Since the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Congress has funded the federal Equity Assistance Center program to provide essential support to state education agencies, school districts, and students in preventing and remedying discrimination based on race, national origin, gender, and religion. By arbitrarily and abruptly terminating these grants, the Department deprived grantees, students, and educators of vital resources, jeopardizing grantees’ ability to safeguard equal educational opportunity across the United States and depriving students of critical resources that protect their access to an equal education.

“We are grateful for the Court’s recognition of the harm caused by the Department’s actions and for the opportunity to continue our critical work,” said Dr. Karmen Rouland, President of MAEC. “MAEC remains steadfast in our commitment to empowering educators and communities with the tools they need to build welcoming, affirming educational environments for every student.”

“This ruling is not just a legal victory—it is a reaffirmation of the importance of an education free from discrimination,” said Susan Shaffer, Chair of the Board of Directors. “We remain deeply committed to working with educators, families, and communities for the benefit of all students."

The Court questioned the NAACP's standing for a preliminary injunction, but granted relief to MAEC that will benefit the NAACP and its members. “This injunction is a crucial victory for educational equity across the country,” said Derrick Johnson, President and CEO of the NAACP. “The EAC program plays a fundamental role in ensuring that Black students can access programs and support that dismantle systemic discrimination and promote inclusive learning environments. The fight is not over—and we will continue to stand on behalf of Black students to ensure that they receive the education they deserve.”

“Today’s ruling affirms that the Department of Education cannot disregard its legal obligations to protect students' civil rights and may not arbitrarily terminate decades-long federal programs upon which students and educators rely,” said Katrina Feldkamp, Assistant Counsel at LDF. The abrupt termination of the EAC program was not only unlawful, but also deeply harmful to the schools and communities that rely on these services to eradicate discrimination and create supportive environments for all students. The court’s decision sends a clear message that equity in education is not optional—it is a legal and moral imperative. We will continue fighting to ensure these critical resources are restored and protected.”

LDF continues to monitor and respond to efforts that undermine public education and civil rights enforcement across the country. In addition to this case, LDF has filed several other successful or pending lawsuits challenging the U.S. Department of Education’s recent actions that threaten educational equity and access for historically marginalized students. Through litigation, advocacy, and public engagement, LDF is committed to ensuring that the Department upholds its obligation to protect students’ civil rights and foster inclusive, high-quality public education.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

The FOIA requests in question specifically seek information concerning Executive Orders 14210, 14154 and 14219. These orders direct all federal agencies to provide OMB with plans for massive restructuring, direct all agencies to provide OMB with lists of critical environmental and health protections they plan to withdraw, and direct EPA to provide OMB with recommendations related to its longstanding finding that greenhouse gases endanger public health and must be subject to regulation under the Clean Air Act. This “endangerment finding” underpins all of EPA’s authority to take action on climate change.

"The Freedom of Information Act exists because the government must be accountable to the people it serves. Trump must not be allowed to flout the law and dismantle the agencies and regulations meant to protect public health and the environment in a black box – particularly when the health and safety of millions of people are at stake. We demand the transparency afforded to us by federal law, and we're not backing down until we have answers,” said Dani Replogle, staff attorney at Food & Water Watch.

Food & Water Watch is represented in this matter by the public interest law firm Eubanks & Associates, PLLC, as well as Ms. Replogle.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

The NBDSA’s order was on a segment aired by TNN on September 6, 2024. It took note of the matter based on a complaint filed by activist Indrajeet Ghorpade. While several concerns were raised by Ghorpade, the NBDSA’s action was limited to the misleading thumbnail. After the order, the news outlet took down the video from its YouTube channel altogether.

In the now-deleted video where the thumbnail has been used, a TNN correspondent interviewed women from Himachal Pradesh on a matter related to a disputed mosque in Shimla’s Sanjauli. In the video, the correspondent speaks to the women on “safety concerns” they experience while living close to an “illegal mosque”. In the thumbnail of this video, the channel makes it seem like the women made some strong remarks against Muslims. Thumbnails are the first things that viewers see before they decide whether or not to watch a video and often give the viewer a ‘teaser’ of the content that is to follow.

Below is a screenshot of the thumbnail and a downloaded version of the TNN video report that has been taken down.

The Disputed Sanjauli Mosque

For context, the mosque regarding which the women were interviewed is disputed for two reasons.

One, the mosque committee has been accused of constructing additional floors that are not compliant with construction laws. Cases related to this ‘illegal construction’ have been pending in the Shimla municipal court since 2010.

Two, the mosque was allegedly the place where members of a minority community sought ‘refuge’ after a brawl in which a Hindu shopkeeper was assaulted. While the altercation was a local incident in the Malyana area of Shimla on August 31, 2024, it soon snowballed into a major communal issue. The incident sparked protests against unauthorised mosques in Shimla and other regions of Himachal Pradesh. On September 11, 2024, Hindu outfits staged a major demonstration demanding the mosque’s demolition. The protest turned violent and eventually resulted in demonstrators clashing with the police. Both sides sustained injuries.

On October 5, 2024, the Shimla municipal commissioner ordered the removal of three unauthorised floors of the five-storied place of worship. Seven months later, on May 3, 2025, the same municipal commissioner ruled that the first two floors of the mosque were also ‘illegal’ and ordered for the whole structure to be demolished.

‘Insinuating’ Thumbnail

In the TNN video report, the women tell the channel’s correspondent that they felt threatened by the growth in the number of Muslim residents in the locality. However, their responses were fairly different from what was shown in the thumbnail.

In his complaint, Indrajeet Ghorpade highlighted this along with the “prejudiced” line of questioning by the TNN reporter. Before we get into the issues raised by him, let’s look at the statements by the women interviewees whose images are used in the thumbnail.

When asked to talk about her concerns, the woman on the right in the image above, who runs a shop next to the mosque, says she had no issues with older residents but fears the newer ones. “You know, we hear that they, people from one community commit rapes. That’s when we feel scared, thinking, what if something like that happens to our children?” she said. “These people need to be verified. Those who pass the verification can stay; others should leave. When we go out at night and see these people also out, we feel scared. We don’t know where they’re from or what they’re doing—there’s no verification.” She also claimed that the locality had become crowded and many Muslim residents were now bringing their families.

It is pertinent to note here that the interviewee did not say she was harassed by Muslim residents of Sanjauli. She said she feared something like that could happen. However, her image was used in the thumbnail with a speech bubble that said “Musalmaan ladke humein…” (Muslim boys do…), making it seem as though some wrongdoing already took place.

The second interviewee, the woman seen on the left in the thumbnail, said that her problem was that movement across the city was becoming a problem with the rising number of residents in the area. “When they offer namaz, there’s a lot of noise and commotion,” she said. After being asked about women’s safety twice by the TNN journalist, the interviewee responded that when there’s a large crowd or movement, “everyone gets scared, thinking someone might say something to us”.

This woman’s image was used in the thumbnail with a speech bubble that said, “Jumme ke din toh…” (On Friday prayers, it’s so…). This quote, too, is misattributed. During her one-minute interview with TNN, the woman does not mention Jumma or Friday prayers.

Also, the legality of the mosque was still subjudice when the video was uploaded, but the TNN journalist used the phrase ‘Avaidh Masjid’ or ‘illegal mosque’ while asking questions. The title of the video report and the thumbnail, too, had the same phrase in single quotes.

Issues Raised with NBDSA

• Misleading Thumbnail: In his complaint, Ghorpade said that the thumbnail violated several NBDSA rules, including “accuracy, neutrality, objectivity, guidelines for prevention of hate speech, guidelines to prevent communal colour in reporting crime, riots, rumours and such related incidents, guidelines on broadcast of potentially defamatory content, section on racial & religious harmony under specific guidelines covering reportage and guidelines for the telecast of news affecting public order.”

He questioned what the channel was trying to imply by using text such as “Avaidh Masjid ko lekar Shimla ke Hinduon ne Musalmano par kya kaha” (Regarding the ‘illegal mosque, what Shimla’s Hindus had to say about Muslims) in the thumbnail.

He also said that the channel seemed to “insinuate” something to the viewers with the incorrect and misleading text in the speech bubbles. He emphatically said that the text in the speech bubbles mentioned issues “none of the women interviewed by the reporter had flagged”.

• Leading Questions: Ghorpade also pointed out that the TNN reporter asked leading questions such as, “Has the number of Muslims visiting the mosque increased?”; “Do women feel safer compared to to earlier?” and “What is the change in the mahaul with the rise in the population of Muslim persons in Shimla?”

He also added that the interviewees’ responses “seemed to stem from deep-rooted Islamophobia” and the channel was not helping by using phrases such as “Kya dar ka mahaul hai?” (Is fear clouding the atmosphere?) in their reportage.

“While women’s safety is undoubtedly a matter of grave concern and not an issue that must be downplayed, asked in the report, in the report by Times Now Navbharat, the reporter, in an attempt to highlight local concerns, asks leading and prejudiced questions to portray that the Muslim the presence must be feared and that women’s safety, particularly, is at a risk due to and rise of Muslim people in a particular area,” his complaint said.

• Judgment on Subjudice Matter? Ghorpade emphasised that the semantics used by Times Now Navbharat in their reportage made it seem like the broadcaster had already declared the mosque illegal even while its status was being determined legally.

“Writing the word illegal in single or double quotation marks does not change the impact that such inaccurate and malicious reporting has on viewers. A regular viewer does not fully understand the meaning of writing words in single or double quotation marks,” he said on the words ‘illegal mosque’ being used widely by the channel.

TNN’s Response and NBDSA’s Order

While responding to the complaint, TNN said that the thumbnail should be “read in its entirety to understand the context. Further, no motive could be attributed to it. In the thumbnail, the full statement cannot be carried.”

The channel also contended that Ghorpade’s arguments “had no merit” and alleged that it stemmed from viewing “the programming in a piecemeal manner instead of looking at it as a whole.” It also argued that the press had the right to provide “fair commentary on matters affecting the public at large” and the editorial discretion regarding the mode and manner of presentation.

TNN emphasised that its video report did not target a community. The women were interviewed independently and while they raised concerns about unknown newcomers and suggested verification of men entering Shimla, no specific community was named, it said.

Meanwhile, the NBDSA, in its order, only tackled the issue of the thumbnail without getting into the demerits of the content and manner of the broadcast. The body said that the thumbnail texts were “inconsistent with the statements made by the women interviewed during the broadcast” and gave the impression that the women were harassed by Muslims, which was not stated by the women interviewed. “Thus, this was not only misleading but also not in the interest of communal harmony,” it said.

Consequently, the body ordered TNN to edit or remove the thumbnail from the video on its site and YouTube within seven days. NBDSA also issued an advisory to all broadcasters, highlighting that the tickers and thumbnails should conform to the actual version of the discussions/interviews.

Not A First

Last year, the NBDSA slapped a Rs 1 lakh fine on Times Now Navbharat for its malicious reportage on the murder of Shraddha Walkar in November 2022. Walkar was killed by her Muslim boyfriend, Aftaab Poonawalla, and her dismembered body was found in the fridge. Following this, several news channels, including TNN, went on a rampage. In its reportage, TNN turned the incident into a larger communal issue, portraying all Muslims as barbaric and guilty of organised crimes against Hindu women.

NBDSA fined Times Now Navbharat Rs 1 lakh, News 18 India Rs 50,000 in cases I filed against painting the entire Muslim community as barbaric & guilty of conducting organised crimes against Hindu women, by malicious linking Shraddha Walker’s murder to the ‘love jihad’ conspiracy. pic.twitter.com/RO5jJR0iLN

— Jeet (@jeetxg) February 29, 2024

The post NBDSA orders Times Now Navbharat to take down misleading thumbnail from video on Shimla mosque controversy appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

“No one should be arrested and locked up for their political views. Every day that Rümeysa Öztürk remains in detention is a day too long. We’re grateful the court refused the government’s attempt to keep her isolated from her community and her legal counsel as she pursues her case for release,” said Esha Bhandari, deputy director of the ACLU’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project.

Ms. Öztürk, a former Fulbright scholar and current Tufts University Ph.D. student researching child development, has been held in a Louisiana detention center for six weeks — all in retaliation for co-authoring an op-ed in her student newspaper. On March 25, while Ms. Öztürk was on the phone with her mom, plainclothes Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents surrounded her in Somerville, Massachusetts and arrested her. For nearly 24 hours, Ms. Öztürk’s attorney was unable to locate her as ICE quickly and quietly moved her to three separate locations in three different states — including Vermont — before sending her to Louisiana.

“Every day Ms. Öztürk spends in confinement is an affront to the constitution. Her constitutional injury is only compounded by the deplorable conditions she must suffer through. Today, the court rightfully declined to play along with the government’s latest attempt to keep Ms. Öztürk separated from her community and legal counsel. We will continue to advocate for Ms. Öztürk until she is released,” said Mudassar Toppa, staff attorney at CLEAR, a legal non-profit and clinic at CUNY School of Law

Since she arrived in Louisiana, Ms. Öztürk has lived in a cramped room with poor ventilation and 23 other women for almost all hours of the day. In new filings in her federal court case in Vermont, she says she has suffered several asthma attacks that have “become progressively harder to recover from” while in detention. Whereas her attacks used to last between 5-15 minutes, they now can last up to 45 minutes. She is regularly exposed to asthma triggers including insect and rodent droppings, and is almost never exposed to fresh air. The court filings also describe difficulty receiving appropriate care in detention, including delays to receive medical care and dismissive comments from medical staff.

“Rümeysa has suffered six weeks in crowded confinement without adequate access to medical care and in conditions that doctors say risk exacerbating her asthma attacks. Her detention — over an op-ed she co-authored in her student newspaper — is as cruel as it is unconstitutional,” said Jessie Rossman, legal director, ACLU of Massachusetts. “Today, we moved one step closer to returning Rümeysa to her community and studies in Massachusetts.”

A federal judge in Vermont will hold hearings regarding Ms. Öztürk's motion to be released on bail on May 9 and the merits of the habeas petition on May 22.

“The government’s efforts to deny Rümeysa access to justice by deploying these gratuitous delay tactics have once again been rightfully blocked by the courts,” said Lia Ernst, legal director, ACLU of Vermont. “Today’s ruling affirms that her swift transfer to Vermont is essential, and we will continue fighting until she is free.”

Ms. Öztürk is represented in immigration court by Mahsa Khanbabai and Marty Rosenbluth, and in federal court by Mahsa Khanbabai, the American Civil Liberties Union, ACLU of Massachusetts, ACLU of Vermont, CLEAR, and Emery Celli Brinckerhoff Abady Ward & Maazel LLP.

For documents and other case information, see here.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

This story originally appeared in Mondoweiss on Apr. 30, 2025. It is shared here with permission.

Columbia University student Mohsen Mahdawi is free on bail after a federal judge in Vermont ordered his release.

It’s the first order mandating the release of a student detained by the Trump administration. The New York Times called his release “a defeat” for the administration’s “widening crackdown against student protesters.”

“The two weeks of detention so far demonstrate great harm to a person who has been charged with no crime,” said Judge Geoffrey Crawford at an April 30 hearing. “Mr. Mahdawi, I will order you released.”

Crawford also compared Trump’s crackdown to the Red Scare and said that period of history wasn’t one that people should be proud of.

“For anybody who is doubting justice, this is a light of hope and faith in the justice system in America,” Mahdawi told a crowd outside the courthouse after his release. “We are witnessing the fight for justice in America, which means a true democracy, and the fight for justice for Palestinians, which means that both liberation are interconnected, because no one of us is free unless we all are.”

“I am saying it clear and loud,” he added. “To President Trump and his cabinet: I am not afraid of you.”

“Today’s victory cannot be overstated. It is a victory for Mohsen who gets to walk free today out of this court,” said Shezza Abboushi Dallal, one of Mahdawi’s lawyers. “And it is also a victory for everyone else in this country invested in the very ability to dissent, who want to be able to speak out for the causes that they feel a moral imperative to lend their voices to and want to do that without fear that they will be abducted by masked men.”

Mahdawi, a permanent U.S. resident and green card holder for the past decade, was arrested by immigration officials on April 14 during his naturalization interview to become a United States citizen.

According to a recent legal brief from Mahdawi’s attorneys, the citizenship appointment had been a trap, as ICE agents intended to ambush the Columbia student and send him to a detention facility in Louisiana, where the Trump administration is holding Mahmoud Khalil and Rumeysa Ozturk.

A judge blocked Trump from transferring Mahdawi out Vermont before agents could transport him.

A court filing submitted in the case by the Justice Department included a letter from Secretary of State Marco Rubio claiming that Mahdawi’s presence in the United States could “potentially undermine” the Middle East peace process.

Earlier this month, Vermont Senator Peter Welch (D-VT) visited Mahdawi at the ICE detention center where he was being held.

“I am centered, I am clear, I am grounded, and I don’t want you to worry about me,” Mahdawi told Welch. “I want you to continue working for the democracy of this country and for humanity. The war must stop.”

This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Michael Arria.

Image: Courtesy of ACID.

“Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk” is the title of a soon-to-be-released film featuring photojournalist Fatima Hassouna the most recent of more than 208 assassinated Gazan journalists.

The post Walking, Waiting, Wondering, Walking Again…On Orders in Gaza appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by B. Nimri Aziz.

Ahead of the 93rd founding anniversary of North Korea’s armed forces on Friday authorities have launched inspections of rabbit breeding farms in schools across the communist country, demanding they increase the livestock supplied to local army units.

Reeling from persistent food shortages since the mid-1990s, the North Korean regime has been actively promoting the raising of “grass-fed” livestock like rabbits and goats as sources of meat.

In particular, it has emphasized the breeding of bunnies, as they provide both meat and high-quality fur, with authorities establishing rabbit breeding associations and farms in cities and counties across the country and making it a key state initiative.

The inspections of school rabbit pens – that began last week for the first time in schools – are being carried out by the provincial-level youth league committee leaders under orders from the provincial party, said a source based in South Pyongan province.

In North Korea, the children’s union, which students aged 9-13 are required to join, and the youth league, which include those in the 14-18 age group, are mass political organizations that educate young people in socialist ideology and loyalty.

The instructors in charge of the youth league at each school are tasked with meeting the breeding targets.

“While it’s been common for the authorities to emphasize expanding rabbit farms every year to supply more meat and leather to the military, this is the first time they are actually inspecting schools,” the source told Radio Free Asia. He requested anonymity for safety reasons.

These inspections focus on the scale of the farms and the number of bunnies – both breeding rabbits and their young offspring, he said.

Youth league instructors at schools that fail to meet the target of at least 1,000 rabbits are being warned or subjected to punishment, including expulsion from the committee or dismissal from their positions, he said.

“Responsibility falls on the youth league instructors because the rabbit farm management and feeding activities are carried out through organized teams made up of children’s union and youth league members,” he said.

“The breeding rabbits tallied during inspections — excluding seed stock — are to be sent to local military units as support supplies by April 25,” he added.

Despite the challenges of running these farms, authorities have ordered all schools in Gowon county to provide 300 breeding rabbits each to the military by April 25, said a source based in South Hamgyong province, in North Korea’s northeastern corner.

“To mark the (army’s founding) anniversary, inspections of school rabbit farms began in Gowon County alongside support efforts for the military,” he said.

“Some teachers are expressing frustration,” the source noted. “They’re saying schools are meant to be places for students to learn — not military supply bases.”

To feed the rabbits in breeding farms at schools, teenage students are forced to wander the fields to source grass as they are not allowed to collect clover in the mountains due to forest protection rules, he said.

Since the 1970s, North Korea has required middle and high school students to raise rabbits and offer them to the state, while farmers must fulfill the country’s annual meat purchase quotas.

Many will never taste the meat they produce as most is submitted to the authorities, with the remainder consumed or sold by corrupt officials, previous reports have said.

In 2010, several international charities raised money to send giant rabbits to North Korea to breed as a cheap source of protein, but the animals vanished amid speculation that they had been quickly seized and eaten by officials.

Translated by Jaewoo Park. Edited by Tenzin Pema and Mat Pennington

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Son Hye-min for RFA Korean.

The Trump administration has issued a new executive order opening up vast swathes of protected ocean to commercial exploitation, including areas within the Pacific Islands Heritage Marine National Monument.

It allows commercial fishing in areas long considered off-limits due to their ecological significance — despite overwhelming scientific consensus that marine sanctuaries are essential for rebuilding fish stocks and maintaining ocean health.

These actions threaten some of the most sensitive and pristine marine ecosystems in the world.

• READ MORE: Other President Trump executive order reports

Condeming the announcement, Greenpeace USA project lead on ocean sanctuaries Arlo Hemphill said: “Opening the Pacific Islands Heritage Marine National Monument to commercial fishing puts one of the most pristine ocean ecosystems on the planet at risk.

“Almost 90 percent of global marine fish stocks are fully exploited or overfished. The few places in the world ocean set aside as large, fully protected ocean sanctuaries serve as ‘fish banks’, allowing fish populations to recover, while protecting the habitats in which they thrive.

“President Bush and President Obama had the foresight to protect the natural resources of the Pacific for future generations, and Greenpeace USA condemns the actions of President Trump today to reverse that progress.”

President Trump signs executive order on Pacific fisheries     Video: Hawai’i News Now

Slashed jobs at NOAA
A second executive order calls for deregulation of America’s fisheries under the guise of boosting seafood production.

Greenpeace USA oceans campaign director John Hocevar said: “If President Trump wants to increase US fisheries production and stabilise seafood markets, deregulation will have the opposite effect.

“Meanwhile, the Trump administration has already slashed jobs at NOAA [National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration] and is threatening to dismantle the agency responsible for providing the science that makes management of US fisheries possible.”

“Trump’s executive order on fishing could set the world back by decades, undoing all the progress that has been made to end overfishing and rebuild fish stocks and America’s fisheries.

“While there is far too little attention to bycatch and habitat destruction, NOAA’s record of fisheries management has made the US a world leader.

“Trump seems ready to throw that out the window with all the care of a toddler tossing his toys out of the crib.”

‘Slap in face to science’
Hawai’i News Now reports that a delegation from American Samoa, where the economy is dependent on fishing, had been lobbying the president for the change and joined him in the Oval Office for the signing.

Environmental groups are alarmed.

“Trump right here is giving a gift to the industrial fishing fleets. It’s a slap in the face to science,” said Maxx Phillips, an attorney for the Centre for Biological Diversity.

“To the ocean, to the generations of Pacific Islanders who fought long and hard to protect these sacred waters.”

Republished from Greenpeace USA with additional reporting by Hawai’i News Now.

The executive orders, announced on April 17, 2025, are detailed here:

• Restoring American Seafood Competitiveness
• Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Unleashes American Commercial Fishing in the Pacific

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Vince Warren, executive director of the Center for Constitutional Rights, joins us as President Trump’s defiance of the courts is pushing the United States toward a constitutional crisis, with multiple judges weighing whether to open contempt proceedings against his administration for ignoring court orders. On Wednesday, U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg criticized officials for continuing to stonewall his inquiry into why planes full of Venezuelan immigrants were sent to El Salvador last month even after he ordered the flights halted or turned around midair. Boasberg noted in his order that Trump officials have since “failed to rectify or explain their actions,” giving the administration until April 23 to respond. This comes as Maryland Senator Chris Van Hollen traveled to El Salvador but was blocked from seeing or speaking to Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland father who was sent to CECOT on the March flights in what the Department of Homeland Security has admitted was an “administrative error.” Both the Trump administration and the government of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele have refused to release and return Abrego Garcia. This week, federal Judge Paula Xinis said the administration had made no effort to comply with the order, and said she could begin contempt proceedings. “The government is providing no information, not even the most basic factual information about what’s been happening,” says Warren.

