodrigues correctly considers an opportunity to hold a public dialogue about agrarian reform, food sovereignty, and social equality.

    In 2020, the International Land Coalition and Oxfam released an important report called Uneven Ground. Land Inequality at the Heart of Unequal Societies. There are 608 million farms in the world, the report notes, most of them being family farms (with 2.5 billion people involved in smallholder farming). The largest 1% of the farms, however, control more than 70% of global farmland, while 80% of the farmers are smallholders who operate less than two hectares. Land concentration, the report shows, has increased dramatically since 1980. Meanwhile, according to a study by Luis Bauluz, Yajna Govind, and Filip Novokmet, in Latin America the top 10% of landowners capture up to 75% of the agricultural land value, while the bottom 50% own less than 2%. As the dossier highlights, in Argentina the disparity is extremely sharp: 80% of family farmers (who are characterised as smallholders) occupy around 11% of demarcated agricultural land, while the big landowners who make up 0.3% of farmers occupy almost double that land. The tendency towards land concentration is hastened by the power of multinational agribusinesses and by the increasing use of farmland as a financial asset by private equity firms and asset managers (as Madeleine Fairbairn argues in her book Fields of Gold: Financing the Global Land Rush, 2020). On the African continent, farmers are being pushed off the land due to ‘nature conservation’ and the growth of the mining sector (such as we documented in Xolobeni in South Africa).

    Over the past century, peasant movements have put forward a demand for ‘agrarian reform’ as the antidote to capitalism’s devastation of the countryside. In the foreword to our dossier, Manuel Bertoldi of the Federación Rural writes, ‘We must start talking without fear about agrarian reform, food sovereignty, agroecology, and about socialism as an alternative system, since it is through socialism that these ideas become viable’.

    In recent years, a number of proposals, such as the ‘March to the Countryside’ programme, have been put forward to address Argentina’s agrarian crisis.

    The Brazilian poet João Cabral de Melo Neto wrote with great feeling about the only piece of land to which the peasants are entitled, their graves. In 1955, he composed the verse ‘Morte e Vida Severina’ (‘Death and Life of Severino’), where he wrote,

    – The grave you’re in
    Is measured by hand,
    The best bargain you got
    In all the land.

    – You fit it well,
    Not too long or deep,
    The part of the latifundio
    Which you will keep.

    – The grave’s not too big,
    Nor is it too wide,
    It’s the land you wanted
    To see them divide.

    – It’s a big grave
    For a body so spare,
    But you’ll be more at ease
    Than you ever were.

    – You’re a skinny corpse
    For such a big tomb,
    But at least down there
    You’ll have plenty of room.

    Farmers and peasants around the world know that their struggles are existential, a feeling that gripped the Indian farmers and peasants during their ongoing struggle against the privatisation of the marketplace for agricultural commodities. They want land to live, not just for their graves.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Vijay Prashad.

    ]]> https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/09/for-argentinas-small-farmers-the-land-is-predictable-but-the-markets-are-not/feed/ 0 402108 Sharpen Your Machetes https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/06/sharpen-your-machetes/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/06/06/sharpen-your-machetes/#respond Tue, 06 Jun 2023 15:07:02 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=140883 This episode of System Fail highlights the tensions between Indigenous communities and the settler colonial state in Brazil. The lower house of Brazil’s congress passed a bill, PL 490, which aims to open up Indigenous territories for mining and capitalist development, subjecting established Indigenous land claims to legal challenges. The Indigenous communities have resisted the bill through blockades and protests.

    Next we cover the Bwa Kale movement in Haiti, where residents take up arms against gangs terrorizing their communities, liberating their neighbourhoods and building up organization of community self-defense.

    Lastly, riots erupted in Cardiff, Wales, following the deaths of two teenage boys who crashed their e-bike while being chased by police.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by subMedia.

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    Urgent: CGL Causes Heartbreaking Damage to Our Rivers https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/28/urgent-cgl-causes-heartbreaking-damage-to-our-rivers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/28/urgent-cgl-causes-heartbreaking-damage-to-our-rivers/#respond Sun, 28 May 2023 21:53:22 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=140654 TC Energy, in the construction of the Coastal Gaslink Pipeline (CGL) has been reported by the Narwhal and a Citizen Monitoring Group as “having committed numerous environmental infractions, including slope failures, flooded worksites, and sediment entering wetlands and waterways.”

    Helicopter flyovers of the area revealed heartbreaking footage of the destruction of our territory, currently otherwise inaccessible to us due to the ceaseless harassment of our people by the CIRG and CGL security and by gates put up to limit our access.