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

In a unanimous ruling, the Supreme Court has ordered the Trump administration to “facilitate” the return of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to the United States, after the Maryland resident was denied due process rights and deported to the notorious CECOT prison in El Salvador. But the court remains vague on how exactly this would happen, and the Trump administration has claimed it has no way of ensuring his safe return. Elsewhere, a federal immigration judge in Louisiana is set to rule today on whether the Trump administration has grounds to deport Mahmoud Khalil, a permanent resident of the United States who was involved in a campus protest at Columbia University. Ahead of today’s ruling, Secretary of State Marco Rubio filed a short memo that concedes Khalil has no criminal history, and argues he should be deported as part of U.S. efforts to combat antisemitism. We speak to attorney Ramzi Kassem, who is part of Khalil’s legal team, about the cases of Abrego Garcia and Khalil. Kassem says the Supreme Court decision on Abrego Garcia’s case is “a step in the right direction and will hopefully lead to his return home.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

Papua New Guinea’s Supreme Court has ruled that Parliament must be recalled on April 8 to debate a motion of no confidence against Prime Minister James Marape.

In a decision handed down yesterday, the court found that actions taken by the Parliament’s Private Business Committee and Deputy Speaker, Koni Iguan, in November 2024 were unconstitutional and in breach of the principle of parliamentary democracy.

The ruling stems from an incident on 27 November 2024, when a notice of motion for a vote of no confidence was submitted to Iguan and found compliant with constitutional requirements under Section 145.

• READ MORE: Other PNG no confidence vote reports

However, the motion was rejected by invoking Section 165 of the Standing Orders, which disallows motions deemed identical in substance to those resolved within the previous 12 months.

This restriction came into play just over two months after an earlier motion of no confidence had been defeated on 12 September.

Iguan disallowed the motion and prevented it from being tabled in Parliament, triggering legal action from Chuave MP and deputy opposition leader James Nomane.

The court emphasised that parliamentary democracy relies on the executive’s accountability to the people through such mechanisms as motions of no confidence.

Overstepped mandate
The court also found that the Private Business Committee had overstepped its mandate, taking actions that should have been handled by the Speaker or Parliament as a whole.

Marape has responded to the decision, saying his government will respect the rule of law and comply with the court’s directives.

“We are a government that respects the courts. The Supreme Court reads and interprets the Constitution better than all of us, and we will honour its ruling,” he said.

Marape commands the support of more than two-thirds of the MPs in the house which enabled him to pass several major consitutional amendments last month, including declaring Papua New Guinea a Christian nation.

He acknowledged the Supreme Court’s clarification of critical constitutional provisions which pertain to the right of MPs to introduce motions and participate in the democratic processes of government.

“The court found that there was a vacuum in the law and has provided direction,” he said.

“As the executive arm of government, we will not stand in the way. Parliament will sit as ordered by the court.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Papua New Guinea’s Supreme Court has ruled that Parliament must be recalled on April 8 to debate a motion of no confidence against Prime Minister James Marape.

In a decision handed down yesterday, the court found that actions taken by the Parliament’s Private Business Committee and Deputy Speaker, Koni Iguan, in November 2024 were unconstitutional and in breach of the principle of parliamentary democracy.

The ruling stems from an incident on 27 November 2024, when a notice of motion for a vote of no confidence was submitted to Iguan and found compliant with constitutional requirements under Section 145.

• READ MORE: Other PNG no confidence vote reports

However, the motion was rejected by invoking Section 165 of the Standing Orders, which disallows motions deemed identical in substance to those resolved within the previous 12 months.

This restriction came into play just over two months after an earlier motion of no confidence had been defeated on 12 September.

Iguan disallowed the motion and prevented it from being tabled in Parliament, triggering legal action from Chuave MP and deputy opposition leader James Nomane.

The court emphasised that parliamentary democracy relies on the executive’s accountability to the people through such mechanisms as motions of no confidence.

Overstepped mandate
The court also found that the Private Business Committee had overstepped its mandate, taking actions that should have been handled by the Speaker or Parliament as a whole.

Marape has responded to the decision, saying his government will respect the rule of law and comply with the court’s directives.

“We are a government that respects the courts. The Supreme Court reads and interprets the Constitution better than all of us, and we will honour its ruling,” he said.

Marape commands the support of more than two-thirds of the MPs in the house which enabled him to pass several major consitutional amendments last month, including declaring Papua New Guinea a Christian nation.

He acknowledged the Supreme Court’s clarification of critical constitutional provisions which pertain to the right of MPs to introduce motions and participate in the democratic processes of government.

“The court found that there was a vacuum in the law and has provided direction,” he said.

“As the executive arm of government, we will not stand in the way. Parliament will sit as ordered by the court.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

North Korea has ordered that parents give their children names that reflect the country’s revolutionary spirit -- and in some cases has even told people to change their names if they sound too South Korean, residents told Radio Free Asia.

It’s another example of pushback against what authorities in Pyongyang view as an infiltration of South Korean capitalist culture.

But it also reinforces recent declarations that South Korea is no longer considered part of the same country, and that in fact South Koreans are no longer part of the same race of people, residents said.

Almost every Korean name has a specific meaning, and in the South, parents have the freedom to choose any name without much interference from the state.

But in the North, the government prefers that children be given names that convey loyalty to the state, sound militaristic or express personal virtues.

Recently, it’s become trendy in North Korea to give children names that have good meanings and are easy to pronounce, a resident from the northern province of Ryanggang told RFA Korean on condition of anonymity for safety reasons.

For girls, they include Su Bin (outstanding brilliance), Da On (all good things coming), A Ri (noble and precious), or Si A (righteous and pure character).

For boys, there’s Do Yun (inner strength), Ha Yul (the word of God), Ji U (close, similar-minded, friend), and Min So (good citizen).

But these have now somewhat fallen out of favor according to the order -- and residents think it might be because the government is implying they sound kind of South Korean.

Instead, the government has suggested names that convey the party’s eternal love for the people, like Eun Hye (grace), Eun Dok (benevolence), and Haeng Bok (happiness). Or names that reflect loyalty to the party, like Chung Song (loyalty), Chung Sil (Sincerity) and Chung Bok (Devotion).

The resident said that if names sounded too South Korean, people would be required to change them, but didn’t provide any examples of that happening.

Commitment to the revolution

The new naming rules are meant to reinforce commitment to the revolution, the resident said.

“The party’s directive is to name children in a way that preserves Juche ideology and national identity,” she said, referring to the country’s founding ideology of self-reliance.

“This essentially means that children’s names should never be given in a way that could allow the South Korean puppets to be considered as fellow compatriots.”

(The North Korean government often uses the derogatory term “puppets” to refer to South Koreans, implying that the South is a U.S. puppet state.)

The government hopes that if North Koreans have patriotic names, then fewer will share names with South Koreans, the resident said.

Ordinary people are not happy with the order, she said.

“Some people are expressing discontent, saying, that naming a child should be the parents’ decision, not the party’s,” she said. “The authorities are forcing this revolutionary name changes, controlling every aspect of our lives.”

‘Not Loyal’

In some cases, people with a perfectly acceptable given name are made to change it because of their family name, a resident of the northwestern province of North Pyongan told RFA.

“One resident named their child Chung Song (loyalty), but had to change it because their surname is An,” he said.

“An” means peace, but it has the same pronunciation as the word that means “not.”

“The name An Chung Song therefore means ‘not loyal,’ so the authorities ordered the name to be changed,” the second resident said.

When people heard this, they sarcastically started suggesting negative names for people with the name An, he said.

“Maybe Chung Song should change his name to Byon Jol (treacherous), so he’d be An Byon Jol (not treacherous),” the second resident said. “They are laughing at the authorities' behavior.”

He said that most residents consider the order baffling, because the parents chose these names with hopes for their children’s success, and shouldn’t have to change simply because the government thinks they are South Korean.

“If socialism can be shaken by just a name, where is the so-called invincibility of the North Korean system?”

Translated by Leejin J. Chung. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kim Jieun for RFA Korean.

Some of the Trump administration’s oversteps of the judiciary branch include: refusing to release $2 billion in foreign aid in defiance of multiple court orders; refusing to adhere to court orders that prohibit the Office of Management and Budget from implementing a freeze on all federal assistance; and refusing to adhere to a court order requiring U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM) Charles Ezell to testify in person on March 13, 2025, in a lawsuit challenging Ezell and OPM’s termination of thousands of employees.

“The checks and balances of our three-branch government is a cornerstone of our democracy, created by our country’s founders because they were rightfully afraid of how quickly, in the absence of a balanced system, our democracy might become a tyranny. Trump has usurped the powers of the legislature and now tramples on the authority of the judiciary,” said Courtney Hostetler, Legal Director of Free Speech For People.

“In just one month, he has repeatedly ignored court rulings that have and must restrain his unlawful abuses of power. He, like all Presidents, must abide by the rule of law—and because he has not, Congress must adhere to its own obligations to carry out an impeachment investigation.”

Impeach Trump Again, a nonpartisan campaign led by Free Speech For People, had already collected over 250,000 petition signatures in support of an impeachment investigation of President Trump before these recent actions. Rep. Al Green recently announced on the House Floor that he plans to bring articles of impeachment against the president.

Since Inauguration Day, the campaign has documented multiple abuses of power President Trump has already committed, including: planning the forced removal of Palestinians from Gaza; abusing his power to seek retributions against perceived adversaries, co-opting and dismantling independent government oversight; unconstitutionally usurping Congress’s powers; receiving foreign and domestic emoluments; depriving citizens of their birthright citizenship; corruptly dismissing criminal charges against Eric Adams; abusing the pardon power; abusing the emergency power; blocking efforts to secure U.S. elections; unconstitutionally usurping local and state authority; and engaging in unlawful, corrupt practices during the 2024 presidential election campaign.

For more information on the campaign, please visit impeachtrumpagain.org.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

“The decision to return journalist José Rubén Zamora to prison is a blatant act of judicial persecution. This case represents a dangerous escalation in the repression of independent journalism,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, in São Paulo. “We call on authorities to release him immediately, stop using the justice system to silence critical journalism, and to respect press freedom and due process.”

Zamora’s return to jail on money laundering charges that have been widely condemned as politically motivated was ordered by Judge Erick García, who had initially granted Zamora house arrest on Oct. 18, 2024. García said during Monday’s hearing that he and his staff had been threatened and intimidated by unknown individuals, according to a report by Guatemalan newspaper Prensa Libre.

Zamora, 67, was first arrested on July 29, 2022, and spent more than 800 days in pretrial detention before being placed under house arrest. A pioneering investigative journalist, Zamora has faced decades of harassment and persecution for his work, which CPJ has extensively documented. He received CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award in 1995 for his commitment to independent journalism. His newspaper, elPeriódico, was forced to shut down in 2023.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“The decision to return journalist José Rubén Zamora to prison is a blatant act of judicial persecution. This case represents a dangerous escalation in the repression of independent journalism,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, in São Paulo. “We call on authorities to release him immediately, stop using the justice system to silence critical journalism, and to respect press freedom and due process.”

Zamora’s return to jail on money laundering charges that have been widely condemned as politically motivated was ordered by Judge Erick García, who had initially granted Zamora house arrest on Oct. 18, 2024. García said during Monday’s hearing that he and his staff had been threatened and intimidated by unknown individuals, according to a report by Guatemalan newspaper Prensa Libre.

Zamora, 67, was first arrested on July 29, 2022, and spent more than 800 days in pretrial detention before being placed under house arrest. A pioneering investigative journalist, Zamora has faced decades of harassment and persecution for his work, which CPJ has extensively documented. He received CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award in 1995 for his commitment to independent journalism. His newspaper, elPeriódico, was forced to shut down in 2023.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

It fired two cruise missiles on Wednesday, both flying just over 1,500 kilometers (1,000 miles) in two hours and twelve minutes, the North’s Rodong Sinmun reported.

North Korea’s description of the missiles as “strategic” implies they have the ability to carry nuclear warheads, according to South Korea’s Yonhap news agency.

The launch was “to inform adversaries, who are severely threatening the security environment of the DPRK and escalating confrontational tensions, about the retaliatory capabilities of the Korean People’s Army in any space and the readiness of its various nuclear operational means,” Rodong Sinmun said.

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or DPRK, is the North’s official name.

Kim “expressed satisfaction” over the drill, the North’s Korean Central News Agency reported.

“What is guaranteed by powerful striking ability is the most perfect deterrence and defense capacity,” Kim said, adding that the nuclear and armed forces had a responsibility to defend the country with a “reliable nuclear shield by getting more thorough battle readiness of nuclear force and full preparedness for their use.”

(KCNA/Reuters)

South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said it was keeping a close eye on North Korea with its U.S. ally.

“Our military is closely monitoring various North Korean activities under the firm South Korea-U.S. combined defense posture so that North Korea does not misjudge the current security situation,” the South Korean military said in a statement to media..

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It is just over a month since North Korea last launched cruise missiles, coming shortly after the inauguration of Donald Trump for his second term as U.S. president.

Trump has hinted that he wants to resume direct talks with Kim Jong Un, although three meetings with the North Korean leader during his first term failed to get any commitment on ending North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs in exchange for sanctions relief.

On Friday, marines from the U.S. and South Korea began a 10-day reconnaissance exercise, Yonhap said, citing the South’s Marine Corps. Next month, the two militaries take part in the Freedom Shield joint exercise, which is likely to further antagonize North Korea.

Edited by Mike Firn.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Staff.

South Korean fisheries official, Lee Dae-jun disappeared from his patrol vessel in the Yellow Sea, near the maritime border between North and South Korea in September 2020. North Korean forces later found him adrift in their waters, shot him and burned his body. Pyongyang said these actions were part of their COVID-19 prevention measures.

At that time, the South Korean government’s response faced domestic scrutiny. Critics accused the administration of being too passive, leading to political debate and legal action against the officials involved.

Lee’s family filed a lawsuit against North Korea in April 2022, demanding compensation of 100 million South Korean won (US$70,000) each for his son and daughter, citing severe psychological distress caused by their father’s death.

The Seoul Central District Court ruled on Thursday in favor of a bereaved family member, identified as Mr Lee, in a damages lawsuit against North Korea, ordering the defendant to pay 200 million South Korean won (US$140,000).

The lawsuit, filed by Lee’s relatives, named North Korea as the defendant, with the address listed as the “Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea.”

The court did not provide detailed reasons for the ruling but accepted the family’s claim that North Korea was responsible for Lee’s wrongful death.

The verdict is largely symbolic as North Korea is highly unlikely even to acknowledge the ruling let alone pay damages.

According to South Korean military intelligence, North Korean forces found Lee in their territorial waters on Sep. 22, 2020. He was interrogated but was later shot and killed under direct orders from North Korean authorities. His body was then burned, reportedly as a precautionary measure against COVID-19.

(Kim Hong-ji/Reuters)

A few days later, in a rare admission of fault, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un sent an official letter to South Korea, expressing regret over the “unexpected” and “unfortunate” incident. The North acknowledged killing Lee but denied burning his body, saying only his floating belongings were set on fire.

The international community, including the United Nations, condemned the execution. The U.N.’s special rapporteur on North Korean human rights, Tomás Ojea Quintana, said that such acts were unacceptable and he urged accountability.

The group Human Rights Watch highlighted the North’s longstanding record of rights abuses, noting that it employs violence and fear to maintain control, including arbitrary detention, torture, and executions.

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North Korea’s Kim Jong Un Apologizes For Shooting Death of South Korean Official at Sea

In South Korea, the killing stirred criticism of the government.

Initially, South Korean authorities suggested that Lee had attempted to defect to North Korea, citing personal issues such as gambling debts. But that was met with public skepticism and criticism, as many believed the government was jumping to conclusions.

The notion of a possible defection was later dropped in the absence of any evidence, further fueling public distrust.

Critics accused the administration of then-President Moon Jae-in of attempting to play down the incident to preserve diplomatic relations with North Korea. That suspicion was exacerbated by the government’s initial reluctance to confront North Korea over the killing, leading to accusations of appeasement.

Officials in the Moon administration, including the then defense minister, Suh Wook, Coast Guard chief, Kim Hong-hee, and national security adviser, Suh Hoon, were arrested on charges related to the destruction of evidence in the case. They were accused of instructing officials to delete intelligence reports to conceal the circumstances of Lee’s death.

Prosecutors said Suh Wook erased intelligence reports suggesting that Lee did not intend to defect. Kim Hong-hee was accused of ordering the deletion of reports and distorting the results of an analysis of Lee’s suspected route to support the defection angle. Suh Hoon faced accusations of tampering with evidence and interfering with the investigation to suppress key details.

In December 2023, South Korea’s Board of Audit and Inspection, or BAI, concluded a yearlong investigation, finding that relevant government agencies under the Moon administration had neglected to act to save Lee and subsequently attempted to cover up the incident. The BAI requested disciplinary action against 13 individuals involved in illegal and unfair practices related to the case.

Edited by Mike Firn.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Taejun Kang for RFA.

The TRO orders the agencies to restore the webpages and datasets.

Zach Shelley, a Public Citizen Litigation Group attorney and lead counsel on the case, stated: “The judge’s order today is an important victory for doctors, patients, and the public health of the whole country. This order puts a stop, at least temporarily, to the irrational removal of vital health information from public access.”

Dr. Christine Petrin, president of the board of directors for Doctors for America, also reacted: “In the short time that important web pages were removed from the websites of major public health agencies, our members have seen firsthand how dangerous it can be to practice medicine without critical clinical information. For the safety of our patients, we applaud the decision to restore this information, placing it back in the hands of providers around the country to keep their patients and communities safe and healthy.”

Dr. Reshma Ramachandran, a member of the board of directors for Doctors for America, added: “Today’s victory recognizes just how important these webpages are for us as physicians and researchers as we work to care for patients and improve public health. When these pages went dark, leaving us without access to crucial clinical information and public health data, many of my colleagues and I faced challenges in providing evidence-based care to patients, sometimes even leading to delays in doing so. We will continue to fight to reinstate these pages permanently so that no other patients face any harm.”

###

Doctors for America mobilizes doctors and medical students to be leaders in putting patients over politics to improve the health of our patients, communities, and nation. We are 27,000 physicians and medical students in all 50 states, representing all areas of specialization. Our impact areas focus on access to affordable care, community health and prevention, and health justice and equity. DFA focuses solely on what is best for our patients, not on the business side of medicine, and does not accept any funding from pharmaceutical or medical device companies; which uniquely positions DFA as the organization that puts patients over politics and patients over profits. Find out more at doctorsforamerica.org and on Twitter @drsforamerica.

Public Citizen Litigation Group is the litigating arm of Public Citizen, a nonprofit consumer advocacy organization that champions the public interest in the halls of power. Public Citizen defends democracy, resists corporate power, and works to ensure that government works for the people. Through its Litigation Group, Public Citizen litigates to protect the rights of consumers to access the courts and to stop rollbacks of important consumer, worker, and environmental protections. Learn more at www.citizen.org/litigation

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with The Seattle Times. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

Washington Gov. Bob Ferguson on Tuesday signed an executive order forming a team to evaluate the impact of data centers on energy use, state tax revenue and job creation.

The order follows a Seattle Times-ProPublica investigation last year into the clean-energy and economic impacts of the state’s power-guzzling data center industry, the backbone of the modern internet. Data centers — warehouse-like structures filled with computer servers — receive some of Washington’s largest corporate tax breaks. They require enormous amounts of electricity, a need that is only expected to grow with increasing reliance on artificial intelligence.

“We must ensure Washington remains a leader in technology and sustainability — these experts will help us do that,” Ferguson said in a news release. “This group will help us balance industry growth, tax revenue needs, energy constraints and sustainability.”

Ferguson’s order, one of his earliest actions since he took office this year, authorizes a workgroup of state officials and industry stakeholders to study the impact of data centers and recommend policies that balance industry growth with tax revenue needs, energy constraints and sustainability, according to the executive order. That includes evaluating the state’s robust tax incentives for the data center industry, according to the governor’s office.

State lawmakers encouraged the dramatic growth of the data center industry by offering lucrative tax breaks in the name of bringing jobs to rural areas. The Times and ProPublica reported last year that data centers have grown into a major consumer of electricity in some of Washington's greenest counties, threatening the region’s ability to meet power demand while phasing out fossil fuels.

In 2022, then-Gov. Jay Inslee blocked efforts to study data center electricity use, the news organizations reported. State lawmakers included a provision to measure how much power data centers use in a bill that expanded tax breaks for the industry. Inslee signed into law the tax break expansion but vetoed the study.

Inslee’s office said last year that the study would have duplicated work underway by regional power planners, who have produced wide-ranging forecasts about data centers’ power use in the Pacific Northwest. Still, no agency or entity has assessed the industry’s growing energy demands in Washington specifically or the impact of the state’s tax break on its power grid.

As of July, Washington was home to at least 87 data centers, according to the industry-tracking website Baxtel.

Ferguson’s workgroup will be led by the Department of Revenue, the state agency responsible for determining the eligibility of data centers for tax breaks.

Ferguson’s team will include participants from state agencies responsible for tax incentives, clean energy goals, the environment and utility regulation, as well as private representatives from labor organizations and the data center industry.

In addition to examining energy use, Ferguson’s office said the workgroup will review data on job creation in the industry — a key measure for understanding the success of Washington’s tax incentive program, which has been shielded from transparency and accountability for years.

It’s unclear how many high-paying tech jobs the tax break has created at individual data centers because state revenue officials aren’t allowed to say.

The group is tasked with producing findings and recommendations by December, according to the governor’s office.

This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Lulu Ramadan and Sydney Brownstone, The Seattle Times.

• Vaccine skeptic RFK Jr wins party-line committee vote in key step to confirmation as nation’s top health official
• Democratic lawmakers introduce “Stop the Steal” bill to fight Trump-Musk power grab
• California Attorney General moving to protect schools, undocumented and transgender students from Trump executive orders
• Trump pulls US out of UN Human Rights Council, looking next at UNESCO
• Bay area educators launch “We Can’t Wait” bargaining campaign to keep schools open, as schools struggle with falling enrollment and budget cuts

The post Democratic bill aims to stop Trump-Musk power grab; AG Bonta acts to protect transgender and undocumented students from Trump executive orders – February 4, 2025 appeared first on KPFA.

This content originally appeared on KPFA - The Pacifica Evening News, Weekdays and was authored by KPFA.

On Dec. 4, a sinkhole measuring 20 meters (65 feet) wide and 10 meters (33 feet) deep opened up on farmland in Thakhaek district’s Pak Peng village in Khammouane province. On Dec. 21, another sinkhole — about half the size of the first — formed nearby.

Residents suspect the sinkholes are a result of excavation at a potash mine in neighboring Nong Bok district, operated by Sino-Agri International Potash Co., Ltd., a subsidiary of Asia Potash International Investment (Guangzhou) Co., Ltd., linked to entities directed by China’s governing State Council.

No one has been injured by the cave-ins, but villagers are anxious that more holes will appear.

Earlier this month, Lao authorities told the company to stop operations near the sinkholes.

But on Wednesday, an official with the government team investigating the matter told RFA Lao on condition of anonymity that Sino-Agri International “has never stopped operating near the sinkhole area.”

Residents, who also declined to be named due to security concerns, also confirmed to RFA that the potash mine “is still running,” and that they regularly hear operations underway near the sinkhole area.

Attempts by RFA to contact Sino-Agri International went unanswered.

An employee who wished to remain nameless said the company continues to work “both above and underground all the time,” adding that more workers are being hired.

No probe results yet

Meanwhile, after nearly two months, an investigation into the cause of the sinkholes wrapped up on Sunday, a government team member told RFA, but official results have yet to be released.

The team will hold another meeting next week to outline the investigation results, he said, noting that while the probe was initially expected to be completed by Jan. 21, there is no hard deadline.

(Khammouane News)

On Monday, Lao Nation Radio reported that the investigation had concluded, but cited a statement from the investigating team that it said had failed to address whether Sino-Agri International caused the sinkholes.

The statement said that Lao government officials are working with a team from the company to conduct a seismic survey of the site “by the beginning of February.”

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Residents angered

The latest information about the investigation comes nearly two weeks after residents expressed frustration with the probe’s initial findings, which state media said suggested that the sinkholes were unrelated to the potash mine.

On Jan. 16, Lao media cited a team from the Ministry of Energy and Mines, experts from Lao National University, and technicians from Sino-Agri International in a report as saying that “the activities of the potash mine may not be the cause of the sinkholes,” but noted that the investigation was still underway.

(Khammouane News)

Residents of Thakhek district were quick to dismiss the report.

“They [the city and provincial officials] are like that — they don’t want the villagers to know,“ said one resident at the time. ”But the truth is nothing like this has happened before ... The sinkholes are pretty close to their [the mine operator’s] drilling tunnel — no more than 150 meters (500 feet).”

‘We don’t know the real cause'

An official with the Ministry of Energy and Mines investigation team told RFA at the time that his group was working daily to find the cause of the sinkholes.

“As for the potash mine, we didn’t say it [the sinkholes] was related to the mine yet because we don’t know the real cause,” he said.

But other residents said that while Lao authorities had consulted with Sino-Agri International during the investigation, “they ignored our concerns.”

“It must be related to the mine since it happened while the tunnel was being drilled, and before exploration occurred,” another resident said. “Villagers can’t carry out a technical analysis, but according to our observation this is the first time something like this has happened [here] in decades.”

Translated by RFA Lao. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Lao.

On his first day back in the White House, Donald Trump moved to roll back protections for transgender people. In his inaugural address, Trump declared the U.S. government’s policy is “there are only two genders: male and female.” Chase Strangio, co-director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s LGBTQ & HIV Project, describes Trump’s executive orders aimed at pushing “a slew of policies that just seek to both eradicate trans people from civic and public life and also push trans people out of federal government.” “Trans people are bracing themselves for a lot of negative outcomes here, not just symbolic, but really material ones,” says Strangio. “I know the community is scared. I know people are confused. And in this chaos, we just have to come together and build all the forms of resistance we know how to.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

Israel is forcing two hospitals in northern Gaza to evacuate under threat of attack as its ethnic cleansing campaign continues.

Israeli forces have surrounded the Indonesian Hospital, where many staff and patients sought shelter after nearby Kamal Adwan Hospital was destroyed in an Israeli raid last week, reports Al Jazeera.

Late on Friday, a forced order to evacuate was also issued for the al-Awda Hospital, where 100 people are believed to be sheltering.

• READ MORE: ‘Suspend Israel ties’ plea to global medical professionals – Auckland hospital protest vigil over Gaza
• Other Israel’s war on Gaza reports

The evacuation order came today as New Zealand Palestine solidarity protesters followed a silent vigil outside Auckland Hospital yesterday with a rally in downtown Auckland’s Te Komititanga Square today, where doctors and other professional health staff called for support for Gaza’s besieged health facilities and protection for medical workers.

When one New Zealand medical professional recalled the first time that the Israel military bombed a hospital in in Gaza November 2023, the world was “ready to accept the the lies that Israel told then”.

“Of course, they wouldn’t bomb a hospital, who would bomb a hospital? That’s a horrible war crime, if must have been Hamas that bombed themselves.

“And the world let Israel get away with it. That’s the time that we knew if the world let Israel get away with it once, they would repeat it again and again and we would allow a dangerous precedent to be set where health care workers and health care centres would become targets over and over again.

“In the past year it is exactly what we have seen,” he said to cries of shame.

“We have seen not only the targeting of health care infrastructure, but the targeting of healthcare workers.

“The murdering of healthcare workers, of aid workers all across Gaza at the hands of Israel — openly without any word of opposition from our government, without a word of opposition from any global government about these war crimes and genocidal actions until today.”

In an impassioned speech about the devastating price that Gazans were paying for the Israeli war, New Zealand Palestinian doctor and Gaza survivor Dr Abdallah Gouda vowed that his people would keep their dream for an independent state of Palestine and “we will never leave Gaza”.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called for an investigation into the Israeli attacks on Gaza hospitals and medical workers.

Volker Türk told the UN Security Council meeting on the Middle East that Israeli claims of Hamas launching attacks from hospitals in Gaza were often “vague” and sometimes “contradicted by publicly available information”.

Palestine urges UN to end Gaza genocide, ‘Israeli impunity’
Riyad Mansour, the Palestinian envoy to the UN, said: “It is our collective responsibility to bring this hell to an end. It is our collective responsibility to bring this genocide to an end.”

Norway is the latest country to condemn the attacks on Gaza’s hospitals and medical workers.

On X, the country’s Foreign Ministry said that “urgent action” was needed to restore north Gaza’s hospitals, which were continuously subjected to Israeli attack.

Without naming Israel, the ministry said that “health workers, patients and hospitals are not lawful targets”.

Urgent action is needed to restore North Gaza’s hospitals and uphold international humanitarian law.

Protecting healthcare saves lives.
We share WHOs concern at #UNSC

Health workers, patients, and hospitals are not lawful targets. https://t.co/VWswcGhCex

— Norway MFA (@NorwayMFA) January 3, 2025

Israel ‘deprives 40,000’ of healthcare in northern Gaza
The Israeli military is systematically destroying hospitals in northern Gaza, the Gaza Government Media Office said.

In a statement, it said: “The Israeli occupation continues its heinous crimes and arbitrary aggression against hospitals and medical teams in northern Gaza, reflecting a dangerous and deliberate escalation.”

These acts, it added, were being carried out amid “unjustified silence of the international community and the UN Security Council”, violating international humanitarian law and human rights conventions.

The statement highlighted the destruction of Kamal Adwan Hospital, where its director, Dr Hussam Abu Safia, was arrested and reportedly subjected to physical and psychological abuse.

The GMO described these acts as “full-fledged war crimes”.

According to a recent report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Israeli military had conducted more than 136 air raids on at least 27 hospitals and 12 medical facilities across Gaza in the past eight months.

The GMO report demanded an independent international investigation into these violations and accountability for Israel in international courts.

Amnesty International criticises detention of Kamal Adwan doctor
Agnes Callamard, secretary-general of the human rights watchdog Amnesty International, said Israel’s detention of Dr Hussam Abu Safia underscored a pattern of “genocidal intent and genocidal acts” by Israel in Gaza.

“Dr Abu Safia’s unlawful detention is emblematic of the broader attacks on the healthcare sector in Gaza and Israel’s attempts to annihilate it,” Callamard said in a social media post.

“None of the medical staff abducted by Israeli forces since November 2023 from Gaza during raids on hospitals and clinics has been charged or put before a trial; those released after enduring unimaginable torture were never charged and did not stand trial.

“Those still detained remain held without charges or trial under inhumane conditions and at risk of torture,” she added.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

In recent days, a series of videos featuring Ravinder Singh Negi, a BJP corporator from Vinod Nagar, Delhi, have drawn significant attention and criticism on social media platforms. These videos depict Negi harassing and threatening Muslim shopkeepers, forcing them to disclose their religious identities publicly. On one hand, Muslim shopkeepers are coerced to display their full names and religious affiliations on shop boards. On the other hand, Hindu shopkeepers are pressured to display saffron flags or other religious markers on their establishments. This identification, according to Negi, would allow customers to recognise the religious identity of shopkeepers. Negi is seen in multiple videos promoting conspiracy theories, such as Muslims allegedly spitting in food, referred to as ‘spit jihad.’ By perpetuating such narratives, Negi contributes to creating distrust, suspicion, and communal rifts between Hindus and Muslims. Such generalisations not only fuel hatred but also promote the economic marginalisation of Muslim shopkeepers.

Case 1

In one widely circulated video, Ravinder Singh Negi asks a street vendor his name. Initially, the vendor identifies himself as Guddu, a name common across both Hindu and Muslim communities. However, Negi insists on having the vendor’s full name and religion. The vendor reveals that he is a Muslim and confirms that his Aadhaar card also lists his name as Guddu. Negi then threatens the vendor, stating that he must put up a board with his full name in front of his cart or risk having the cart confiscated. During the exchange, Negi makes unsubstantiated claims, alleging that members of “other communities” spit in food products such as paneer and milk and wash items with contaminated drain water. He also instructs nearby shopkeepers to display saffron flags on their shops to identify them as Hindu-owned establishments. 

There have been many cases where Hindu organisations and people associated with the BJP have pressured Muslim shopkeepers and vendors to write their names outside their shops and threatened them with dire consequences. There are deep implications behind the pressure put by Hindu organisations on shopkeepers, street vendors, etc. to place name plates on their shops, as it acts as a tool for social and economic exclusion. The ability to identify a shopkeeper’s religion through his name can lead to economic boycotting on the basis of religious affiliation. Its effects can be so dangerous that in many parts of India, names are often associated with caste-based surnames, the policy of displaying names is also capable of promoting caste-based discrimination and the evil practice of untouchability, which can lead to customers making shopping decisions based on the caste of the shopkeeper, which is contrary to the values ​​of the Indian constitution. 

Case 2

पटपड़गंज विधानसभा के मंडावली वार्ड में तोमर डेरी हिंदू नाम रखा है पर उसका असली नाम मुस्लिम नाम है, और हमने कहा कि आप अपना असली नाम रखिए हिंदू नाम रखकर हिंदुओं के साथ क्यों खिलवाड़ कर रहे हैं पटपड़गंज विधानसभा में बिल्कुल भी इस तरह की दुकान हम नहीं चलने देंगे जो हिंदू नाम रख रहे… pic.twitter.com/TtSLNZJCV9

— Ravinder Singh Negi (@ravinegi4bjp) September 27, 2024

In another incident that took place in Chander Vihar, Delhi, Negi approached the owner of a shop named ‘Tomar Dairy’ and demanded to know his name and religion. The shopkeeper introduced himself as Altamash Tomar and confirmed that he was a Muslim. Negi then questioned why the shop bore the name ‘Tomar’, a surname often associated with Hindu communities. He pressured the shopkeeper to replace the name with one that would clearly indicate his Muslim identity. Negi went on to threaten that failure to follow this would result in the shop being forcibly shut down.

Case 3

पटपड़गंज विधानसभा के विनोद नगर में रावल पनीर भंडार के नाम से दुकान खोली है, पर उनका असली नाम मोहम्मद अयान खान है, हमने उनसे कहा कि अपने हिंदू नाम क्यों रखा है, अगर आपने डेरी चलानी है,तो अपना मुस्लिम नाम रखिए आपको परेशानी क्या है, तो उन्होंने तुरंत कहना माना और उन्होंने कहा कि कल… pic.twitter.com/IzxW1SxPRu

— Ravinder Singh Negi (@ravinegi4bjp) September 24, 2024

In a similar incident in Patparganj, Delhi, Negi targeted a shop called “Rawal Paneer Bhandar.” Upon questioning, the shopkeeper revealed his name as Mohammad Ayaan. Negi then ordered the shopkeeper to remove the existing shop banner and replace it with a name that explicitly identified him as a Muslim. 

There are numerous such videos in which Negi is forcing Muslim shopkeepers to write their names outside their shops and Hindu shopkeepers are being asked to put religious flags on their shops, so that people can identify that these are Hindu shops and receive more visitors.

Case 4

In this video, Negi is seen questioning vegetable vendors, asking them their names and religious affiliations. Hindu vendors are told to display saffron flags on their carts as a marker of their religious identity. Once again, Negi repeats the conspiracy theory about spitting in food items like cheese and milk.

Case 5

In another case, Negi checked the name of a juice shop owner through a digital payment app. Upon confirming that the owner was a Muslim, Negi demanded that the shopkeeper displayed a board with his name in front of the shop. Negi argued that this was necessary for “people who observe fasts” to know the identity of the shop owner before purchasing food or drinks.

Case 6

Similar to the previous incident, Negi visited a paneer shop, checked the owner’s name through a payment app, and confirmed that the shopkeeper was a Muslim. He then ordered the shopkeeper to put up a sign explicitly identifying himself as a Muslim so that Hindu customers could identify him as one.

Case 7

In another incident, Negi approached Rizwan, the Muslim owner of a shop named ‘New Haryana Paneer Bhandar’. He demanded that Rizwan put up a board displaying his name to ensure customers were aware of his religious identity. 

Negi’s harassment of Muslim shopkeepers continued during Hindu religious festivals and periods, like the month of Sawan, Chhatth Puja and Navratri. He also has videos featuring him doing so on his social media. 

Case 8

A day before Chhath Puja, Negi visited a Muslim-run meat shop and demanded that it remain closed due to the festival happening the next day, citing the religious sensitivities of Hindus passing in processions through the area.

Case 9

During the Kanwar Yatra, Negi approached another Muslim meat shop owner and ordered that the shop remained closed the following day as Hindu devotees would be performing rituals.

Case 10

During Navratri, Negi pressured fish and meat shopkeepers to shut their shops. In a video, he is heard threatening the vendors, saying, “I have to stay here for five years. If you obey me, you will be able to work peacefully.”

In July 2024, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath ordered all hotels located along the Kanwar Yatra route to display boards with the owners’ names. Likewise, BJP-ruled Ujjain Municipal Corporation and officials in Uttarakhand issued orders requiring shop owners to display nameplates in Ujjain. Uttarakhand chief minister Pushkar Singh Dhami defended this, citing instances of shop owners using fake names.

However, the Supreme Court intervened taking a strong stance against such measures. The court ruled that while shop owners can be instructed to provide information about the type of food they sold, they could not be compelled to disclose their names or religious identities.

Many street vendors and shopkeepers across India are already marginalised, migrating from rural areas to urban centers in search of livelihood. Forcing them to disclose their religious or caste identities exposes them to the risk of economic boycott and social discrimination, which could have severe consequences on their livelihoods and the overall social fabric of a local community. 

The post Threats, conspiracy claims, closure orders: How Delhi BJP neta Ravinder Negi tyrannizes Muslim vendors appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Abhishek Kumar.

On November 16, the official Twitter account of BJP Jharkhand (@BJP4Jharkhand) released a controversial video amid the ongoing state assembly elections. The video portrays Muslims as “infiltrators” taking over a Hindu family’s home. Although the video has since been deleted, a screenshot of the same can be seen below.

The one-minute video depicts a house with the flag of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) at the entrance. The occupants, embodying an affluent lifestyle, see their morning peace shattered by the sudden intrusion of a group characterized as poor Muslims. The newcomers, dressed in tattered clothes, disrupt the household, displaying what the video frames as “uncivilized” behavior. In exaggerated and stereotypical portrayals, they jump on sofas, soil furniture, and hang laundry indoors. A man bathes in the house, while another uses a traditional instrument, a ‘pinjar,’ to beat cotton. These chaotic scenes reinforce damaging stereotypes, contrasting the “refined” Hindu family with the “disruptive” Muslim outsiders.

Towards the end of the video, two of these “infiltrators” suggest that the JMM, the political party the family supported, is responsible for their predicament. They argue that the destruction of their basti should include the destruction of the house itself.

After reviewing the complaint, made by JMM and the Indian National Congress, the Election Commission of India issued a notice on November 17, concluding that the social media post uploaded by the Jharkhand unit of the BJP is prima facie violative of the MCC, referring to the Model Code of Conduct, a set of guidelines issued by the ECI that political parties must adhere to during the time of elections. The notice cited Section 79(3)(b) of the IT Act, and advised the State poll chief to direct the party to take down the video. A notice was also issued to the BJP Jharkhand unit for them to explain their violation of the provisions set forth by the MCC.

Following complaints from the JMM and the Indian National Congress, the Election Commission of India (ECI) issued a notice on November 17, stating that the video violated the Model Code of Conduct (MCC). The ECI directed BJP Jharkhand to remove the post and explain its actions under the guidelines of the MCC and Section 79(3)(b) of the IT Act.

ECI’s order directing BJP to take down a social media post, which was alleged to contain a “communal, malicious and misleading video.”

ECI prima facie finds the social media post to be violative of the Model Code of Conduct.#BJP #JharkhandAssemblyElections2024 pic.twitter.com/tPib1jthRc

— Live Law (@LiveLawIndia) November 19, 2024

Controversial video still available on WhatsApp Channel

While the video was removed from Twitter after being flagged, it remains available on BJP Jharkhand’s verified WhatsApp channel, where it continues to be shared and downloaded at the time of this writing.

The Right Wing’s take on the video

Right-wing influencers on social media rallied in support of the advertisement, amplifying its divisive message.

Self-professed ‘Hindu Rights Activist’ Raushan Sinha posted from his verified X account (@MrSinha_), retweeting the controversial video and applauding it for depicting something ‘…so close to reality.’ He urged his followers to amplify the video, which, had seen close to 3 lakh views through his account alone. He has now deleted the tweet. (Archive)

Mahesh Vikram Hegde (@mvmeet), whose X account is followed by the official handle of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, tweeted an incendiary message warning Hindus of alleged Muslim infiltration, claiming that Muslims are now entering homes “without permission”. (Archive)

Musl!ms have Successfully infiltrated into our “COUNTRY”!

Musl!ms have Successfully infiltrated into our “TOWN”!

Now slowly, Musl!ms are infiltrating into our “LAND”!!

Tommorow, Musl!m’s will directly enter our own “HOUSE”, even without permission!!

DEAR HINDU…Have you… pic.twitter.com/Oc7slK670c

— Mahesh Vikram Hegde (@mvmeet) November 19, 2024

Journalist Abhijit Majumder (@abhijitmajumder) also tweeted from his verified X handle, applauding the controversial advertisement for showing ‘educated Indians’ the consequences of their voting. (Archive)

This BJP ad is strong stuff.
Educated Indians must begin to realise who they are voting for, what they are bringing in with their casual indifference, selfishness, and shortsightedness. #Jharkhand https://t.co/eMwySWz30c

— Abhijit Majumder (@abhijitmajumder) November 17, 2024

Megh Updates (@MeghUpdates), which regularly posts propaganda and disinformation on their channel, also complemented the BJP Jharkhand unit for the advertisment. (Archive)

BJP Jharkhand on front foothttps://t.co/zN52ZyiuZ7

— Megh Updates (@MeghUpdates) November 17, 2024

The advertisement uses xenophobic undertones to depict Muslims as threats to Hindu households, mirroring BJP’s electoral promise of “driving out infiltrators“. It trivializes poverty and homelessness, employing stark visual metaphors to stir anti-Muslim sentiments. Such messages risk deepening societal divides, underscoring the need for responsible political discourse during elections.

The post BJP Jharkhand’s latest ad: A dogwhistle on ‘Muslim Infiltrators’; EC orders takedown amid Right-Wing support appeared first on Alt News.

This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Prantik Ali.

The decision is a new blow to press freedom in Guatemala. Zamora, president of the now defunct elPeriódico newspaper, had already spent 813 days in jail and experienced years of government harassment after his reporting challenged the country’s political elite. 

Zamora was sentenced to six years imprisonment in June 2023 on money laundering charges, which were widely criticized as politically motivated. An appeals court overturned his conviction in October 2023; the retrial has been delayed by ongoing procedural hurdles.

CPJ has repeatedly urged the Guatemalan government, especially President Bernardo Arévalo, to end Zamora’s prosecution and the harassment of his family and the journalistic community. 

In an interview with CPJ before the overturning of his house arrest, Zamora discussed the personal toll of these charges, his unyielding commitment to press freedom, and the growing threats faced by journalists in Guatemala’s increasingly repressive environment.

The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

What is it like to return home after more than 800 days in prison?

Returning home has been an experience full of intense emotions and unexpected moments. When I arrived home, my friends who had supported me throughout the entire process came with me to my house — 10 people who, during my imprisonment, brought me food and visited me once a week. After spending the night with them, I only slept for a few hours. 

When I woke up, I found out that the directors of the Inter American Press Association (IAPA), who were gathered in Córdoba, Argentina, wanted to speak with me. And from there, calls and interviews began, one after another.

Diplomats and media from all over the world want to speak with me, and when I go for my daily walk — about 10 kilometers [6.2 miles] a day — people stop to greet me, take photos, and offer their support. 

I appreciate the affection, but sometimes I feel overwhelmed. I wasn’t prepared for so much attention. I’m a shy person; I feel more comfortable writing than speaking in public, and this has been a big change. I also have health issues that I need to attend to, but I am here, trying to adapt.

I’m prepared, knowing they could come to take me back at any moment. And I’m ready here for when they come, to go back again. And I will come out again, and the time will come when they have to let me go free. 

How was your experience in the Mariscal Zavala prison, located at a military base in northern Guatemala City? 

Mariscal Zavala was a shock. They took me [in July 2022], with 18 armed men, and put me in a cell without any explanation.

I spent 14 days without sleep, with purple lights, and unable to communicate with my lawyers. During that time, they put insects in my cell that left wounds on my arms and legs. I also got poisoned by an insecticide that I managed to obtain to control the pests. Despite all this, my conditions improved when the new government changed: I was given better conditions, with light, heating, and more dignity.

The prosecutor’s office says it does not pursue you as a journalist but as a business owner. How do you respond to these statements?

For me, it is hard to conceive that José Rubén Zamora is not a journalist, as I have dedicated my entire life to this profession. They persecuted me and tried to imprison me just for doing my job. And when you add that they were seeking sentences for up to 20 years — the same maximum sentence given for crimes like money laundering or extortion — and they show as evidence my opinion columns, the argument that they are after me as a businessman loses all credibility.

Who is behind this, and why are they pursuing you?

What we’ve lived through in Guatemala has been a sinister metamorphosis of our democracy. Every four years, we elect a president who, rather than being a legitimate leader, is a thief, and he governs with the support of high-ranking military structures, organized crime, and monopolies. They’ve always been bothered by the fact that our newspaper did not align with their interests, that we were independent and denounced corruption and drug trafficking, which are part of that system.

Since 2007, a criminal structure has consolidated its power. It’s a web of interests that has taken over the country and is indifferent to the people’s problems. This is a power alliance that, although it has succeeded in persecuting me, has paid a high price. I think it would have been better for them if I had continued with my newspaper because, in the end, exposing their corruption was less damaging than my imprisonment.

​​This is not the first time you’ve found yourself in a dangerous situation because of your reporting. How has this affected you and your family?

My children never gave up. Despite the damage to their lives, they were always relentless. They worked tirelessly for my liberation and didn’t feel ashamed. The youngest one aimed to be an academic, was building a solid career and had to leave with her mother because they were after him. They even sent people to arrest him, but they were able to leave the country first. Now, he’s without a job, without documents, and his future is uncertain. It has been very tough for them and me, but they keep moving forward with strength.