    CGL received permits to construct a “trenchless crossing” of the Gosnell Creek and surrounding wetlands, a vital tributary to our Wedzin Kwa (Morice River) and in January, they laid down rubber and timber mats over frozen wetlands, in order to bring in heavy equipment. If they were going to do the crossing in this manner, it was imperative that they complete it in winter.

    While machines sat idle, predictably, May brought spring melt. As the snow and ice pack dissolved into the river, the equipment, mats, pipes, and other infrastructure sank into the wetlands and Gosnell Creek itself.

    On May 9th, the EAO inspected the area and dropped a stop work order for a 5km radius surrounding the crossing. The order does not include “activities necessary for the watercourse crossing of Gosnell Creek”. Further attempts to cross the river at this time will cause enormous additional harm.

    CGL has left their equipment to sink into the river and the wetlands, and it has been sinking for weeks. This was the 6th stop work order issued to CGL in two weeks, covering 6 sections of the pipeline. Many areas of the damage appear to be outside of the stop work order area, and traffic through the area does not seem to have decreased at all.

    The Gosnell is thick and sludgy. Where it enters the Wedzin Kwa, the Wedzin Kwa changes from clear blue green to an opaque brown.

    The violent history of colonization, the Indian Act, the reservation system, and residential schools have sought to disconnect us from the healing and nourishing power of our lands. These wetlands are part of a federally protected wetland complex. They are the nurseries for moose in calving season, home to beaver and marten, and a much needed respite from the heat for other animals in summer. They provide us with cranberries, rice root, and a resting place for birds. They filter and oxygenate the water that feeds the rivers like Wedzin Kwa, absorb spring runoff and flood waters to prevent erosion and filter silt that can ruin salmon spawning beds. Salmon that many of us in the northwest coast rely on spawn in these waterways.

    The future of the Healing Centre and its vital work in connecting our people with our culture and roots, with our way of life and medicine, with who we are as people, depends on the survival of our territories, and our territories are rooted in the survival of our waterways and wetlands.

    CGL promised that this would be a trenchless crossing and instead they have made a landfill of our bread basket. The Gosnell is as opaque as pavement. Salmon cannot survive without light and air.

    This cannot continue. CGL must be held accountable for their actions, and consistent unbiased inspections must be done over the length of the pipeline to prevent these kinds of tragedies from happening again.

    We call on you to ask your MLAs, MPs, the National Resource Violations office, the Environmental Enforcement office, and especially Minister of Environment George Heyman (250-387-1197) and Minister of Energy Josie Osborne (250-953-0900) to call for an immediate cease work order on the Coastal Gaslink Pipeline until a full inspection has been conducted and all remedial and repair work has been completed.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by UnistotenCamp.

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    Censorship of Indigenous Australians and Palestinians, Stan Grant, Julian Assange and Truth Tellers https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/26/censorship-of-indigenous-australians-and-palestinians-stan-grant-julian-assange-and-truth-tellers/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/05/26/censorship-of-indigenous-australians-and-palestinians-stan-grant-julian-assange-and-truth-tellers/#respond Fri, 26 May 2023 13:55:21 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=140551 Eminent Australian and Indigenous journalist, Stan Grant, was recently driven  to resign from the ABC (the tax-payer-funded Australian equivalent of the UK BBC) as compere of the high-rating Q+A TV program by a flood of devastating racist abuse  after he participated in a  frank and truthful ABC discussion of the British  Crown and genocidal colonialism on 5 continents that prefaced the ABC coverage of the Coronation of King Charles III. Stan Grant, please come back, decent Australia loves you and needs you.

    The 235 year and ongoing settler-colonial Australian Aboriginal Genocide has been associated with about 0.1 million violent deaths and 2 million deaths from dispossession, deprivation and disease. Before the British invasion in 1788 there were 350-750 different Indigenous Australian (Aboriginal) tribes and a similar number of languages and dialects, of which only 150 survive today and of these all but about 20 are endangered in a process of continuing Australian Aboriginal Ethnocide.

    From a qualitative perspective the Australian Aboriginal Genocide and Ethnocide  was the worst in human history. The term “Aboriginal Genocide”  is not used by the ABC nor by numerous Australian commentators. A Search of the ABC for the term “Aboriginal Ethnocide” yields zero (0) results. Also ignored by the ABC, as UK and US lackeys Australians have invaded 85 countries with 30 of these invasions being genocidal.