In 2023, the Court of Appeals annulled your sentence on money laundering charges. What does this mean for you legally and personally?

I still don’t know the final impact. I have requested that we return to the hearing for the presentation of evidence, and I hope to present the testimonies of experts and the person who made the transaction with me. Additionally, I trust that the case regarding the travel receipts and the obstruction charge, which I consider ridiculous, will be dismissed at the intermediate hearing. The case has been intentionally delayed, but sooner or later, it will have to be resolved. If that happens, it will allow my wife to return.

What is the current status of the legal cases you are facing?

The trial that will be repeated is the most important, and I hope to present my evidence at that time. For this, the first hearing for the charges of money laundering and extortion is scheduled for September 25, 2025; there, they will set up a second hearing, likely in 2026. The case has no foundation, as the prosecutor’s office is setting up an extortion case, but they have no people to testify against either for that or for money laundering.

At one point, I was offered the possibility of going home if I accepted the charges and apologized to [former president Alejandro] Giammattei, his associate Miguel Martínez, and the press for my “immoralities.” When I refused, they began to create a second case to persecute my wife and my young son with charges of document falsification. The prosecutor’s office claims the signatures were fake, but those travel documents were legally issued by immigration.

Also, all of this happened in a unilateral hearing where I was not informed of the charges nor allowed to defend myself. This case has no evidence, but what the prosecutor’s office does is that every time there is a hearing, the judge is denounced, and the prosecutors do not show up, which leaves the case stalled.

What has the freezing of your accounts and seizure of all assets meant for you? How did the closure of the newspaper impact you?

It was devastating. Before the pandemic, I had no debts, but now I have obligations with the banks that I can’t even cover since my accounts have been frozen for two years. It’s a constant pressure.

Now elPeriódico is closed. How did you experience that process?

It was a solitary process. I witnessed the collapse of everything without being able to do anything. 

I came to believe that no matter who defended me — whether the best lawyer in the world or someone without experience — the result was going to be the same. That acceptance gave me a deep sense of serenity because I understood that I no longer had control over anything. It was a moment where I decided to just go with the flow, let myself be carried by the current, and I even thought that I might spend the rest of my life in prison. 

If it weren’t for organizations like the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), who not only helped me get out but also gave me solidarity and support I never expected, I don’t know how I would have been able to continue.

What impact do you think elPeriódico’s closure had on Guatemala and its press?

Guatemala lost one of its most belligerent and irreverent voices. Although the country still has several media outlets, our newspaper stood out for being against abuses of power, state terrorism, impunity, and corruption. We fought for democracy, freedom, and equality of opportunities. We were probably the most uncomfortable and bothersome media for the powerful. 

Despite being small, we knew that we caused significant moral damage to the country’s big thieves, which gave us great satisfaction.

How do you view the current press freedom situation in Guatemala, especially in relation to the journalists who investigate and publish the abuses of power under this government, compared to the previous one?

This president is an exception. He is a decent man, but he lacks control over Congress and the judicial system. The prosecutor’s office is also going after him, and I am sure they will try to remove his immunity to subject him to a legal process.

It’s encouraging to see that many journalists are still working and haven’t given up, even though they face constant risks. The fight for freedom is not philosophical; it is existential. It’s a daily conquest that is achieved by rejecting the abuses of the established power.

Looking ahead, do you see yourself continuing in journalism?

I would like to continue in journalism, but my lawyers have advised me to be cautious. They imprisoned me for two reasons: for traveling too much and because I can influence the media. That’s why, until at least the next two years pass, I must avoid speaking publicly, although it is very difficult for me to stay silent. 

Despite everything, I will always keep fighting. We must maintain our patience, courage, and faith without losing hope. It’s essential to develop the ability to overcome our fears and, whenever possible, break barriers. 

In the end, freedom is the fundamental pillar of democracy.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Dánae Vílchez.

In an October 25 resolution, Peru Supreme Court Judge Juan Carlos Checkley ordered the Attorney General’s office to compel IDL-Reporteros to turn over audio recordings that were part of its 2018 investigation into judicial corruption and to interrogate Gorriti, its editor-in-chief.

“It is appalling that the Peruvian judicial system is being used to prosecute IDL-Reporteros and Gustavo Gorriti for their work investigating issues of public interest,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, in São Paulo. “CPJ insists that freedom of expression and the right to maintain confidential sources be respected.”

The resolution came in response to a request from César Hinostroza, a fugitive former Supreme Court judge who fled to Belgium. Hinostroza, whose recorded conversations with government officials formed part of IDL-Reporteros’ 2018 investigation, is under investigation for corruption and influence peddling.

Gorriti told CPJ that the aim of Checkley’s order is to get IDL-Reporteros to reveal the names of its sources from the 2018 investigation. “No matter what happens, we are not going to reveal our confidential sources,” he said via messaging app.

Adriana León, spokesperson for the Lima-based Institute for Press and Society, told CPJ that Peru’s constitution protects the rights of journalists to maintain the secrecy of confidential sources.

There was no response to CPJ’s calls to the Attorney General’s office.

 A 1998 IPFA awardee, Gorriti is Peru’s most prominent investigative reporter. In 2009, he founded IDL-Reporteros, the journalism arm of the Legal Defense Institute, an independent organization dedicated to fighting corruption and improving justice in Peru.

Partly as a result of IDL-Reporteros’ scoops, dozens of Peruvian public officials, lawyers, judges, and business people are under investigation for criminal acts. But there has also been a fierce backlash against IDL-Reporteros and Gorriti, who has been targeted by right-wing protesters and government officials.

In July 2018, CPJ reported that police and prosecution officials went to IDL-Reporteros’ office to demand they hand over materials used in stories about government corruption, but left after they were unable to show a warrant.

In March 2024, a public prosecutor in Lima launched a bribery investigation of Gorriti for allegedly promoting the work of two public prosecutors in exchange for scoops about political corruption investigations. Gorriti has called that investigation “absurd.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The Philippine Supreme Court has granted temporary protection to an environmental activist abducted in Pangasinan earlier this year.

In its resolution dated September 9 — but only made public this week — the court granted Francisco “Eco” Dangla III’s petition for temporary protection, and prohibited the respondents, including high-ranking soldiers and police officers, to be near the activist’s location.

“Furthermore, you, respondents, and all persons and entities acting and operating under your directions, instructions, and orders are PROHIBITED from entering within a radius of one kilometer of the person, places of residence, work, and present locations of petitioner and his immediate family,” the resolution read.

• READ MORE:  ‘We will cut out your tongue’: Filipino activists recount kidnap ordeal
• ‘Bruised but alive’: Missing environmental activists in Pangasinan found safe
• Other Filipino activist reports

The respondents are:

• Philippine Army chief Lieutenant General Roy Galido
• Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Police General Rommel Francisco Marbil
• Brigadier General Gulliver Señires (in his capacity as 702nd Brigade commanding general Brigadier)
• Ilocos Region police chief Police Brigadier General Lou Evangelista
• Police Colonel Jeff Fanged (in his capacity as Pangasinan police chief)

Aside from giving Dangla temporary protection, the court also granted his petition for writs of amparo and habeas data. A writ of amparo is a legal remedy, which is usually a protection order in the form of a restraining order.

The writ of habeas data compels the government to destroy information that could cause harm.

These extraordinary writs are usually invoked by activists and progressives in the Philippines as they face intimidation from the government and its forces.

Dangla’s abduction
Dangla and another activist, Joxelle Tiong, were abducted in Pangasinan last March 24.

According to witnesses, they saw two men who were forced to board a vehicle in Barangay Polo, San Carlos City.

The two activists, who who had been red-tagged for their advocacies, were serving as convenors of the Pangasinan People’s Strike for the Environment.

They “vocally defended the people and ecosystems of Pangasinan against the harms of coal-fired power plants, nuclear power plants, incinerator plants, and offshore mining in Lingayen Gulf,” at the time of their abduction.

Three days later, several groups announced that Dangla and Tiong were found safe, but that the two had gone through a “harrowing ordeal.”

The reality
The protection given to Dangla is only temporary as the Court of Appeals still needs to conduct hearings on the petition. In other words, the Supreme Court only granted the writ, but the power to whether grant or deny Dangla the privilege of the writs of amparo and habeas data lies with the Court of Appeals.

There have been instances where the appellate court granted activists the privilege of writ of amparo, like in the case of labour activists Loi Magbanua and Ador Juat, where the court issued permanent protection orders for them and their immediate families.

Unfortunately, this was not the case for other activists, such as young environmentalists Jhed Tamano and Jonila Castro.

The two were first reported missing by activist groups. Security forces later said they were “safe and sound” and that they had allegedly “voluntarily surrendered” to the military.

However, Tamano and Castro went off-script during a press conference organised by the anti-insurgency task force and revealed that they were actually abducted.

In February, the High Court granted the two temporary protection and their writs of amparo and habeas data petitions. However, the appellate court in August denied the protection order for Tamano and Castro.

Associate Justice Emily San Gaspar-Gito fully dissented in the decision and said: “It would be uncharacteristic for the courts, especially this court, to simply fold their arms and ignore the palpable threats to petitioners’ life, liberty and security and just wait for the irreversible to happen to them.”

Republished with permission from Rappler.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

In recent days, the civilian death toll across the occupied Gaza Strip has continued to mount and horrifying scenes have emerged following deadly Israeli air strikes, particularly in the North Gaza governorate. Civilians have had to endure relentless Israeli bombardment and shelling, without access to basic supplies critical for the survival of the civilian population, including food and clean water.

It has been nine months since the ICJ warned the risk of genocide in Gaza is real yet Israeli authorities continue to violate the provisional measures ordered by the court.
Heba Morayef, Amnesty International

The latest “evacuation” orders issued by the Israeli military to cities and camps across the North Gaza governorate on 7, 10 and 12 October and the tightened siege on the area are a terrifying escalation of the long list of horrors inflicted on people living in the area north of Wadi Gaza since October 2023.

“The Israeli military has intensified its efforts to forcibly displace the entirety of the civilian population in the area north of Wadi Gaza to the south, starting with the North Gaza governorate, forcing civilians to choose between starvation or displacement, while their homes and streets are relentlessly pounded by bombs and shells,” said Heba Morayef, Middle East and North Africa’s Regional Director at Amnesty International.

“The world must stop standing by while Israel uses siege, starvation and atrocity crimes to forcibly displace and destroy civilians and civilian life. These orders must be rescinded and there must be an immediate ceasefire by all parties to halt the avalanche of suffering that has been engulfing civilians in Gaza for over a year.”

A year ago, on 12 October 2023, an estimated 1.1 million Palestinians living in the area north of Wadi Gaza were subjected to an unlawful mass “evacuation” order, which forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee south, seeking safety. For many months, the hundreds of thousands of people who remained north of Wadi Gaza were largely cut off from the rest of the Strip by a fortified Israeli military zone. In December 2023, the world’s leading experts on famine reported that hunger was particularly widespread and severe there, yet Israeli authorities repeatedly obstructed and denied humanitarian access to the area. In recent days the situation has grown even more desperate following the Israeli military’s tightened siege on the area. All three partially functioning hospitals in the north – Kamal Adwan, Al-Awda, and the Indonesian hospital – face “evacuation” orders.

“After a year of death and destruction, it is agonizing to hear from doctors in North Gaza that they have to perform multiple amputations every day, or from families trapped under siege that dozens of unrecognisable bodies are scattered on the streets or that people are unable to bury their loved ones amidst ceaseless bombardment. The scenes coming out of Jabalia refugee camp have been especially harrowing, for over a week, residents of the camp have been scared to leave their homes, even to look for a bag of flour for fear of being shot by the omnipresent quadcopter drones. What remains beyond any comprehension is how the international community has let this horror continue to happen again and again,” said Heba Morayef.

“It has been nine months since the ICJ warned the risk of genocide in Gaza is real yet Israeli authorities continue to violate the provisional measures ordered by the court.”

Global leaders must demand an immediate ceasefire to alleviate the unprecedented suffering that we have been witnessing over the past year. Israel has been emboldened, with the help of arms transfers from states like the US, to continue its destructive course in Gaza with total impunity.

“As well as an immediate ceasefire and an end to Israel’s cruel and inhuman blockade on Gaza and its siege in the north, Israel must grant independent monitors immediate access to Gaza to investigate all attacks. There must be accountability for the devastation that has been waged against the people of Gaza over the past year,” said Heba Morayef.

Background

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

We speak with Dr. Mohammed Salha, the acting director of Al-Awda Hospital at the Jabaliya refugee camp in northern Gaza, as Israel continues to escalate attacks against northern Gaza and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is considering implementing a “surrender or starve” policy there. Palestinians in north Gaza report Israeli forces are conducting a strict and deadly siege while bombing more tent encampments, hospitals and schools this weekend. “They are putting the people and the hospitals under siege,” says Salha, who notes Israel has ordered the hospital to evacuate. “We will not leave our patients behind us. We have to save them. We have to provide them the healthcare that they need.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

Lebanese Prime Minsiter Najib Mikati says Lebanon is now facing “one of the most dangerous phases of its history,” as the Israeli military claims to have begun launching “limited and targeted raids” in southern Lebanon. However, Hezbollah has denied that Israeli soldiers have actually entered Lebanon. The possible Israeli ground operation comes after two weeks of Israeli attacks on Lebanon that have killed over 1,000 people and forced over a million Lebanese to evacuate. While Biden called for a ceasefire, U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin spoke to Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on Monday and affirmed U.S. support for Israeli actions along Lebanon’s border. “Israel is ultimately undermining U.S. interests in the Middle East,” says Beirut-based political and security analyst Ali Rizk. “Benjamin Netanyahu … wants to go down in history as the person who was able to successfully defeat the major enemy of Israel.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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A New York judge has ordered one of the city’s most prominent guardianship companies to return thousands of dollars to an elderly woman for the court-mandated care and oversight it failed to provide her.

Supreme Court Justice Lee Mayersohn wrote in an Aug. 8 decision that the company, New York Guardianship Services, billed Judith Zbiegniewicz monthly but provided “minimal services, if any” for years, including at the height of the coronavirus pandemic.

During that time, Zbiegniewicz, who was living under guardianship for depression and anxiety, said she and her husband spent a night on the streets, moved into a city shelter and finally found affordable housing on their own.

Zbiegniewicz and her decade-long journey through the state’s broken guardianship system were the subject of a ProPublica investigation earlier this year. The reporting showed how that system, which is plagued by chronic delays, lax regulation and minimal oversight, has failed to protect thousands of aging and sick New Yorkers who judges have declared incapable of managing their own affairs.

The people most affected are poor wards like Zbiegniewicz who have no friends or family willing to look after them — a group dubbed “the unbefriended” in industry parlance. To care for this group, the city relies on a network of nonprofits. New York Guardianship Services represented itself as one such group and was assigned by the court to be Zbiegniewicz’s guardian.

Despite its representations, NYGS, which serves hundreds of wards, is not actually registered as a nonprofit with state and federal authorities, ProPublica found.

For roughly a decade, the company paid itself from Zbiegniewicz’s bank account, even as she complained about deteriorating living conditions. The problems that she described — living with bedbugs, rats and no heat — persisted for years, and NYGS did little or nothing to fix them while it collected monthly stipends from her limited funds. She said that she eventually tried to reach Mayersohn to flag the neglect and hold NYGS accountable but that her attempts were unsuccessful. The judge’s secretary, she said, simply referred her calls back to the guardianship company.

That changed in June though, after Zbiegniewicz attended a hearing to formally dispute NYGS’ accounting — protests she had previously articulated in a letter to the judge. During a court appearance, she complained to Mayersohn about her time as a ward of NYGS. She said she told him that there was “no excuse for what they put me through.”

Mayersohn’s decision, informed by that hearing, requires the company to return $5,400 to Zbiegniewicz for some of the fees it took between January 2019 and July 2022, a stretch in which she effectively lived on her own outside the guardianship.

The order separately requires the bank that owned the rat-and-bedbug-infested Queens home where NYGS placed Zbiegniewicz to honor a prior housing court settlement, which it has yet to pay. Under the deal, the bank owes Zbiegniewicz $5,000. If it doesn’t pay, she can seek to reclaim the money in court, though Zbiegniewicz said she was skeptical that the effort and cost of doing so would be worth it. An attorney for the bank didn’t respond to a message seeking comment.

In an interview, Zbiegniewicz said that she was pleased with the ruling, but that she was more happy that Mayersohn finally heard directly from her. She also said that she wanted NYGS to be held to account for its actions.

“I got some kind of justice, but the justice would be if they would be taken out of guardianships completely because they do not do anything for the people,” she said.

As part of its reporting, ProPublica identified more than a dozen cases like Zbiegniewicz’s in which NYGS failed to meet the needs of those entrusted to its care. In one case, a woman who’d had two strokes was placed in a nursing home where she was left to sit in soiled diapers, a family member said. In another case, the company continued to collect payments for a man’s care even after he left the country and later died.

Brothers Sam and David Blau, who run NYGS, and a lawyer for the group did not respond to an email seeking comment on the judge’s decision. In response to ProPublica’s previous reporting, Sam Blau, the group’s chief financial officer, said that “we are accountable to the Court” and emphasized that the group’s financial paperwork was scrutinized by examiners who had the power to raise issues. He called the reporting “misguided, without full and proper context, filled with omissions and less than accurate information” but wouldn’t specify what his concerns were when asked. He declined to comment on any specific cases.

Zbiegniewicz credited ProPublica’s investigation for the judge’s action in her case — an uncommon occurrence in New York’s troubled guardianship system. But she also noted it took years of sustained protest on her part, a level of persistence that many ailing and elderly New Yorkers in guardianship cannot manage.

“I’ve done what I could, I feel good about it, the judge heard, you wrote things,” she said. “Maybe somebody will see and maybe somewhere, down the line, somebody will do something about it.”

This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Jake Pearson.

The Chicago mayor’s office ordered the removal of more than 80 multirack newspaper boxes that dispensed news publications to the downtown area, just prior to the city’s hosting of the Democratic National Convention in August 2024, according to local media.

The racks, installed per a 1996 city ordinance to consolidate and standardize Chicago’s disparate freestanding newspaper distribution boxes, had been used by free alternative and community papers and magazines such as Chicago Reader, South Side Weekly and Newcity to reach their audiences, especially in underserved communities, local media reported.

With the shift to digital formats, the racks were used less frequently, and some had become filled with trash or covered with graffiti.

Brian Hieggelke, the editor and publisher of Newcity, told the U.S. Press Freedom Tracker that the city did not inform him in advance of the decision, “in spite of decades of regular communications with the city and their vendor,” outdoor advertising company JCDecaux.

Hieggelke, who also heads the Chicago Newsrack Task Force established to facilitate communication between Chicago media outlets and the city about the racks, said he first received a report of a few newsracks being removed Aug. 7.

Then, on Aug. 16, after learning that more had been removed, he contacted JCDecaux. The firm’s representative replied: “City instructed us 2 weeks ago to permanently dismount all 83 newsracks. This is not a JCD decision. We only follow City’s directives. I was under the impression you were made aware by the City, before they instructed us to start with the dismounts.”

Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson’s spokesperson was quoted by South Side Weekly Investigations Editor Jim Daley, in an Aug. 16 post on the social platform X, as saying that the decision to remove the racks was made “based on the public health and safety risks, as well as their deteriorating condition and limited use.”

Daley also quoted the spokesperson as saying that the publications were free to use their own individual newsracks. But an account in the Chicago Reader said news boxes cost anywhere between $200 and $250.

Solomon Lieberman, chief executive officer and publisher of the Chicago Reader, said in a post on X and in an email newsletter that the removals had a serious impact on the paper and the Chicago community. “Thousands of copies of the Reader have nowhere to go this week—copies that include advertising purchased months in advance by some of the most important arts-and-cultural organizations in the city,” Lieberman wrote.

This content originally appeared on U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database and was authored by U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database.

“Turkish authorities continue to practice the ‘virtual patrolling’ and censorship of social media users under the false guise of national security,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “The request to block access to multiple X accounts, including those of journalists and media, will have a negative effect on press freedom in Turkey, where media have already worked under constant government restraints.” 

On August 20, a criminal court in the northeast city of Gümüşhane ordered 69 X accounts, including those of at least three journalists and a media outlet, to be blocked from access inside Turkey. The court ruling was issued in response to request by the local military police to stop “terrorist organization propaganda,” according to reports. The court document, reviewed by CPJ, did not specify the nature of the alleged terrorist propaganda. 

The list of accounts CPJ reviewed included those of politicians, activists and individuals from various countries. As of August 27, some of those accounts were not accessible from inside Turkey, while others were suspended or deleted. The accounts of Amberin Zaman, chief correspondent for the independent news website Al Monitor; Deniz Tekin, a correspondent for the local media freedom group MLSA in the southeastern city of Diyarbakır; and the pro-Kurdish daily Yeni Yaşam were accessible despite being included on the court list. The account of Öznur Değer, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish news site JİNNEWS, was inaccessible. 

The Constitutional Court of Turkey canceled the Turkish police force’s authority for “virtual patrolling” in 2020 due to the right to privacy and the protection of personal data. However, the Turkish security forces continue the practice.

CPJ emailed Turkey’s interior ministry, which oversees the military police, for comment but didn’t receive a reply. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

The murky Chinese-run special economic zone, or SEZ, along the Mekong River in Bokeo province is a gambling and tourism hub catering to Chinese visitors as well as a haven for online fraud, human trafficking, prostitution and illegal drug activities.

Scamming operations run by Chinese nationals who try to trick people into fake investments are rife in the zone and typically employ Laotians and other Asians trafficked to the area to work in the call centers. Many of the workers are mistreated and prevented from leaving the premises.

Following an Aug. 9 meeting between the governor of Bokeo province, high-ranking officials from the Lao Ministry of Public Security, and Zhao Wei, the chairman of the Golden Triangle SEZ, Lao authorities ordered all scam centers to be “completely shut down by Aug. 25,” according to state media reports and an official from the public security ministry.

The official who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns, told RFA Lao on Monday that the centers were given the opportunity to “remove all of their belongings by the deadline.”

“After that, we’ll set up a special force to enforce the order,” he said.

In the first half of 2024, as many as 400 call centers were operating in the Golden Triangle SEZ, up from 305 a year earlier, the official said. The centers have mostly targeted Chinese, prompting authorities in China to team up with their counterparts in Laos to tackle the problem.

As of Monday, Lao and Chinese authorities have carried out nine raids, arresting and deporting 1,389 scammers, he said, including 1,211 Chinese nationals, 145 Vietnamese, 16 Malaysians, 13 Ethiopians and four Burmese.

Amid the scrutiny, “some of them [the call centers] shifted into online gambling centers,” the official said. “Those that were arrested and deported were not big fish; they were small fish that were hired by Chinese to work as scammers.”

Order welcomed

Residents of Bokeo welcomed the Lao government’s ultimatum.

“Getting rid of the crooks is a good move; my hat goes off to those authorities who follow the government’s policy,” said one man who lives near the SEZ. “A lot of people lost money by transferring it via their mobile phones to scammers.”

The owner of a guesthouse in SEZ said that getting rid of the scammers has been long overdue.

But he acknowledged that when the centers are shut down, “the SEZ will be empty – the hotels, guesthouses and restaurants will have no customers.”

The order to evacuate came a week after Lao authorities raided several call centers in the Golden Triangle SEZ, detaining and deporting 154 Vietnamese and 29 Chinese for their alleged involvement in the scams.

In January, Laos repatriated 268 Chinese citizens suspected of scamming while living or working at the SEZ.

In November 2023, Lao authorities arrested more than 430 Chinese nationals who appeared to be involved in fraudulent call center operations in the SEZ, and handed them over to their Chinese counterparts for deportation. 

And that September, the Lao Ministry of Public Security deported 164 Chinese arrested in Vientiane and other Lao provinces, including Bokeo. Nearly 50 of them were arrested in the Golden Triangle SEZ and believed to be involved in running call centers. 

Translated by RFA Lao. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Lao.

 Myanmar’s economy has been in crisis since the military overthrew an elected government in early 2021, facing significant economic challenges as conflict, macroeconomic instability and dislocation constrained production. The kyat currency has plunged from about 1,350 to the dollar before the coup to about 4,500 to the dollar now, fueling inflation.

 The junta, battling a growing insurgency and widespread opposition to its rule, has responded with various measures including cracking down on gold and rice traders to stop them putting up their prices and on the property sector to prevent people buying flats abroad. 

 In another effort to boost foreign reserves, the junta announced late last year that Myanmar nationals living and working in Thailand were required to pay Myanmar income tax, and it also began pressuring migrant workers to send their salaries home.

 Now it is seeking more. In a directive that came into effect on Aug. 1, the junta said that the estimated 250,000 migrant workers in Thailand under a labor scheme agreed by the two governments must pay a quarter of their salary, or at least 6,000 baht (US$170), through junta-owned banks and agencies, over the three months before they apply to renew paperwork allowing them to stay in Thailand.

 Workers must renew the permit after four years in Thailand at offices in the Myanmar towns of either Myawaddy or Kawthaung on the Thai border. 

 The Myanmar Ministry of Labor said in a notice that workers must show proof of the transfers via approved banks, which will only change their Thai currency into Myanmar kyat at an artificially low rate.

 The Myanmar embassy did not respond to a request from Radio Free Asai for comment. 

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‘Unacceptable’

 A labor rights organization based in the Thai town of Samut Sakhon, a hub for migrants working in Thailand’s fishing industry, said it has been inundated with phone calls from angry workers asking about the new order.

 “The forced requirement to transfer money is unacceptable to the workers,” said a spokesperson for the Labour Rights Foundation, Aung Kyaw. “If they don’t comply, they will become illegal workers, unable to stay in Thailand.”

 Aung Kyaw said his group had written to the Thai government asking it to allow workers to stay even if they have not complied with the junta’s directive. Myanmar’s shadow, pro-democracy National Unity Government recently made a similar request.

 Many of the Myanmar workers in Thailand fled a military crackdown on protests that erupted after the 2021 coup, and more recently from the draft following the imposition of a conscription law early this year.

 Aung Kyaw said many people could not go home given the fate they could face there, adding that he hoped Thailand could let workers stay on.

 “If we negotiate with the Thai government to secure employment in Thailand with a single work permit issued by them, it will greatly ease the situation for the millions of Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand,” he said. 

 There are an estimated two million Myanmar workers in Thailand, or about 75% of Thailand’s total migrant labor force.

 Translation by Kalyar Lwin. Edited by Taejun Kang. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Kiana Duncan for RFA.

Experts told RFA that the order is intended to bring back women in their 30s who missed out on getting married because they were stuck in China during the pandemic. The typical age in North Korea for women to be married is around 26, according to the South Korea-based media outlet Daily NK, which cited a study by the South Korean Ministry of Unification.  

The orders, which are believed to have been issued in May and June, were sent out to embassies and consulates in China. The repatriation should be “thoroughly executed without any conditions or excuses,” the announcement states. 

The women now being called home likely put off marriage to accept their overseas assignments, which are a crucial economic resource for the country that is under heavy international economic sanctions. These jobs typically last only a year or two, but those sent prior to the pandemic have now been abroad for more than four years. 

J.M. Missionary Union, a South Korean organization that executes rescue missions for North Korean escapees in China, said many of the women likely work in North Korea-themed restaurants.

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These restaurants are often staffed by women who in addition to serving food pull double duty as singers and dancers to entertain diners. 

The repatriation effort is part of the country’s plans to encourage more marriages to counter the country’s declining birthrate, Cho Han Bum, a researcher at the South Korea-based Korea Institute for National Unification, told RFA Korean.

“There is a problem raised within North Korea that female workers dispatched overseas missed their marriageable age,” Cho said. “This is why Kim Jong Un attended the Fifth National Meeting of Mothers at the end of last year.”

At that meeting, Kim Jong Un was brought to tears as he pleaded with North Korea’s women to have more children.

South Korea’s Dong-A Ilbo newspaper reported this week that the Chinese government had requested all North Korean workers return home, suggesting it was designed to show Beijing’s unhappiness at Pyongyang’s effort to forge closer ties with Russia. 

However, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied it had made the request. 

“China and North Korea are neighbors connected by mountains and water and have always maintained traditional friendly and cooperative relations,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said at a news conference. 

He equated reports of a deterioration of Sino-North Korean relations as a fiction. “I hope they don’t write news like it is a novel,” Lin said.

Seo Jae-pyoung, head of the Seoul-based Association of the North Korean Defectors, told RFA, that China does not want to be seen as openly violating U.N. sanctions barring North Koreans from working abroad, because penalties for doing so could damage its own poor economy. 

North Korea’s desire to swap some of its older workers with younger replacements could draw unwanted attention to the practice, he said.

“China is in the position that all North Korean workers should leave first,” he said. “So, it appears that a ‘battle of wits’ is going on between them.”

Translated by Claire S. Lee and Leejin J. Chung. Edited by Eugene Whong and Jim Snyder.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Mok Yongjae, Kim Jieun and Son Hyemin for RFA Korean.

We get an update from journalist Akram al-Satarri in Gaza, as Israel orders the full evacuation of all civilians from Gaza City after one of the deadliest days in Gaza in weeks. An Israeli airstrike killed at least 30 Palestinians at a school housing displaced people near Khan Younis, mostly women and children. “There’s no safe haven” anywhere in Gaza, says al-Satarri. “The people who are bearing the brunt of those bombardments are the Palestinian displaced people.” He also responds to ceasefire talks.

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

The Israeli military has issued new evacuation orders for eastern Khan Younis and Rafah, where more than 250,000 Palestinians are seeking shelter following multiple previous forced displacements. Monday’s order prompted a flight from European Hospital, one of the few remaining partially functioning hospitals in Gaza, which has now shut down. “The situation is dire,” says Dr. James Smith, an emergency medical doctor who spent nearly two months treating patients in the Gaza Strip before returning to London in June. “We have an obligation as healthcare workers, as public health advocates, to state very clearly … our demands not only for an immediate and sustained ceasefire, but an end to the Israeli occupation.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

On Thursday, the Taliban’s Ministry of Justice announced the closure of Tamadon TV, alleging that the broadcaster was affiliated with the Harakat-e-Islami political party, after the Taliban banned all such affiliations, and operating on “seized land,” according to Qari Baraktullah Rasuli, the spokesperson for the Taliban’s Ministry of Justice who posted the statement on X, formerly Twitter, and media reports. Tamadon TV denies the claims.

In a breaking news announcement earlier that day, Tamadon TV stated that a Taliban delegation was inside its station to shut down operations. However, later the TV station confirmed that the suspension of its operations was postponed until Saturday. The Taliban has not announced an exact date that it plans to close the station. 

“The Taliban must immediately and unconditionally reverse its decision to ban Tamadon TV and allow the channel to continue broadcasting,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “The Taliban is expanding its relentless crackdown on Afghan media and suppressing any independent voices. This must end.”

On June 6, Mohammad Jawad Mohseni, director of Tamadon TV, rejected the Taliban’s claims about the broadcaster’s political affiliations, according to broadcaster Afghanistan International. Mohseni noted that the late founder of the TV station, Ayatullah Asif Mohseni, had resigned as the leader of Harakat-e-Islami in 2005, years before establishing Tamadon TV.

Mohseni said that “the land for Tamadon TV was purchased from a private owner and has a legitimate and legal title deed, and it is not and has never been government property.”

On February 18, 2023, about 10 armed Taliban members raided the headquarters of Tamadon TV in Kabul, beat several staff members, and held them for 30 minutes.

Tamadon TV is predominantly owned and operated by members of the Hazara-Shia ethnic minority and covers political and current affairs as well as Shiite religious programming. Hazara people have faced persecution and escalated violence since the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021.

The closure order of Tamadon TV follows a series of other restrictions imposed on Afghan media in recent months. In May, the Taliban’s Media Complaints and Rights Violations Commission banned journalists, analysts, and experts from participating in discussions or cooperating with London-based Afghanistan International’s television and radio stations. The Commission called on citizens to boycott Afghanistan International and banned anyone from providing facilities for broadcasting the channel in public places.

Earlier, in April, the Taliban shut down Noor and Barya TV broadcasters, which were affiliated with other Islamist political parties, citing violations of “national and Islamic values.”

The Taliban has shut down other broadcasters since it took over the country in 2021,  including Radio Nasim. in central Daikundi Province, Hamisha Bahar Radio and TV in eastern Nangarhar province, and Radio Sada e Banowan in northeastern Badakhshan province. In 2022, the group also banned international broadcasters such as the U.S. Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America.

CPJ’s requests for comment sent to Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

On Wednesday, June 5, the Basmanny district court in the capital, Moscow, ordered the arrest in absentia of exiled journalist Dmitry Kolezev, saying that he distributed false information about Russian armed forces in unspecified social media posts in April 2022 about the massacre in the Ukrainian city of Bucha.

“These publications were absolutely true, as confirmed by numerous international investigations, but it doesn’t matter to the [Russian] Investigative Committee,” Kolezev, the former editor-in-chief of the independent media platform Republic and founder of the Yekaterinburg-based online outlet It’s My City,  said in a Wednesday Instagram post. 

Kolezev has been placed on an international wanted list and, upon extradition to Russia or being detained within the country, faces two months of detention, according to the press service of the Moscow courts. If convicted, he faces up to 10 years imprisonment under the criminal code.

“By relentlessly targeting exiled journalists, Russian authorities demonstrate their nonstop commitment to silencing independent voices,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna, from New York. “The arrest warrant issued against journalist Dmitry Kolezev and the ongoing harassment of other exiled journalists must be halted immediately.”

Kolezev was designated a “foreign agent” and added to the federal wanted list in November 2022.

Republic, was labeled a “foreign agent” in October 2021 until the publication voluntarily relinquished its status as a media outlet registered with Russian state media regulator Roskomnadzor in September 2022. 

In May 2024, Republic was once again labeled a foreign agent.

Russian authorities took the following actions against journalists, at least two of them in exile, this week:

• The Russian financial intelligence agency Rosfinmonitoring added Anna Loiko, an exiled journalist and reporter with independent news outlet SOTA, to its list of “terrorists and extremists” on May 29.

A Moscow court ordered Loiko’s arrest in absentia on charges of “justifying terrorism” and put her on the wanted list in November 2023. If convicted, she faces up to seven years in prison under the criminal code. 

Loiko told CPJ the case stems from her October 2020 and January 2021 articles detailing legal proceedings against alleged members of the Lebanon-based Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir, which Russia deems a terrorist organization.

SOTA reported that authorities searched Anna Loiko’s flat in Moscow, although nothing was taken, and the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation (SKR) questioned her mother in October 2023.  

“It was so long ago that, honestly, when I found out about the search in my apartment, I did not immediately think that it had something to do with my articles about the Hizb ut-Tahrir,” Loiko told CPJ. “I wrote them at the beginning of my career, and after such a long time, and even in emigration, I didn’t think about them at all, but it turned out that the investigators did.” 

• Rosfinmonitoring included Maria Menshikova, an editor at the student-run online magazine DOXA, in the list of “terrorists and extremists” on May 29.

The prosecutor general’s office listed DOXA as an “undesirable organization” in January 2024. 

• On Tuesday, the Ostankinsky district court in Moscow initiated an administrative case against Asya Zolnikova, a reporter with Latvia-based independent news site Meduza, on charges of involvement with an “undesirable” organization. If convicted, she faces a fine of up to 15,000 rubles (US$170). CPJ was unable to confirm further details about the charges. 

On January 26, 2023, the Russian prosecutor general’s office declared Meduza “undesirable,” effectively banning it and stating that its activities “pose a threat to the foundations of the Russian Federation’s constitutional order and national security.”

• On Tuesday, the Basmanny district court in Moscow initiated a similar proceeding against Andrey Soldatov, the editor-in-chief of Agentura.ru, a news website covering Russian state surveillance. Soldatov told independent news outlet Mediazona that he believes the case is connected to a comment he gave Meduza. A court hearing has been scheduled for June 17.

CPJ’s emailed requests for comment to Rosfinmonitoring and Moscow’s Basmanny and Ostankinsky district courts did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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A Texas state appeals court on Wednesday ordered the dismissal of a 2022 disparagement lawsuit against ProPublica and The Texas Tribune filed by MRG Medical LLC., a health care services company. The court ruled that the defamation claims were barred by the one-year statute of limitation.

Writing on behalf of a three-judge panel of the 3rd Court of Appeals, Judge Rosa Lopez Theofanis sent the case back to the lower court to consider the news organizations’ request for court costs, attorneys fees and sanctions.

MRG Medical filed the suit in September 2022 challenging a 2020 Texas Tribune and ProPublica article about efforts by the company and its founder, Kyle Hayungs, to secure contracts from local governments during the COVID-19 pandemic. The investigation, based on dozens of interviews and a review of hundreds of emails, audio recordings and social media posts, found local elected officials hadn’t disclosed the extent of their relationships with Hayungs as they tried to persuade their governments to work with him or companies he hoped to partner with.

Hayungs, who founded MRG Medical in 2017, claimed the news organizations and the three reporters who worked on the story included statements or information in the article that disparaged the company and interfered with current and prospective contracts. Hayungs based his lawsuit on what he purported to be implications in the story that the company was illegally avoiding competitive public procurement by keeping contracts under $50,000, that he was selling unreliable non-FDA-authorized COVID-19 tests and that he was bribing elected officials.

The authors of the investigation, Vianna Davila, Jeremy Schwartz and Lexi Churchill, were also named as defendants in the lawsuit.

In May 2023, a Texas district court denied the news organizations’ motion to dismiss pursuant to the Texas Citizens Participation Act. The act protects speech on matters deemed of “public concern” by authorizing courts to quickly review the legal merit of lawsuits that seek to stifle speech through the imposition of civil liability damages.

Attorneys for the news organizations appealed the decision, arguing MRG Medical’s claims were baseless. “MRG remains unable to point to any false statement in the entire Article, relying instead on alleged ‘gists and implications’ that are contradicted by the Article’s text,” the attorneys for the news organizations wrote.

MRG Medical had further argued that the article was of no public relevance because the company had not secured a contract with the government. However, in the appeals court ruling, Theofanis wrote that the TCPA did apply because the dispute centered around the proper allocation of public funds, “and where the public’s purse goes, so goes the public’s concern.” Moreover, the article also raised concerns about the accuracy and usefulness of COVID-19 tests promoted by Hayungs, which, she wrote, were intended to be part of the government’s response to the pandemic.

Theofanis also agreed with the news organizations’ argument that the nature of MRG Medical’s claims were not for business disparagement but for defamation, which carries a one-year statute of limitation. The suit was filed past that deadline.

“The public has a fundamental right to know how its leaders act during a crisis and who they help potentially profit from the uncertainty,” said Jeremy Kutner, ProPublica’s general counsel. “We are thrilled the court has tossed this baseless case and protected this meticulous and illuminating article from those who sought to silence it.”

MRG Medical’s attorney did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

ProPublica and the Tribune were represented by Marc Fuller and Maggie Burreson of Jackson Walker LLP.

This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Perla Trevizo.

Columbia University President Nemat “Minouche” Shafik on Thursday called on New York police to forcibly clear a student occupation on the lawn of the school, which had been dubbed the Gaza Solidarity Encampment, resulting in over 100 arrests. The protesters were demanding the Ivy League school divest from firms and institutions that profit from the Israeli occupation of Palestine, but Shafik ordered the raid a day after being questioned on Capitol Hill about ongoing pro-Palestinian protests on campus. The move caused outrage among students and many faculty, who decried it as censorship and a violation of academic freedom. The renowned professor and presidential candidate Cornel West, chair of the Columbia-affiliated Union Theological Seminary, joined students Thursday in solidarity with their protest and told Democracy Now! they “represent the best … of the human spirit,” and lauded them for “fighting in the face of domination and occupation and subjugation, and doing it with tremendous determination.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

On April 16, a Moscow court ordered that Zygar, the former editor-in-chief of the now-exiled Russian broadcaster Dozhd TV (TV Rain) and a CPJ 2014 International Press Freedom Awardee, be arrested in absentia on charges of disseminating “fake news” about the Russian army. The order against Zygar is the latest in a growing list of repressive actions recently used by Russian authorities to punish journalists already under detention and stifle the voices of independent journalists in exile.

On April 10, Russian authorities added imprisoned journalist Igor Kuznetsov to the list of “extremists and terrorists.” Kuznetsov, a Russia-based correspondent of the independent RusNews site, has been detained since September 2021 and is currently serving a six-year prison sentence on charges of inciting mass riots ingroup chats on Telegram.

On April 12, Russian law enforcement searched the former Moscow apartment of exiled journalist Zalina Marshenkulova, who currently lives in Germany, on charges of “justifying terrorism.” Marshenkulova runs the Telegram channel Zhenskaya Vlast, covering feminism and women’s rights, with over 18,000 followers.

On the same day, the Russian Justice Ministry designated two exiled journalists, Ilya Barabanov and Ivan Filippov, as “foreign agents.” 

“In a blatant attempt to silence and punish journalists simply for doing their job, Russian authorities continue prosecuting and harassing independent journalists in exile, as well as those in detention,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Authorities should drop all charges against independent journalists, repeal their ‘foreign agent’ and ‘fake news’ laws, and allow independent media to work freely and without fear of reprisal.”

Marshenkulova told CPJ via a messaging app that she believed the charges were related to her journalistic work and activism as a feminist. She explained, “I’m a feminist and feminism is forbidden in Russia.” In her Telegram channel, Marshenkulova wrote that the criminal case was “absolutely surreal and outrageous.” 

In a statement, the BBC condemned the “foreign agent” designation for Barabanov, a BBC Russian correspondent. “We are incredibly proud of all our journalists, and our priority right now is to support Ilya and all his colleagues to ensure that all are able to continue their jobs reporting on Russia at such an important time,” said the broadcaster. Barabanov has covered Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the operations of the Russian Wagner mercenary group in Mali.

Filippov is the author of the Telegram channel “All Quiet on the Zzzzz Western Front,” where he analyzes the content of Telegram channels and blogs belonging to supporters of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. “Will I stop talking and writing about the war? No, of course not. … I will continue to write in this channel about what I learn from reading hundreds of [pro-war] channels,” Filippov wrote in the channel on April 15, commenting on his “foreign agent” designation. “I suspect that it’s the stories I dig up from the texts of war supporters that have caused such a strong reaction from the authorities, which means I’m doing the right thing.” 

Russia held at least 22 journalists behind bars when CPJ conducted its 2023 prison census, making it the world’s fourth-worst jailer of journalists that year. CPJ’s prison census documented those imprisoned as of December 1, 2023.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has authorised a joint military and police operation in a decisive move to curb the escalating problem of illegal mining in the Porgera Valley.

This action comes in response to the recent surge of unauthorised miners invading the Special Mining Lease (SML) area, posing significant risks to both the trespassers and the official mine workers.

“This is in response to incursions by illegal miners into the SML area,” Prime Minister Marape said.

• READ MORE: Other Porgera mine reports

Highlighting the gravity of the situation, he added: “This endangers both the lives of illegal miners as well as the mine workers.

“Last week has seen an extraordinary increase of illegal miners encroaching into the mine area, and uncontrolled movement of people amid so many tribal disputes.”

The decision for a military-police collaboration stems from Friday’s cabinet meeting, underscoring the government’s commitment to maintaining peace and order in the region.

“Cabinet could have called for a state of emergency but decided against this,” Prime Minister Marape explained.

‘Synergising’ military, police
Instead, a targeted call-out order would be issued to “synergise military and police efforts” in restoring peace and normalcy in the Porgera Valley.

Prime Minister Marape issued a stern warning against illegal miners and individuals taking part in unlawful activities, saying, “I want to advise illegal miners and those involved in illegal activities that the long arm of the law will catch up with you.”

In addition to immediate security measures, the Prime Minister unveiled plans for a sustainable solution to verify and manage the local population.

National Identification cards will soon be distributed to all traditional landowners and business proprietors in the Porgera Valley, with special passes provided to other residents.

“This is to avoid an influx of unnecessary people into the Porgera Valley,” he said.

With the recent reopening of the New Porgera Mine, Prime Minister Marape emphasised the critical role of the local community in ensuring the venture’s success.

“The New Porgera Mine is expected to give maximum benefits to landowners. Any illegal
activities jeopardise the profitability of the mine.

“Every citizen of Porgera must take it upon themselves to ensure no illegal trespassing into the mine area,” he said.

Republished from PNG Post-Courier with permission.

The call-out authorisation in PNG’s official National Gazette. Image: PNG Post-Courier

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

The findings from RFE/RL's Russian Service corroborate earlier statements from Ukrainian military officials, underscoring how Kyiv's ability to secure its command communications is potentially threatened.

It comes as Ukrainian forces grapple with depleted weaponry and ammunition, and overall exhaustion, with Russian forces pressing localized offensives in several locations along the 1,200-kilometer front line. The industrial city of Avdiyivka, in particular, is under severe strain with Russian forces making steady advances, threatening to encircle Ukrainian defenses there.

Ukraine has relied heavily on Starlink, a network for low-orbit satellites that provide high-speed Internet access. The network is owned by SpaceX, the private space company that is in turn owned by Musk, the American billionaire entrepreneur.

They are used on the front line primarily for stable communications between units, medics, and commanders. Ukrainian troops have also experimented with installing Starlink antennas on large attack drones, which are an essential tool for Ukrainian troops but are frequently jammed by Russian electronic-warfare systems.

However, a growing number of Ukrainian military sources and civilian activists have pointed to evidence that Russian troops are using the network, either for their own communications or to potentially monitor Ukraine's.

Live Briefing: Russia's Invasion Of Ukraine

RFE/RL's Live Briefing gives you all of the latest developments on Russia's full-scale invasion, Kyiv's counteroffensive, Western military aid, global reaction, and the plight of civilians. For all of RFE/RL's coverage of the war in Ukraine, click here.

On February 11, Ukraine's military intelligence service, known as HUR, said Russian forces were not only using Starlink terminals but also doing it in a "systemic" way. HUR also published an audio excerpt of what it said was an intercepted exchange between two Russian soldiers discussing how to set up the terminals.

Units like Russia's 83rd Air Assault Brigade, which is fighting in the partially occupied eastern region of Donetsk, are reportedly using the system, HUR spokesman Andriy Yusov was quoted as saying.

Ukraine's Defense Ministry, meanwhile, said on February 13 that Russia was acquiring Starlink terminals from unnamed Arab countries.