    The WW1 onwards settler-colonial Palestinian Genocide has been associated with 0.1 million violent deaths and about 2 million deaths from imposed deprivation. The first step that the world should insist on immediately is return of full human rights to all 15.5 million Palestinians, noting that half of them are children and three quarters are women and children. The per capita GDP is a deadly $3,500 for Occupied Palestine versus $55,500 for Occupier Apartheid Israel in gross violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

    Today all of Palestine and  parts of Jordan, Lebanon and Syria remain occupied. The 7 million Exiled Palestinians are cruelly excluded from returning to their multi-millennial homeland  and  from full human rights. The 5.5 million Occupied Palestinians are denied all human rights as set out in the 30 Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). 2 million Israeli Palestinians are subject to 60 Nazi-style, race-based discriminatory laws. A Search of the ABC for the term “Palestinian Genocide” yields zero (0 results).

    There are detailed accounts comparing the Australian Aboriginal  Genocide and the Palestinian Genocide. There is massive censorship of the Palestinian Genocide and ongoing atrocities of Apartheid Israel in a Zionist-subverted, Zionist-perverted, and US lackey Australia. Indeed the ABC bans use of the term “Apartheid” to describe genocidally racist Apartheid Israel.

    This massive and genocide-ignoring lying by omission is promoted by the pathologically mendacious and traitorous US Lobby and Apartheid Israel Lobby in Australia. Freedom of speech is crucial for democracy and societal advance – we must expose and oppose maltreatment and censorship of truth tellers.

    I have published literally millions of words (overwhelmingly overseas) in 9 huge books, over 100 scientific papers, and hundreds of carefully researched and referenced humanitarian articles. Nevertheless for defending the human rights of Indigenous Palestinians, Indigenous Australians and other horribly violated peoples I have been rendered invisible in Australia in the last dozen years by traitorous Mainstream gate-keepers and false Zionist defamation in the interests of nasty foreign states (the US, UK and Apartheid Israel). I have been banned from Twitter and a Wikipedia entry about me has been removed.

    However I have used my voice overseas to vigorously defend variously eminent Australian writers variously subject to abuse and censorship e.g. Julian Assange, Mike Carlton, Scott McIntyre, Dr Sandra Nasr, Yassmin Abdel Magied, Alan Seymour, Michelle Guthrie, Emma Alberici, Essam Al Ghalid, and Stan Grant. There are so many more censored voices.

    Decent people must stand up and be counted. The core moral messages from the WW2 Jewish Holocaust – and from all WW2 holocausts, and indeed all genocides and holocausts – are “zero tolerance for racism”, “zero tolerance for lying”, “bear witness”, and “never again to anybody” with the latter including Indigenous Australians and Indigenous Palestinians.

    However under either Labor or Coalition Australian Governments a Zionist-perverted and US lackey Australia is second only to the US as a fervent supporter of neo-Nazi and genocidally racist  Apartheid Israel and hence of the evil crime of neo-Nazi Apartheid. Only the decent Australian Greens and a small number of other decent MPs support Palestinian human rights.

    Journalists in particular  should “bear witness”  when fellow journalists  and writers are being targeted, vilified and  falsely defamed. Indeed on a per capita basis neo-Nazi Apartheid Israel is the world leader for the killing  of journalists. The core principles of Humanity are Kindness and Truth, but this is ever being perverted into Racism and Lying. Truth tellers are the guardians of the core ethos of Kindness and Truth.

    Decent people must (a) bear witness, (b) support  truth tellers, and (c) call out and resolutely apply Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) to all those people, politicians, parties, collectives, corporations and countries grossly violating the core ethos of Kindness and Truth. For details and  documentation see  Countercurrents, 25 May 2023.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Gideon Polya.

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    How Far Do We Go to Save a Species? https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/24/how-far-do-we-go-to-save-a-species/ https://www.radiofree.org/2023/03/24/how-far-do-we-go-to-save-a-species/#respond Fri, 24 Mar 2023 01:34:02 +0000 https://dissidentvoice.org/?p=138991 Robin Waples: University of Washington (NOAA Fisheries, retired) Topic: On the shoulders of giants: Under-appreciated studies in salmon biology with lasting influence. In 1675 Isaac Newton wrote, “If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants.” This idea epitomizes the way that science progresses by incremental steps, punctuated occasionally by […]

    The post How Far Do We Go to Save a Species? first appeared on Dissident Voice.]]>

    Robin Waples: University of Washington (NOAA Fisheries, retired)

    Topic: On the shoulders of giants: Under-appreciated studies in salmon biology with lasting influence.