Starlink has said that it does not do business with Russia's government or its military, and Musk himself published a statement on his social-media company X, formerly Twitter, in response to the Ukrainian assertions.

"A number of false news reports claim that SpaceX is selling Starlink terminals to Russia. This is categorically false. To the best of our knowledge, no Starlinks have been sold directly or indirectly to Russia," Musk wrote on February 11.

Russian troops may have acquired Starlink terminals from one of potentially dozens of companies within Russia that claim to sell them alongside household products, RFE/RL found.

One Russian website, called Topmachines.ru, advertised a Starlink set for 220,000 rubles (about $2,200), and a $100 monthly subscription fee.

Starlink appears to have lax oversight on the type of personal data used by new Starlink clients when they register for the first time, as well.

One Moscow-based reseller told RFE/RL that new accounts were registered with random European first and last names and that there is no need to enter a valid European passport. The only important thing, the vendor said, is to have a valid bank card that uses one of the main international payment systems.

Another vendor told RFE/RL that the terminals he sold were brought in from Europe, though he declined to specify which country. The vendor said a terminal costs 250,000 rubles (about $2,400), and the monthly fee was 14,000 rubles.

Additionally, Starlink's technology appears to be incapable of precisely restricting signal access; independent researchers say Starlink's system only knows the approximate location of its terminals, meaning it would have to restrict access for Ukrainian frontline positions in order to limit Russian battlefield use.

IStories, an independent Russian news outlet, also identified at least three vendors in Moscow who claim to sell Starlink terminals.

Asked by reporters whether Russian troops might be using Starlink terminals, Peskov said: "This is not a certified system with us, therefore, it cannot be supplied and is not supplied officially. Accordingly, we cannot use it officially in any way."

This content originally appeared on News - Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty and was authored by News - Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty.

A federal judge ordered The Oregonian on Jan. 26, 2024, to return documents related to a gender discrimination lawsuit against Nike and destroy any copies, after the plaintiff’s lawyer inadvertently sent them to a reporter on Jan. 19.

Judge Jolie A. Russo said in her order that the Portland, Oregon-based daily newspaper must agree “not to disseminate that information in any way; and to destroy any copies in its possession” by Jan. 31.

That publishing gag was vacated, or withdrawn, on Jan. 30 by another judge, who ruled that Russo must hold a hearing to allow The Oregonian to make arguments against the order before reviewing the issue again. The paper, in a Jan. 29 appeal, had argued that Russo did not allow the news organization to be heard in court, which it called a “quintessential due process violation.”

Russo held a hearing Jan. 30 and ordered the plaintiff’s attorneys to respond by Feb. 6 to arguments made by The Oregonian in its appeal.

“Prior restraint by government goes against every principle of the free press in this country,” Therese Bottomly, editor and vice president of content for The Oregonian, said in a statement emailed to the U.S. Press Freedom Tracker. “This is highly unusual, and we will defend our First Amendment rights in court.”

In its Jan. 29 appeal, The Oregonian argued that because it is a “non-party intervener” and has no stake in the outcome of the lawsuit, it is not subject to a protective order covering the documents.

“The Documents contain no national security implications, there is no risk of bodily harm or safety to any individual, and there are no competing constitutional rights at play—The Oregonian is the only one whose constitutional rights are on the line,” the filing read.

The Oregonian was writing an article, based on its independent reporting, about a culture of sexual harassment at Nike, when the attorney for the plaintiffs in the suit accidentally shared the documents in an email attachment.

The judge said the documents were subject to the case’s protective order, which makes them unviewable to the public. Other documents have been unsealed after a coalition of news outlets, including The Oregonian, filed a motion in court in April 2022.

This content originally appeared on U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database and was authored by U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database.

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

On January 26, legal experts, policy wonks, activists and the plain curious waited for the order of the International Court of Justice, sitting in The Hague. The topic was that gravest of crimes, considered most reprehensible in the canon of international law: genocide. The main participants: the accused party, the State of Israel, and the accuser, the Republic of South Africa.

Filed on December 29 last year, the South African case focused on its obligations arising under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and those of Israel. Pretoria, in its case, wished that the ICJ adjudicate and declare that Israel had breached its obligations under the Convention, and “cease forthwith any acts and measures in breach of those obligations, including such acts or measures which would be capable of killing or continuing to kill Palestinians, or causing or continuing to cause serious bodily or mental harm to Palestinians or deliberately inflicting on their group, or continuing to inflict on their group, conditions of life calculated to bring out its physical destruction in whole or in part, and fully respect its obligations under the Genocide Convention”.

The latter words derive from Article II of the Convention, which stipulate four genocidal actions: the killing of the group’s members; the causing of serious bodily or mental harm to those group’s members; the deliberate infliction of conditions calculated to bring about the physical destruction, in whole or in part, of that group and imposing measures to prevent births within the group.

The sheer extent of devastation being wrought by Israeli Defence Forces in Gaza, justified by the Netanyahu government as necessary self-defence in the aftermath of the Hamas attacks of October 7, led the South African team to also seek immediate provisional measures under Article 41 of the Court’s statute. (The review on the case’s merits promises to take much longer.) They included the immediate suspension of the IDF’s military operations in and against Gaza, the taking of all reasonable measures to prevent genocide, and desisting from committing acts within Article II of the Convention. The expulsion and forced displacement of Palestinians should also stop, likewise the deprivation of adequate food, water and access to humanitarian assistance and medical supplies and “the destruction of Palestinian life in Gaza.”

By 15-2, the court accepted that “the catastrophic humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is at serious risk of deteriorating further before the Court renders its final judgment.” (Over 26,000 Palestinians have been killed, extensive tracts of land in Gaza pummelled into oblivion, and 85% of its 2.3 million residents expelled from their homes.) Measures were therefore required to prevent “real and imminent risk that irreparable prejudice will be caused to the rights found by the Court to be plausible, before it gives its final decision.”

The grant of provisional measures was, however, more conservative than that sought by Pretoria. Conspicuously missing was any explicit demand that Israel pause its military operations. That said, the judgment did little to afford Israel’s leaders and the IDF comfort from the obligatory reach of the Genocide Convention, an instrument they had argued was irrelevant and inapplicable to the conduct of “innovative” military operations.

To that end, Israel was obligated to take all possible measures to prevent the commission of acts under Article II of the Genocide Convention, including by its military; prevent and punish “the direct and public incitement to genocide” against the Palestinian populace in Gaza; permit basic services and humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip; ensure the preservation of, and prevent destruction of, evidence related to acts committed against Gaza’s Palestinians within Articles II and III of the Convention; and submit a report to the ICJ on how Israel was abiding by such provisional measures within one month.

As is very much the form, the justice from the country in the dock, in this case, Israel’s Aharon Barak, could see nothing inferentially genocidal in his country’s campaign. South Africa, he insisted, had intentionally ignored the role played by Hamas in its October 7 attacks, and “wrongly sought to impute the crime of Cain to Abel.”

Inevitably, the singular experience of the Holocaust survivor, the sui generis Jewish view of trauma, used as solid armour against any possibility that Israel might ever commit genocide, became a point of contention. Genocide “is the gravest possible accusation and is deeply intertwined with my personal life experience.” Israel had a firm commitment to the rule of law, and to accept that it was committing genocide “is very hard for me personally”. Tellingly, he suggested that Israel’s campaign in Gaza be examined, not from the viewpoint of the Genocide Convention but international humanitarian law.

With classic casuistry, Barak did vote for the measure requiring Israel to do everything “within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza strip”. But having identified nothing in the way of such intent, the issue became a moot one. With some relief, Barak could state that certain measures sought by South Africa, including an immediate suspension of military operations, were rejected by the ICJ, which preferred “a significantly narrower scope”.

From the other side of the legal aisle, the South African foreign minister, Naledi Pandor, wished that the ICJ had grasped the nettle to order a halt in military operations. But, with some deft reasoning, she was satisfied that the only way Israel could implement the provisional measures would be through a ceasefire. Much the same view was expressed by the Associated Press: “The court’s half-dozen orders will be difficult to achieve without some sort of cease-fire or pause in the fighting.” That logic is clear enough, but the actions, given the various statements from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his officials alleging slander and a blood libel against their country, are unlikely to follow.

The post The ICJ’s Provisional Orders: The Genocide Convention Applies to Gaza appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

Filed on December 29 last year, the South African case focused on its obligations arising under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and those of Israel. Pretoria, in its case, wished that the ICJ adjudicate and declare that Israel had breached its obligations under the Convention, and “cease forthwith any acts and measures in breach of those obligations, including such acts or measures which would be capable of killing or continuing to kill Palestinians, or causing or continuing to cause serious bodily or mental harm to Palestinians or deliberately inflicting on their group, or continuing to inflict on their group, conditions of life calculated to bring out its physical destruction in whole or in part, and fully respect its obligations under the Genocide Convention”.

The latter words derive from Article II of the Convention, which stipulate four genocidal actions: the killing of the group’s members; the causing of serious bodily or mental harm to those group’s members; the deliberate infliction of conditions calculated to bring about the physical destruction, in whole or in part, of that group and imposing measures to prevent births within the group.

The sheer extent of devastation being wrought by Israeli Defence Forces in Gaza, justified by the Netanyahu government as necessary self-defence in the aftermath of the Hamas attacks of October 7, led the South African team to also seek immediate provisional measures under Article 41 of the Court’s statute. (The review on the case’s merits promises to take much longer.) They included the immediate suspension of the IDF’s military operations in and against Gaza, the taking of all reasonable measures to prevent genocide, and desisting from committing acts within Article II of the Convention. The expulsion and forced displacement of Palestinians should also stop, likewise the deprivation of adequate food, water and access to humanitarian assistance and medical supplies and “the destruction of Palestinian life in Gaza.”

By 15-2, the court accepted that “the catastrophic humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is at serious risk of deteriorating further before the Court renders its final judgment.” (Over 26,000 Palestinians have been killed, extensive tracts of land in Gaza pummelled into oblivion, and 85% of its 2.3 million residents expelled from their homes.) Measures were therefore required to prevent “real and imminent risk that irreparable prejudice will be caused to the rights found by the Court to be plausible, before it gives its final decision.”

The grant of provisional measures was, however, more conservative than that sought by Pretoria. Conspicuously missing was any explicit demand that Israel pause its military operations. That said, the judgment did little to afford Israel’s leaders and the IDF comfort from the obligatory reach of the Genocide Convention, an instrument they had argued was irrelevant and inapplicable to the conduct of “innovative” military operations.

To that end, Israel was obligated to take all possible measures to prevent the commission of acts under Article II of the Genocide Convention, including by its military; prevent and punish “the direct and public incitement to genocide” against the Palestinian populace in Gaza; permit basic services and humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip; ensure the preservation of, and prevent destruction of, evidence related to acts committed against Gaza’s Palestinians within Articles II and III of the Convention; and submit a report to the ICJ on how Israel was abiding by such provisional measures within one month.

As is very much the form, the justice from the country in the dock, in this case, Israel’s Aharon Barak, could see nothing inferentially genocidal in his country’s campaign. South Africa, he insisted, had intentionally ignored the role played by Hamas in its October 7 attacks, and “wrongly sought to impute the crime of Cain to Abel.”

Inevitably, the singular experience of the Holocaust survivor, the sui generis Jewish view of trauma, used as solid armour against any possibility that Israel might ever commit genocide, became a point of contention. Genocide “is the gravest possible accusation and is deeply intertwined with my personal life experience.” Israel had a firm commitment to the rule of law, and to accept that it was committing genocide “is very hard for me personally”. Tellingly, he suggested that Israel’s campaign in Gaza be examined, not from the viewpoint of the Genocide Convention but international humanitarian law.

With classic casuistry, Barak did vote for the measure requiring Israel to do everything “within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza strip”. But having identified nothing in the way of such intent, the issue became a moot one. With some relief, Barak could state that certain measures sought by South Africa, including an immediate suspension of military operations, were rejected by the ICJ, which preferred “a significantly narrower scope”.

From the other side of the legal aisle, the South African foreign minister, Naledi Pandor, wished that the ICJ had grasped the nettle to order a halt in military operations. But, with some deft reasoning, she was satisfied that the only way Israel could implement the provisional measures would be through a ceasefire. Much the same view was expressed by the Associated Press: “The court’s half-dozen orders will be difficult to achieve without some sort of cease-fire or pause in the fighting.” That logic is clear enough, but the actions, given the various statements from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his officials alleging slander and a blood libel against their country, are unlikely to follow.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

The decision came following a sixth-month push by frontline communities and the wider climate movement to stop Venture Global's proposed Calcasieu Pass 2 (CP2) export terminal as well as the broader LNG buildout planned for Louisiana's Gulf Coast. CP2 alone would have emitted 20 times more than the controversial Willow oil drilling project in Alaska, while nearly 20 other planned terminals would have released the equivalent of 675 coal plants.

"The tide is turning," Oil Change International U.S. program manager Collin Rees said in a statement. "President [Joe] Biden pausing pending liquefied natural gas (LNG) export applications is a huge win for people and planet. Following the commitment at the COP28 climate talks to transition away from fossil fuels, this is one of the most significant actions ever taken by a U.S. president to stop the dangerous expansion of fossil fuels and protect environmental justice. The momentum for a renewable energy future is undeniable."

The White House statement, which came two days after The New York Times reported that a pause was forthcoming, reflected many of the concerns raised by activists, including the impacts of LNG terminals on nearby communities and new science indicating that the total emissions from LNG were actually greater than from domestically produced coal.

"Today, we have an evolving understanding of the market need for LNG, the long-term supply of LNG, and the perilous impacts of methane on our planet," the White House said. "We also must adequately guard against risks to the health of our communities, especially frontline communities in the United States who disproportionately shoulder the burden of pollution from new export facilities."

Rees continued: "Biden's announcement shows two things: One, the marches, petitions, and grassroots organizing from frontline communities, youth, and their allies are working. And two, Biden is afraid his climate hypocrisy will cost him the election if he doesn't make real progress on fossil fuels."

The statement ended with a list of the Biden administration's "top climate accomplishments."

"Tapping the brakes on CP2 is the best signal yet that the Biden administration is ready to put people and the planet ahead of fossil fuel profiteers," Lauren Parker, an attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity's Climate Law Institute, said in a statement. "This is a crucial moment to protect future generations by halting the massive U.S. fossil fuel expansion. Now that the administration is listening to frontline communities, youth, and climate advocates, it needs to go all in on phasing out fossil fuels. We need a public interest test that denies any fossil fuel expansion that would drive us deeper into climate catastrophe."

"It's time our struggles and our voices are acknowledged in the national energy policy conversation."

The decision was applauded by Louisiana and Texas activists who have been raising alarm about the impacts of fossil fuel infrastructure on their communities for years.

"This announcement from the Biden administration is truly monumental for our communities," Roishetta Ozane, director of the Vessel Project of Louisiana, said in a statement. "As someone who has witnessed the devastating impacts of fossil fuel extractive industries, I am filled with hope and gratitude for this important step towards justice. Halting permits for these industries is a clear acknowledgment of the urgent need to protect the well-being and rights of those of us who have been disproportionately affected. It is a powerful statement that we can no longer allow these industries to continue operating without considering the health and safety of the people living in these areas."

Travis Dandar, the founder of Fisherman Involved in Sustaining Our Heritage, said the pause could be a "turning point" for places like Cameron, Louisiana, where fishing has declined by 50% because of existing LNG export terminals and tanker traffic.

"The disruption to our fishing grounds, the risk of explosions, and the loss of our cherished wetlands—these are the realities we live with," Dandar said in a statement. "It's time our struggles and our voices are acknowledged in the national energy policy conversation."

Frontline activists in Texas also hoped the decision would have a broader impact on the region.

"I am hopeful this announcement will be the catalyst for real change in our communities and a clean energy future," Freeport, Texas resident Gwen Jones said in a statement. "The reality is that fossil fuel companies are still building in people's backyards and exposing people to toxic pollution. We still need to fight for an end to fossil fuels."

"For too long, the United States served as an enabler for Big Oil and Big Gas' get-rich-quick scheme, as it got countries around the world addicted to fossil fuels at the expense of American families."

Public Citizen, meanwhile, focused on the benefits to U.S. consumers of not exporting gas.

"For far too long, Big Oil executives have pursued an 'America Last' policy, price gouging consumers and pushing harmful export policies, in a myopic and ham-fisted vision that puts profit above everything," Tyson Slocum, director of Public Citizen's energy program, said in a statement. "Reconsidering the impact fossil fuel exports have on our economy and climate is a vital step toward protecting American households from the impact LNG exports have on higher utility bills."

The White House statement also echoed arguments put forward by activists that no new exports are needed to provide gas to the European Union following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

"Today's announcement will not impact our ability to continue supplying LNG to our allies in the near-term," the statement said.

It came a day after a group of 60 E.U. parliamentarians sent a letter to the Biden administration urging it not to build more LNG infrastructure.

"The E.U. has already initiated its gas phaseout, our analysis shows the E.U. will cut its oil and gas demand by one-third by 2030 and gas can be effectively phased out by 2040," Linda Kalcher, executive director at Strategic Perspectives, said in a statement. "New LNG investments will be a white elephant U.S. investors will live to regret."

Experts and activists in Asia, another major market for U.S. gas, also welcomed the news.

"Asia does not need any new LNG," Gerry Arances, executive director at the Center for Energy, Ecology, and Development in the Philippines, said in a statement. "The region is already suffering impacts from unsustainable LNG development. Further expansion risks severe ecological and economic damages."

"We cannot afford to let up in our efforts to hold decision-makers accountable and ensure that frontline communities are no longer subjected to the harmful effects of these industries."

In the U.S., Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass), who introduced a bill in May 2023 to ban fossil fuel exports, also applauded the news.

"For too long, the United States served as an enabler for Big Oil and Big Gas' get-rich-quick scheme, as it got countries around the world addicted to fossil fuels at the expense of American families," Markey said in a statement. "This surge in natural gas exports was matched by rising energy costs at home and soaring global temperatures driven by fossil-fueled climate change. I applaud the Biden administration for this much-needed move to protect American communities from export-driven pollution and profiteering."

As they took a moment to celebrate, activists acknowledged that there was more work ahead.

"This is a major sign of hope, but this fight is not over," 350.org U.S. campaign manager Candice Fortin said in a statement. "Let's be real: The harmful effects of fracked gas on health and climate are not in question. The oil and gas industry and the government know the data. So now that they have paused, there is only one thing to do: Vow to reject CP2 and all 17 proposed LNG projects, and to phase out ALL fossil fuels."

Ozane concluded: "While this decision is a significant victory, we must not become complacent. The fight for environmental justice and the elimination of fossil fuel extractive industries must continue. We must remain vigilant and continue to advocate for sustainable alternatives. We cannot afford to let up in our efforts to hold decision-makers accountable and ensure that frontline communities are no longer subjected to the harmful effects of these industries. This announcement is a reason to celebrate, but it is also a reminder that our work is far from over."

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has ordered Israel to take steps to prevent acts of genocide in South Africa’s case over the war on the Gaza Strip.

But it stopped short of ordering a ceasefire in what is being seen as a historical ruling on emergency measures requested by the South African government which analysts say will put pressure on Tel Aviv and its Western backers.

The ICJ, also known as the World Court, ordered Israel to take measures to prevent and punish direct incitement of genocide, and also to take immediate, effective measures to enable provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance in the besieged enclave.

• READ MORE: The ICJ emergency measures ruling against Israel

Hailing the emergency measures, South African Minister of International Relations Dr Naledi Pandor said outside the court in The Hague that Israel would have to halt fighting in Gaza if it wanted to adhere to the orders of the United Nations’ top court.

“How else is it going to comply with the ruling?” she asked, adding that it was up to the global community to ensure the measures were applied to “stop the suffering of the Palestinian people”.

“How do you provide aid and water without a ceasefire?” Dr Pandor said.

“If you read the order, by implication a ceasefire must happen.”

In South Africa, government officials welcomed the ruling.

“It’s a watershed judgment for all those who want to see peace in Palestine,” Fikile Mbalula, secretary-general of the ruling African National Congress party, told reporters.

Palestinian human rights attorney @dianabuttu reacts to the ICJ ruling on Gaza: “This court has overwhelmingly decided in favor of South Africa, has overwhelmingly determined that there is plausible risk of genocide, and it becomes imperative upon the world community to now act.” pic.twitter.com/eXQuyIBlbA

— Democracy Now! (@democracynow) January 26, 2024

Years to decide
The ICJ judges have not ruled on the merits of the genocide allegations, which may take years to decide. However, they ruled that South Africa had presented a “plausible case” with its genocide allegations that led to the emergency measures.

Since October 7 when Hamas launched a deadly raid on Israel, Tel Aviv’s military campaign has killed at least 26,083 people and wounded 64,487 others, according to officials in Gaza. Thousands more are missing under the rubble, most of them presumed dead.

Al Jazeera’s senior analyst Marwan Bishara told the network that “Israel is on trial for genocide”, saying that the provisional ruling would cause a seismic split between the Global North and South depending on which side people aligned, even if the ICJ had not called for an immediate ceasefire.

He said Israel’s major backer, the United States, which had vetoed three UN Security Council resolutions seeking a ceasefire in recent months, now needed to “look in the mirror”.

“The UK, Germany and other countries who supported Israel in the past three months unconditionally also need to look in the mirror and reconsider their decision because the World Court has taken up the case of genocide against Israel for its actions in the past three months,” Bishara said.

The principle outcome was that the ICJ would take on the case and had put Israel “on notice” and demand that the state carry out a number of steps.

“I think that legally and morally sends a strong message to Israel and its backers that they need to cease and desist — even if the court did not spell it out.”

International Court of Justice preliminary ruling: “Israel’s actions in Gaza may constitute genocide.” pic.twitter.com/ArtpoFbZ3M

— PALESTINE ONLINE (@OnlinePalEng) January 26, 2024

Plausible case of genocide
Thomas Macmanus, director of international state crime initiative at Queen Mary University of London, stressed that the court had said there “is a plausible case of genocide in Gaza”.

“So, we now have a serious risk of genocide,” he said, noting that the law stipulated that once there is “a serious risk”, then states needed to do “everything they can to stop enabling that genocide and to start taking all action in their capacity to prevent it”.

Riyadh al-Maliki, Palestinian Minister of Foreign Affairs, issued a statement welcoming the ICJ’s provisional measures “in light of the incontrovertible evidence presented to the court about the unfolding genocide”.

“The ICJ ruling is an important reminder that no state is above the law or beyond the reach of justice. It breaks Israel’s entrenched culture of criminality and impunity, which has characterised its decades-long occupation, dispossession, persecution, and apartheid in Palestine.”

Far-right Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir mocked the ICJ after the court ended its reading.

“Hague shmague,” the minister wrote on X, formerly Twitter, in the first comments by an Israeli official.

All of those genocidal statements including that of Palestinians being human animals. Well here they are being quoted again to the world by Judge Donoghue at the ICJ. #ICJGazaGenocide pic.twitter.com/RmBQRBInU3

— Ayesha Omar (@DrAyeshaOmar) January 26, 2024

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

In a highly anticipated ruling, the International Court of Justice at The Hague has found that there is a “real and imminent risk” that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, and supported “at least some” of the provisional measures South Africa had requested when it brought the case in order to rein in Israel’s military assault. Though the ruling falls short of calling for an immediate ceasefire, analysts say it is nevertheless a significant milestone. We discuss the “unprecedented” decision by the World Court with a panel of experts: Palestinian human rights attorney Diana Buttu, genocide scholar Raz Segal and scholar of colonialism Mahmood Mamdani. “It becomes imperative upon the world community to now act,” says Buttu. “This is the beginning of a process of isolating Israel,” adds Segal.

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

The court issued an order to allow junta officials to put the house up for auction on Mar. 20 for a reserve price of roughly US$90 million, the source said, asking to remain anonymous because he was not authorized to speak to the media.

“The price that has been decided would be divided up after auctioning and selling,” he said.

“Now, the order has been implemented. It determined the reserve price of the auction and set the date of the auction and when the sale will be made.”

The source claimed the Kamayut District Court in Yangon region that issued Thursday’s order was junta-affiliated.

Ownership of the historic lakeside home and yard at 54, University Avenue in Yangon’s Bahan township has long been disputed by Aung San Suu Kyi and her brother Aung San Oo.

The house was awarded to Aung San Suu Kyi’s mother, Khin Kyi, after Gen. Aung San was assassinated in 1947. 

On Aug. 22, 2022, the junta-controlled Union Supreme Court declared the house would be auctioned under Aung San Oo’s appeal. 

Aung San Suu Kyi lived there for almost 15 years under house arrest during the military regime. The shadow National Unity Government has designated the house a national cultural heritage site and announced that legal action will be taken if the junta sells it.

Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested along with former President Win Myint and other leaders of the deposed National League for Democracy party shortly after the military seized power in a Feb. 2021 coup.

The junta sentenced the 78-year-old to 33 years in prison for 19 charges. Last August she was partially pardoned for five of them as part of a general amnesty, reducing her sentence to 27 years. 

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate was initially jailed in solitary confinement in Yangon’s Insein Prison. It's not clear where she is currently being held.

Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

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The Federal Trade Commission has ordered the maker of TurboTax to stop what it called years of widespread deceptive advertising for “free” tax-filing software.

The order, released Monday, was accompanied by a 93-page opinion that harshly criticized Intuit, the Silicon Valley company behind TurboTax. Intuit’s “deceptive ad campaign has been sufficiently broad, enduring, and willful to support the need for a cease-and-desist order,” the commission’s opinion stated.

The order caps off a process that started four years ago when the FTC launched an investigation in response to a series of ProPublica stories documenting Intuit’s ad tactics. ProPublica revealed how millions of Americans were lured into paid tax preparation products even though they were eligible to file for free through a government-sponsored program. Huge sums of money are at stake: In a single year, tax prep companies led by Intuit generated $1 billion in revenue from customers who should have been able to file for free, according to one analysis.

In a statement, Intuit said it planned to appeal the order in federal court. “There is no monetary penalty in the FTC’s order, and Intuit expects no significant impact to its business,” the statement said, adding that the company “has always been clear, fair, and transparent with its customers.”

Sam Levine, the director of the FTC’s Bureau of Consumer Protection, said in a statement that the order was intended to send a message to all companies: “‘free’ means free — not ‘free for a few’ or ‘free for some.’ Businesses can expect an FTC enforcement action if they harness the power of ‘free’ in the dishonest way Intuit did.”

Apparently in anticipation of the FTC’s order, Intuit recently changed how it touts “free” tax prep.

Here, for example, is how Intuit’s ads used to look. This is taken from Intuit’s website in 2019:

Ads in that period simply stated the product was “FREE Guaranteed.” Other ads took this message even further. The company’s “free, free, free” TV ad campaign featured scenes of people just saying the word “free” for 30 seconds. Intuit pulled its “free, free, free” ads in 2022, after the FTC and all 50 state attorneys general began investigating Intuit’s advertising, but the company continued to tout free tax prep.

Of course, for most customers, TurboTax wasn’t free. A list of conditions (like having student loan interest or unemployment benefits) would disqualify customers from the free offering and force them to pay, often over $100, to have their tax returns filed. People often found this out only after having entered much of their tax information and did not want to start the process over again.

Today, TurboTax ads state that only about 37% of taxpayers will qualify:

The FTC order requires clear disclosures in the company’s ads. TurboTax must inform consumers that most filers won’t qualify.

When ads have the space, Intuit is also required to provide full details of who qualifies to file for free. On the TurboTax website, a link details what “Form 1040 & limited credits only” means: Filers with student loan interest do now qualify, for example, but those with unemployment income do not.

The FTC’s order also has a more general requirement, prohibiting TurboTax from “misrepresenting any material fact.” This “ensures that Intuit does not make other false claims about Intuit’s products to consumers,” the FTC wrote in its opinion.

The fact that Intuit has changed its advertising doesn’t mean it agrees with the FTC. The company raised a host of objections during the process. Intuit argued that forcing the company to tell consumers that its product is not free for a majority of taxpayers would violate the company’s First Amendment right to free speech. It also protested that having to disclose the terms of who would qualify would lead consumers to suffer from “information overload.”

The FTC swept those arguments aside in its opinion, as it did Intuit’s complaint that it was unfair to prevent TurboTax from touting “free” tax prep when its competitors continued to do so. “Courts have long held that it is not defense to an order against unlawful practices that others in a marketplace are similarly engaging in unlawful practices,” the commission wrote.

Not having succeeded at the FTC, Intuit plans to take its arguments to a federal appeals court. Derrick Plummer, a company spokesperson, criticized the FTC as “biased” and said, “we believe that when the matter ultimately returns to a neutral body Intuit will prevail.”

This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Justin Elliott and Paul Kiel.

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

The Federal Trade Commission has ordered the maker of TurboTax to stop what it called years of widespread deceptive advertising for “free” tax-filing software.

The order, released Monday, was accompanied by a 93-page opinion that harshly criticized Intuit, the Silicon Valley company behind TurboTax. Intuit’s “deceptive ad campaign has been sufficiently broad, enduring, and willful to support the need for a cease-and-desist order,” the commission’s opinion stated.

The order caps off a process that started four years ago when the FTC launched an investigation in response to a series of ProPublica stories documenting Intuit’s ad tactics. ProPublica revealed how millions of Americans were lured into paid tax preparation products even though they were eligible to file for free through a government-sponsored program. Huge sums of money are at stake: In a single year, tax prep companies led by Intuit generated $1 billion in revenue from customers who should have been able to file for free, according to one analysis.

In a statement, Intuit said it planned to appeal the order in federal court. “There is no monetary penalty in the FTC’s order, and Intuit expects no significant impact to its business,” the statement said, adding that the company “has always been clear, fair, and transparent with its customers.”

Sam Levine, the director of the FTC’s Bureau of Consumer Protection, said in a statement that the order was intended to send a message to all companies: “‘free’ means free — not ‘free for a few’ or ‘free for some.’ Businesses can expect an FTC enforcement action if they harness the power of ‘free’ in the dishonest way Intuit did.”

Apparently in anticipation of the FTC’s order, Intuit recently changed how it touts “free” tax prep.

Here, for example, is how Intuit’s ads used to look. This is taken from Intuit’s website in 2019:

Ads in that period simply stated the product was “FREE Guaranteed.” Other ads took this message even further. The company’s “free, free, free” TV ad campaign featured scenes of people just saying the word “free” for 30 seconds. Intuit pulled its “free, free, free” ads in 2022, after the FTC and all 50 state attorneys general began investigating Intuit’s advertising, but the company continued to tout free tax prep.

Of course, for most customers, TurboTax wasn’t free. A list of conditions (like having student loan interest or unemployment benefits) would disqualify customers from the free offering and force them to pay, often over $100, to have their tax returns filed. People often found this out only after having entered much of their tax information and did not want to start the process over again.

Today, TurboTax ads state that only about 37% of taxpayers will qualify:

The FTC order requires clear disclosures in the company’s ads. TurboTax must inform consumers that most filers won’t qualify.

When ads have the space, Intuit is also required to provide full details of who qualifies to file for free. On the TurboTax website, a link details what “Form 1040 & limited credits only” means: Filers with student loan interest do now qualify, for example, but those with unemployment income do not.

The FTC’s order also has a more general requirement, prohibiting TurboTax from “misrepresenting any material fact.” This “ensures that Intuit does not make other false claims about Intuit’s products to consumers,” the FTC wrote in its opinion.

The fact that Intuit has changed its advertising doesn’t mean it agrees with the FTC. The company raised a host of objections during the process. Intuit argued that forcing the company to tell consumers that its product is not free for a majority of taxpayers would violate the company’s First Amendment right to free speech. It also protested that having to disclose the terms of who would qualify would lead consumers to suffer from “information overload.”

The FTC swept those arguments aside in its opinion, as it did Intuit’s complaint that it was unfair to prevent TurboTax from touting “free” tax prep when its competitors continued to do so. “Courts have long held that it is not defense to an order against unlawful practices that others in a marketplace are similarly engaging in unlawful practices,” the commission wrote.

Not having succeeded at the FTC, Intuit plans to take its arguments to a federal appeals court. Derrick Plummer, a company spokesperson, criticized the FTC as “biased” and said, “we believe that when the matter ultimately returns to a neutral body Intuit will prevail.”

This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Justin Elliott and Paul Kiel.

This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Capital & Main. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

The Los Angeles Housing Department has ordered the owners of four buildings meant to house some of the city’s poorest residents to stop renting rooms to tourists, following a review that was prompted by reporting by Capital & Main and ProPublica.

The news organizations documented how some owners of the buildings, known as residential hotels, were advertising short-term rentals online despite a 2008 law aimed at preserving the rooms as residential. Landlords who convert the buildings to other uses or demolish them must replace the units or pay into a city housing fund.

The new enforcement actions bring the number of residential hotels cited by the Housing Department for violating the residential hotel law to 21. The agency had sent violation notices to 17 residential hotels within weeks of the Capital & Main and ProPublica investigation.

In all, about 750 residential hotel rooms could be turned back into low-cost permanent housing for LA residents who have few other options — if the city’s citations are upheld in court and if the city aggressively enforces the law.

The most recent Housing Department orders to stop renting to tourists were issued earlier this month to the Hollywood Hills Hotel, which offers rooms with city views for up to $200 per night; the Motel 6 San Pedro; the Central Inn Motel near the University of Southern California; and the Royal Hawaiian Motel in Mid City. The Hollywood Hills Hotel is permitted to offer some rooms to tourists, but inspectors found more rooms were rented short-term than is allowed.

Dinesh Vora, one of the Central Inn’s owners, said he plans to appeal the Housing Department orders. “To have someone say you can only rent long-term, that wouldn’t be sufficient for us,” Vora said. Ricky Patel, the registered agent of the Royal Hawaiian, declined to comment on the enforcement or whether the hotel intended to appeal. “It’s a touchy subject,” Patel said. One of the owners of the Hollywood Hills Hotel, Cole Harris, declined to comment on Dec. 12 because, he said, he wasn’t involved in day-to-day operations. And managers didn’t return phone messages left at the hotel. The owner of the Motel 6 didn’t respond to calls or emails.

Sixteen of 17 hotel owners who were cited for failure to comply with the residential hotel law in July appealed their notices to the Housing Department’s general manager and attended hearings conducted by phone between September and November.

A department hearing officer recently denied appeals from eight of those hotels, including the American Hotel in the Arts District and the H Hotel and Hometel Suites in Koreatown, which were highlighted in our initial story for transforming their buildings into boutique hotels. The agency postponed five other appeals involving hotels that have signed contracts to provide temporary homeless housing through the city’s Inside Safe program or that said they were considering participating in the program.

Capital & Main and ProPublica found that the mayor’s marquee homeless initiative has given funding to eight residential hotels, even though they are already meant to provide housing to low-income people. Some residential hotels were awarded contracts despite appearing to violate the residential hotel ordinance.

In evaluating the evidence in the American Hotel case, Housing Department hearing officer Andre Brown noted the city’s declared housing and homelessness emergency and wrote that the residential hotel ordinance had been passed to address “a severe shortage of decent safe and sanitary rental housing in the City resulting from the loss of single room occupancy and residential hotel units.”

None of the hotel owners disputed the city’s allegation that they offered short-term rentals, but they argued that they’d done so legally because they paid hotel taxes to the city. The hearing officers, however, said the hotel owners violated a clear ban on offering their rooms for rent on a nightly or weekly basis, known in city law as transient use.

“It is undisputed that the Residential Hotel Ordinance (RHO) prohibits transient use of units that have been determined to be Residential Units,” Brown wrote in the American case.

Frank Weiser, an attorney who represents all eight hotels, including the American, said the hotels plan to appeal the city’s decisions in federal court. On the one hand, the city has been treating them as residential hotels barred from renting to tourists, he said, but on the other, it has openly accepted tax payments from the hotels for doing just that.

“The city was collecting an enormous amount of tax,” Weiser said. “It’s totally contradictory.”

City housing inspector Jean-Claude Olivier said at the American appeal hearing that payment of hotel taxes doesn’t change the approved building use, and Brown noted in his decision that the ordinance doesn’t address such situations.

Just one hotel, the 25-room Knights Inn near Dodger Stadium, won its case. A hearing officer found the hotel wasn’t given sufficient opportunity to appeal its residential hotel designation and that there wasn’t enough evidence to show the hotel had ever been residential.

Mayor Karen Bass, who recently heralded bringing 21,000 homeless Angelenos into temporary housing in the last year, has signaled that she thinks the residential hotel law might need an overhaul.

In an executive directive in November, she said some of the hotels might not meet current building code standards and ordered the Housing Department to report on the city’s residential hotel supply, the hotels’ occupancy rates and recent enforcement so that city officials could recommend ways to update the law.

The report hadn’t been made public as of Wednesday afternoon California time.

Gabriel Sandoval of ProPublica contributed research.

This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Robin Urevich, Capital & Main.

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This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.

A state district judge in Travis County has ordered the Texas Department of Public Safety to release law enforcement records related to the May 2022 Uvalde school shooting, more than a year after a consortium of news organizations sued for access.

The ruling by 261st Civil District Court Judge Daniella DeSeta Lyttle calls on DPS to fulfill 28 records requests filed by the news organizations, which include ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, subject to redactions such as personal information of police officers and blurring the faces of minor victims in crime scene photographs.

The files would shed light on the failed police response, in which officers waited more than an hour to confront the shooter who had an AR-15-style rifle. Nineteen children and two teachers died that day.

Lyttle issued a preliminary order in June. The one issued Tuesday is the final judgment. It requires DPS to provide the records sought within 20 days, unless the state police agency appeals the ruling.

“DPS promised to disclose the results of this investigation once it was completed,” said Laura Prather, a media law attorney with Haynes Boone who represents the news organizations. “It was completed in February, and they still haven’t provided any answers to these families.”

DPS did not return a request for comment on Thursday.

Prather said an appeal would likely limit the ability of victims’ families to file federal lawsuits alleging that police had committed civil rights violations. The statute of limitations on those complaints is two years.

“It prevents (families) from having the evidence they need,” Prather said.

The state police agency previously argued that releasing records could interfere with ongoing investigations into the shooting, though DPS said it had completed its initial report on the shooting and provided it to the Uvalde County district attorney.

Between the shooting in May 2022 and the filing of the news organizations’ lawsuit three months later, DPS selectively released information about the shooting during press conferences and public hearings held by the Legislature.

The Tribune and ProPublica separately gained access to materials from the investigation, publishing a series of stories that detailed multiple failures. On Tuesday, the news organizations will publish an article and a documentary, in collaboration with FRONTLINE, that reveal new details about the response.

Uvalde District Attorney Christina Mitchell also opposed disclosure of records to the news organizations. She argued their release could harm her investigation into any potential criminal charges she could pursue based on the DPS investigation.

Mitchell also claimed that “all of the families of the deceased children” had told her they supported blocking the records from release. Attorneys representing the majority of the 21 families whose relatives were killed in the massacre refuted the claim, saying that the information should be made public. Mitchell was later stricken from the case.

This content originally appeared on Articles and Investigations - ProPublica and was authored by by Zach Despart, The Texas Tribune.

Photograph Source: Spc. Kaitlin M. Joiner – Public Domain

The unpardonable, outrageous trial of Australian whistleblower David McBride was a brief affair.  On November 13, it did not take long for the brutal power of the Commonwealth to become evident.  McBride, having disclosed material that informed the Australian public about alleged war crimes by special forces in Afghanistan, was going to be made an example of.

McBride served as a major in the British army before becoming a lawyer for the Australian Defence Force, serving two tours in Afghanistan over 2011 and 2013.  During that time, he gathered material about the culture and operations of Australia’s special forces that would ultimately pique the interest of investigators and lead to the Brereton Inquiry which, in 2020, made 36 referrals to the Australian Federal Police related to alleged war crimes.

McBride was subsequently charged with five national security offences.  He was also denied immunity from prosecution under the near-unworkable provisions of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (Cth).

A central contention of the Crown was that McBride had, first and foremost, a duty to follow orders as a military lawyer.  Such a duty flows on from the oath sworn to the sovereign, and no public interest could trump that undertaking.  “A soldier,” contended Trish McDonald in her astonishing submission, “does not serve the sovereign by promising to do whatever the soldier thinks is in the public interest, even if contrary to the laws made by parliament.”

Even a layperson’s reading of the oath would surely make a nonsense of this view, but Justice David Mossop was in little mood to suggest otherwise.  “There is no aspect of duty that allows the accused to act in the public interest contrary to a lawful order.”  It was a point he would be putting to the jury, effectively excluding any broader public interest considerations that might be at play in disobeying a military order.

For anybody vaguely familiar with military law since the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders in 1945, such orders are never absolute, nor to be obeyed without qualification.  Following orders without question or demur in all cases went out – or so the 1945 trials suggested – with Nazi officialdom and the Third Reich.  There are cases when a soldier is under a positive duty to disobey certain orders.  But McDonald was trapped in a fusty pre-Nuremberg world, evidenced by her use of a 19^th century authority on military justice that would have sat well with the German defence team: “There is nothing so dangerous to the civil establishment of the state as an undisciplined or reactionary army.”

Chief counsel representing McBride, Stephen Odgers, hoped to drag Australian military justice into the twenty-first century, reaffirming the wisdom of Nuremberg: there are times when a public duty supersedes and transcends the narrow demands of authority, notably when it comes to the commission or concealment of crimes.  The oath McBride swore as a member of the ADF to serve the sovereign comprised an element to act in the public interest, even when opposed to a lawful order.

There being no direct Australian decision on the subject (in itself, a startling fact) McBride’s legal team took the matter of duty to the Court of Appeal of the Australian Capital Territory on November 16, hoping to delay the trial and argue the point.  Chief Justice Lucy McCallum heard the following submission: “His only real argument is that what he did was the right thing.  There was an order: don’t disclose this stuff, but he bled, and did the right thing, to use his language, and the question is does the fact that he’s in breach of orders mean that he’s in breach of his duty, so that he’s got no defence?”

If such an approach was adopted, Odgers went on to state, it “may well mean that the consequence is that he’s got no real alternative but to enter pleas of guilty and that would obviously shorten things but he seeks an opportunity to have that critical issue determined by the court of appeal.”  Were the jury to understand that a public interest test applied in certain cases, they would then work on the “basis that there is a powerful public interest that members of the defence force do obey orders, but circumstances might arise in which that is not in the public interest.”

What Justice Mossop was essentially saying was “not that orders are relevant to the question of duty but rather that they trump anything else, so that you must obey”.  This was irrespective of “how unreasonable or in breach of fundamental principles of justice they may be, and will commit criminal offence if he does not”.

Odgers suggested an example elementary but salient.  Picture a junior officer, being given a supposedly lawful order to commit what would be seen as a war crime.  “Is that junior officer necessarily in breach of his duty?  And there’s no way that a jury can say no he didn’t have a duty to obey that order?  That’s the implications we say of his honour’s decision.”

Unfortunately for McBride, McCallum would not be swayed.  Mossop’s ruling was “not obviously wrong.”  She did not feel “that there is sufficient doubt about his honour’s ruling on either issue to warrant interrupting the trial.”

With the trial resuming on November 17, Mossop issued another stinging order: that the Attorney-General’s office remove classified documents in McBride’s possession that could be presented to the jury at trial.  As one of the defence team, Mark Davis, told reporters, “We received the decision just this afternoon, which was in essence to remove evidence from the defence.”  In doing so, “The Crown, the government, was given the authority to bundle up evidence and run out the backdoor with it.”

With such gloomy prospects, McBride requested a new indictment on lesser charges, to which he pleaded guilty.  Facing sentencing in the new year, he may be eligible to serve time outside carceral conditions, though a decade long stint is also in the offing. “The result of today’s outcome,” wrote transparency advocate and former Senator Rex Patrick, “is one brave whistleblower likely behind bars and thousands of prospective whistleblowers lost from the community.”

In June this year, Australian Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus proudly claimed that “the Albanese government has delivered on our promise to the Australian people to strengthen protections for public sector whistleblowers.”  Hardly. While modest amendments were made to the unspeakably clumsy Public Interest Disclosure Act, including the establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission, McBride had little reason to cheer.  Dreyfus refused to use Section 71 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth), which gives the country’s chief lawmaker to drop prosecutions against individuals charged with “an indictable offence against the laws of the Commonwealth”.

Dreyfus, however, did discontinue the obscene prosecution of former ACT attorney-general Bernard Collaery under that same provision but refrained from exercising that same power regarding McBride and the Australian Tax Office whistleblower, Richard Boyle.  His reasoning proved strikingly inconsistent: only in “very unusual and exceptional circumstances” could Dreyfus use such discretion.  We are on slippery terrain when revealing alleged war crimes is a matter usual and unexceptional.

In McBride’s understandably distressed reading of the result, he warned that, in joining the Australian military, you were not “joining a noble profession, just a criminal gang like any other criminal gang: silence and complicity are the touchstones.  A judge has made that clear.”  And, sadly, more besides.

The post A Duty to Obey: David McBride, Whistleblowing and Following Orders appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

The move underscores Beijing’s dilemmatic position of having to defuse local government debt risks while pumping capital into the real economy to prop up growth. The property sector is particularly precarious not only because it is a major growth driver, but the housing issue is closely tied to social stability. 

Authorities told financial institutions that they need to support “reasonable” fund-raising requirements for developers that are “operating normally,” according to a report from the official Xinhua news agency Friday. 

The report added that capital raised through credit, bonds and stock issuance has paid off in helping stabilize the real estate market, citing a meeting organized by the central bank, the People’s Bank of China, foreign exchange and stock regulators, the State Administration of Foreign Exchange and the China Securities Regulatory Commission. 

The meeting was also attended by officials from the two stock exchanges, policy banks and 18 national commercial banks, five asset management firms and four of the country’s biggest stockbrokers.

There is no official tally of the extent of debt chalked up by property developers. 

China Evergrande is the world’s most indebted developer with more than US$300 billion in liabilities. It defaulted on its debt two years ago and has yet to come up with a repayment plan. At the end of October, a Hong Kong High Court judge gave the Hong Kong-listed company until Dec. 4 to come up with a plan when a winding-up hearing will be heard.

Evergrande is not alone. Country Garden and Sunac are also in hot soup. 

The crisis is more pronounced in tier-two cities or below, where most of the 841 demonstrations against property developers since January 2022 to date have occurred, based on data from Freedom House’s China Dissent Monitor. Most of them were staged by homebuyers demanding delivery of their properties with a smaller proportion of construction workers seeking salary payments.

Implications of property woes

China’s property crisis is a growing concern and a drag on the broader economy – the financial wellbeing of local governments, where traditionally, land sales for real estate projects are a huge contributor to their revenues. 

These governments are already under pressure from the cracks of local government fund vehicles that are issued to fund infrastructure like roads and airports but have not generated enough returns to cover their obligations. And massive debts piling up are also fueling concerns of a systemic financial crisis.

The Central Financial Commission, the financial watchdog led by Premier Li Qiang, on Monday emphasized in a meeting the need to improve financial services that will help economic development.

“It is necessary to comprehensively strengthen financial supervision, the responsibility of managing risks, coordination among departments, heighten control of the risk sources as they are diffused, and boost relevant reforms to improve prevention, warning and management mechanisms,” according to a separate Xinhua report citing a commission meeting that Li chaired.

Government debts are expected to account for 83% of China’s gross domestic product in 2023, up from 77% last year, according to data from the International Monetary Fund. 

The IMF’s Mission Chief for China, Sonali Jain-Chandra pointed out that more measures are needed to secure a recovery of the property market, which should include ways to accelerate the exit of troubled developers and greater central government funding for housing completion, following a visit to China early this month.

According to analysts at Nomura, an estimated 20 million units of unconstructed and delayed pre-sold homes across the country are the biggest hurdle to turning the property crisis around, and about $440 billion will be needed to complete their construction, CNBC reported.

In October alone, official data showed that the scale of unsold floor area for residential real estate soared by 19.7%, compared with October 2022. Funds raised by developers dropped 13.8% to 10.73 trillion yuan (US$1.48 trillion) in the first 10 months of the year. Domestic loans into real estate dropped 11% while foreign investments plunged 40.3% in the 10 months.

The rating agency S&P Global has forecast China’s property sales to fall as much as 15% this year, with the drop to taper off to 5% for 2024. The continued property slump would hinder the post-COVID recovery of the world’s second-largest economy where real estate and its related industries make up about 30% of GDP.

Beijing has also been ramping up measures to prop up the economy. It announced last month a 1 trillion yuan government bond issuance, which allows local governments to frontload part of their 2024 bond quotas.

Indications for 2024

Investors and businesses are also watching out for more indications on Beijing’s macroeconomic direction for 2024 at next month’s annual Central Economic Work Conference.

“I think they will continue to send similar signals as what we’ve seen in the past couple of quarters. That is, a high priority to supporting private consumption, fighting financial risks including from housing, continued fiscal support and continued support for the private sector and further opening-up,” said Allan von Mehren, China economist for Danske Bank. 

“It will be interesting to see if we get any clues about their growth target for 2024.” 

Von Mehren pointed out that there is speculation of a 5% target but he sees this as a “quite ambitious target as the base effects will be much less favorable compared to this year.” Beijing has set a growth target of around 5% for this year, which state media has touted this month to be within reach.

Last month’s data show China’s recovery to remain uneven. While industrial output and retail sales were on an uptrend, the consumer price index, a gauge of inflation, slid, as did producer prices. 

Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Elaine Chan for RFA.

McBride served as a major in the British army before becoming a lawyer for the Australian Defence Force, serving two tours in Afghanistan over 2011 and 2013.  During that time, he gathered material about the culture and operations of Australia’s special forces that would ultimately pique the interest of investigators and lead to the Brereton Inquiry which, in 2020, made 36 referrals to the Australian Federal Police related to alleged war crimes.

McBride was subsequently charged with five national security offences.  He was also denied immunity from prosecution under the near-unworkable provisions of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (Cth).

A central contention of the Crown was that McBride had, first and foremost, a duty to follow orders as a military lawyer.  Such a duty flows on from the oath sworn to the sovereign, and no public interest could trump that undertaking.  “A soldier,” contended Trish McDonald in her astonishing submission, “does not serve the sovereign by promising to do whatever the soldier thinks is in the public interest, even if contrary to the laws made by parliament.”

Even a layperson’s reading of the oath would surely make a nonsense of this view, but Justice David Mossop was in little mood to suggest otherwise.  “There is no aspect of duty that allows the accused to act in the public interest contrary to a lawful order.”  It was a point he would be putting to the jury, effectively excluding any broader public interest considerations that might be at play in disobeying a military order.

For anybody vaguely familiar with military law since the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders in 1945, such orders are never absolute, nor to be obeyed without qualification.  Following orders without question or demur in all cases went out – or so the 1945 trials suggested – with Nazi officialdom and the Third Reich.  There are cases when a soldier is under a positive duty to disobey certain orders.  But McDonald was trapped in a fusty pre-Nuremberg world, evidenced by her use of a 19th century authority on military justice that would have sat well with the German defence team: “There is nothing so dangerous to the civil establishment of the state as an undisciplined or reactionary army.”

Chief counsel representing McBride, Stephen Odgers, hoped to drag Australian military justice into the twenty-first century, reaffirming the wisdom of Nuremberg: there are times when a public duty supersedes and transcends the narrow demands of authority, notably when it comes to the commission or concealment of crimes.  The oath McBride swore as a member of the ADF to serve the sovereign comprised an element to act in the public interest, even when opposed to a lawful order.

There being no direct Australian decision on the subject (in itself, a startling fact) McBride’s legal team took the matter of duty to the Court of Appeal of the Australian Capital Territory on November 16, hoping to delay the trial and argue the point.  Chief Justice Lucy McCallum heard the following submission: “His only real argument is that what he did was the right thing.  There was an order: don’t disclose this stuff, but he bled, and did the right thing, to use his language, and the question is does the fact that he’s in breach of orders mean that he’s in breach of his duty, so that he’s got no defence?”

If such an approach was adopted, Odgers went on to state, it “may well mean that the consequence is that he’s got no real alternative but to enter pleas of guilty and that would obviously shorten things but he seeks an opportunity to have that critical issue determined by the court of appeal.”  Were the jury to understand that a public interest test applied in certain cases, they would then work on the “basis that there is a powerful public interest that members of the defence force do obey orders, but circumstances might arise in which that is not in the public interest.”

What Justice Mossop was essentially saying was “not that orders are relevant to the question of duty but rather that they trump anything else, so that you must obey”.  This was irrespective of “how unreasonable or in breach of fundamental principles of justice they may be, and will commit criminal offence if he does not”.

Odgers suggested an example elementary but salient.  Picture a junior officer, being given a supposedly lawful order to commit what would be seen as a war crime.  “Is that junior officer necessarily in breach of his duty?  And there’s no way that a jury can say no he didn’t have a duty to obey that order?  That’s the implications we say of his honour’s decision.”

Unfortunately for McBride, McCallum would not be swayed.  Mossop’s ruling was “not obviously wrong.”  She did not feel “that there is sufficient doubt about his honour’s ruling on either issue to warrant interrupting the trial.”

With the trial resuming on November 17, Mossop issued another stinging order: that the Attorney-General’s office remove classified documents in McBride’s possession that could be presented to the jury at trial.  As one of the defence team, Mark Davis, told reporters, “We received the decision just this afternoon, which was in essence to remove evidence from the defence.”  In doing so, “The Crown, the government, was given the authority to bundle up evidence and run out the backdoor with it.”

With such gloomy prospects, McBride requested a new indictment on lesser charges, to which he pleaded guilty.  Facing sentencing in the new year, he may be eligible to serve time outside carceral conditions, though a decade long stint is also in the offing. “The result of today’s outcome,” wrote transparency advocate and former Senator Rex Patrick, “is one brave whistleblower likely behind bars and thousands of prospective whistleblowers lost from the community.”

In June this year, Australian Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus proudly claimed that “the Albanese government has delivered on our promise to the Australian people to strengthen protections for public sector whistleblowers.”  Hardly.  While modest amendments were made to the unspeakably clumsy Public Interest Disclosure Act, including the establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission, McBride had little reason to cheer.  Dreyfus refused to use Section 71 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth), which gives the country’s chief lawmaker to drop prosecutions against individuals charged with “an indictable offence against the laws of the Commonwealth”.

Dreyfus, however, did discontinue the obscene prosecution of former ACT attorney-general Bernard Collaery under that same provision but refrained from exercising that same power regarding McBride and the Australian Tax Office whistleblower, Richard Boyle.  His reasoning proved strikingly inconsistent: only in “very unusual and exceptional circumstances” could Dreyfus use such discretion.  We are on slippery terrain when revealing alleged war crimes is a matter usual and unexceptional.

In McBride’s understandably distressed reading of the result, he warned that, in joining the Australian military, you were not “joining a noble profession, just a criminal gang like any other criminal gang: silence and complicity are the touchstones.  A judge has made that clear.”  And, sadly, more besides.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

McBride served as a major in the British army before becoming a lawyer for the Australian Defence Force, serving two tours in Afghanistan over 2011 and 2013.  During that time, he gathered material about the culture and operations of Australia’s special forces that would ultimately pique the interest of investigators and lead to the Brereton Inquiry which, in 2020, made 36 referrals to the Australian Federal Police related to alleged war crimes.

McBride was subsequently charged with five national security offences.  He was also denied immunity from prosecution under the near-unworkable provisions of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (Cth).

A central contention of the Crown was that McBride had, first and foremost, a duty to follow orders as a military lawyer.  Such a duty flows on from the oath sworn to the sovereign, and no public interest could trump that undertaking.  “A soldier,” contended Trish McDonald in her astonishing submission, “does not serve the sovereign by promising to do whatever the soldier thinks is in the public interest, even if contrary to the laws made by parliament.”

Even a layperson’s reading of the oath would surely make a nonsense of this view, but Justice David Mossop was in little mood to suggest otherwise.  “There is no aspect of duty that allows the accused to act in the public interest contrary to a lawful order.”  It was a point he would be putting to the jury, effectively excluding any broader public interest considerations that might be at play in disobeying a military order.

For anybody vaguely familiar with military law since the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders in 1945, such orders are never absolute, nor to be obeyed without qualification.  Following orders without question or demur in all cases went out – or so the 1945 trials suggested – with Nazi officialdom and the Third Reich.  There are cases when a soldier is under a positive duty to disobey certain orders.  But McDonald was trapped in a fusty pre-Nuremberg world, evidenced by her use of a 19th century authority on military justice that would have sat well with the German defence team: “There is nothing so dangerous to the civil establishment of the state as an undisciplined or reactionary army.”

Chief counsel representing McBride, Stephen Odgers, hoped to drag Australian military justice into the twenty-first century, reaffirming the wisdom of Nuremberg: there are times when a public duty supersedes and transcends the narrow demands of authority, notably when it comes to the commission or concealment of crimes.  The oath McBride swore as a member of the ADF to serve the sovereign comprised an element to act in the public interest, even when opposed to a lawful order.

There being no direct Australian decision on the subject (in itself, a startling fact) McBride’s legal team took the matter of duty to the Court of Appeal of the Australian Capital Territory on November 16, hoping to delay the trial and argue the point.  Chief Justice Lucy McCallum heard the following submission: “His only real argument is that what he did was the right thing.  There was an order: don’t disclose this stuff, but he bled, and did the right thing, to use his language, and the question is does the fact that he’s in breach of orders mean that he’s in breach of his duty, so that he’s got no defence?”

If such an approach was adopted, Odgers went on to state, it “may well mean that the consequence is that he’s got no real alternative but to enter pleas of guilty and that would obviously shorten things but he seeks an opportunity to have that critical issue determined by the court of appeal.”  Were the jury to understand that a public interest test applied in certain cases, they would then work on the “basis that there is a powerful public interest that members of the defence force do obey orders, but circumstances might arise in which that is not in the public interest.”

What Justice Mossop was essentially saying was “not that orders are relevant to the question of duty but rather that they trump anything else, so that you must obey”.  This was irrespective of “how unreasonable or in breach of fundamental principles of justice they may be, and will commit criminal offence if he does not”.

Odgers suggested an example elementary but salient.  Picture a junior officer, being given a supposedly lawful order to commit what would be seen as a war crime.  “Is that junior officer necessarily in breach of his duty?  And there’s no way that a jury can say no he didn’t have a duty to obey that order?  That’s the implications we say of his honour’s decision.”

Unfortunately for McBride, McCallum would not be swayed.  Mossop’s ruling was “not obviously wrong.”  She did not feel “that there is sufficient doubt about his honour’s ruling on either issue to warrant interrupting the trial.”

With the trial resuming on November 17, Mossop issued another stinging order: that the Attorney-General’s office remove classified documents in McBride’s possession that could be presented to the jury at trial.  As one of the defence team, Mark Davis, told reporters, “We received the decision just this afternoon, which was in essence to remove evidence from the defence.”  In doing so, “The Crown, the government, was given the authority to bundle up evidence and run out the backdoor with it.”

With such gloomy prospects, McBride requested a new indictment on lesser charges, to which he pleaded guilty.  Facing sentencing in the new year, he may be eligible to serve time outside carceral conditions, though a decade long stint is also in the offing. “The result of today’s outcome,” wrote transparency advocate and former Senator Rex Patrick, “is one brave whistleblower likely behind bars and thousands of prospective whistleblowers lost from the community.”

In June this year, Australian Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus proudly claimed that “the Albanese government has delivered on our promise to the Australian people to strengthen protections for public sector whistleblowers.”  Hardly.  While modest amendments were made to the unspeakably clumsy Public Interest Disclosure Act, including the establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission, McBride had little reason to cheer.  Dreyfus refused to use Section 71 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth), which gives the country’s chief lawmaker to drop prosecutions against individuals charged with “an indictable offence against the laws of the Commonwealth”.

Dreyfus, however, did discontinue the obscene prosecution of former ACT attorney-general Bernard Collaery under that same provision but refrained from exercising that same power regarding McBride and the Australian Tax Office whistleblower, Richard Boyle.  His reasoning proved strikingly inconsistent: only in “very unusual and exceptional circumstances” could Dreyfus use such discretion.  We are on slippery terrain when revealing alleged war crimes is a matter usual and unexceptional.

In McBride’s understandably distressed reading of the result, he warned that, in joining the Australian military, you were not “joining a noble profession, just a criminal gang like any other criminal gang: silence and complicity are the touchstones.  A judge has made that clear.”  And, sadly, more besides.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

McBride served as a major in the British army before becoming a lawyer for the Australian Defence Force, serving two tours in Afghanistan over 2011 and 2013.  During that time, he gathered material about the culture and operations of Australia’s special forces that would ultimately pique the interest of investigators and lead to the Brereton Inquiry which, in 2020, made 36 referrals to the Australian Federal Police related to alleged war crimes.

McBride was subsequently charged with five national security offences.  He was also denied immunity from prosecution under the near-unworkable provisions of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (Cth).

A central contention of the Crown was that McBride had, first and foremost, a duty to follow orders as a military lawyer.  Such a duty flows on from the oath sworn to the sovereign, and no public interest could trump that undertaking.  “A soldier,” contended Trish McDonald in her astonishing submission, “does not serve the sovereign by promising to do whatever the soldier thinks is in the public interest, even if contrary to the laws made by parliament.”

Even a layperson’s reading of the oath would surely make a nonsense of this view, but Justice David Mossop was in little mood to suggest otherwise.  “There is no aspect of duty that allows the accused to act in the public interest contrary to a lawful order.”  It was a point he would be putting to the jury, effectively excluding any broader public interest considerations that might be at play in disobeying a military order.

For anybody vaguely familiar with military law since the Nuremberg trials of Nazi leaders in 1945, such orders are never absolute, nor to be obeyed without qualification.  Following orders without question or demur in all cases went out – or so the 1945 trials suggested – with Nazi officialdom and the Third Reich.  There are cases when a soldier is under a positive duty to disobey certain orders.  But McDonald was trapped in a fusty pre-Nuremberg world, evidenced by her use of a 19th century authority on military justice that would have sat well with the German defence team: “There is nothing so dangerous to the civil establishment of the state as an undisciplined or reactionary army.”

Chief counsel representing McBride, Stephen Odgers, hoped to drag Australian military justice into the twenty-first century, reaffirming the wisdom of Nuremberg: there are times when a public duty supersedes and transcends the narrow demands of authority, notably when it comes to the commission or concealment of crimes.  The oath McBride swore as a member of the ADF to serve the sovereign comprised an element to act in the public interest, even when opposed to a lawful order.

There being no direct Australian decision on the subject (in itself, a startling fact) McBride’s legal team took the matter of duty to the Court of Appeal of the Australian Capital Territory on November 16, hoping to delay the trial and argue the point.  Chief Justice Lucy McCallum heard the following submission: “His only real argument is that what he did was the right thing.  There was an order: don’t disclose this stuff, but he bled, and did the right thing, to use his language, and the question is does the fact that he’s in breach of orders mean that he’s in breach of his duty, so that he’s got no defence?”

If such an approach was adopted, Odgers went on to state, it “may well mean that the consequence is that he’s got no real alternative but to enter pleas of guilty and that would obviously shorten things but he seeks an opportunity to have that critical issue determined by the court of appeal.”  Were the jury to understand that a public interest test applied in certain cases, they would then work on the “basis that there is a powerful public interest that members of the defence force do obey orders, but circumstances might arise in which that is not in the public interest.”

What Justice Mossop was essentially saying was “not that orders are relevant to the question of duty but rather that they trump anything else, so that you must obey”.  This was irrespective of “how unreasonable or in breach of fundamental principles of justice they may be, and will commit criminal offence if he does not”.

Odgers suggested an example elementary but salient.  Picture a junior officer, being given a supposedly lawful order to commit what would be seen as a war crime.  “Is that junior officer necessarily in breach of his duty?  And there’s no way that a jury can say no he didn’t have a duty to obey that order?  That’s the implications we say of his honour’s decision.”

Unfortunately for McBride, McCallum would not be swayed.  Mossop’s ruling was “not obviously wrong.”  She did not feel “that there is sufficient doubt about his honour’s ruling on either issue to warrant interrupting the trial.”

With the trial resuming on November 17, Mossop issued another stinging order: that the Attorney-General’s office remove classified documents in McBride’s possession that could be presented to the jury at trial.  As one of the defence team, Mark Davis, told reporters, “We received the decision just this afternoon, which was in essence to remove evidence from the defence.”  In doing so, “The Crown, the government, was given the authority to bundle up evidence and run out the backdoor with it.”

With such gloomy prospects, McBride requested a new indictment on lesser charges, to which he pleaded guilty.  Facing sentencing in the new year, he may be eligible to serve time outside carceral conditions, though a decade long stint is also in the offing. “The result of today’s outcome,” wrote transparency advocate and former Senator Rex Patrick, “is one brave whistleblower likely behind bars and thousands of prospective whistleblowers lost from the community.”

In June this year, Australian Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus proudly claimed that “the Albanese government has delivered on our promise to the Australian people to strengthen protections for public sector whistleblowers.”  Hardly.  While modest amendments were made to the unspeakably clumsy Public Interest Disclosure Act, including the establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission, McBride had little reason to cheer.  Dreyfus refused to use Section 71 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth), which gives the country’s chief lawmaker to drop prosecutions against individuals charged with “an indictable offence against the laws of the Commonwealth”.

Dreyfus, however, did discontinue the obscene prosecution of former ACT attorney-general Bernard Collaery under that same provision but refrained from exercising that same power regarding McBride and the Australian Tax Office whistleblower, Richard Boyle.  His reasoning proved strikingly inconsistent: only in “very unusual and exceptional circumstances” could Dreyfus use such discretion.  We are on slippery terrain when revealing alleged war crimes is a matter usual and unexceptional.

In McBride’s understandably distressed reading of the result, he warned that, in joining the Australian military, you were not “joining a noble profession, just a criminal gang like any other criminal gang: silence and complicity are the touchstones.  A judge has made that clear.”  And, sadly, more besides.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

Usually, the allotment for military provisions and other rations is determined at the end of December, once the autumn grain harvest has completely dried. But that deadline has been brought forward by a month, according to a source in Ryanggang Province.

Some experts said the move was simply to restore reserves depleted over the past couple years because of the pandemic lockdown and drop in trade with China. 

“This seems like a routine order to restore those wartime stockage levels now that trade with China has restarted,” a former U.S. defense official who served in South Korea said.

But others said it could indicate that Kim is preparing for military provocations in the coming months against the United States and South Korea.

Each corps of the People’s Army keeps a year’s worth of food for soldiers in case of war and another one month’s worth of food in case supplies are cut off during wartime. There is also rice that is stored for industrial use and another three-month wartime allotment for civilians, the Ryanggang Province source said.

Wartime reserve food is largely divided between the national leaders’ share and the share that is stockpiled by the General Rear Services Bureau for soldiers in case of war, the source said. 

Kim’s instructions were delivered at an official lecture on Oct. 21 to Workers’ Party officials, he said.

“The instructions were to completely maintain the equipment and materiel of the regular army and civil defense forces,” he said. “They will be maintained so they can be mobilized at any time, and to fill the wartime food reserve as the top priority.”

Warehouses almost empty

Many North Koreans were unable to farm properly during COVID-19. In response, authorities released rice to keep people from starving.

People had expected that government food rations would be normalized in 2024 due to a good harvest this year, according to a source from Chagang Province who requested anonymity for personal safety.

“But now, if all the wartime food reserves have to be refilled, the residents won’t have enough food to eat,” she said. “The country hasn’t saved any food reserves for wartime in recent years.”

“We often hear news that Warehouse No. 2 – which stores city and county wartime food reserves – is empty,” she said. “The food storage warehouses for the General Rear Services Bureau of the People’s Army are also almost empty.”

The United States Department of Agriculture predicted in an Aug. 28 report that North Korea’s rice production in 2023 would be about 2.1 million tons, similar to 2022.

Kim is using North Korea’s military reserve system to try to reestablish central control over key materials before winter, according to Sydney Seiler, the national intelligence officer for North Korea at the U.S. National Intelligence Council.

He added that it’s also possible that Kim is planning provocations to embarrass the government of South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol.

Translated by Claire Shinyoung Oh Lee and Leejin J. Chung. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Moon Sung Hui, RFA Korean.

Sources said each family in a border-adjacent city of Hyesan in Ryanggang province must make two nail boards by hammering several long nails into boards that will line the Chinese side of a recently installed border fence. 

People have been able to climb over the fences and jump down to the other side, residents say. Now they will have to avoid the nail boards on their way down.

“A nail board task was assigned to each neighborhood-watch unit in Hyesan,” a resident of Ryanggang told RFA Korean on condition of anonymity for security reasons. “It is part of a border blocking project to prevent residents from escaping.”

The nail board assignment marks the latest type of unmanned deterrent along the 1,415-kilometer (880-mile) border with China. Others have included razor wire, electric fences, and even landmines. 

The resident said his household was part of a neighborhood watch unit of 24 homes, and the unit was assigned to make 50 of the 2-meter boards. 

Most of the border fence in Hyesan is lined with razor wire, so the nail boards will go in the most sparsely populated areas of the border, where escape is much easier, the resident said.

Private complaints

The citizens are complaining that the government is passing its work onto them, another Ryanggang resident told RFA, on condition of anonymity to speak freely.

“Our neighborhood-watch unit debated whether to make the ‘nail boards’ collectively or for each household to make them on their own, and decided to make them collectively, so each household has to pay 20,000 won (US$2.35).” she said.

The residents feel the additional cost is not fair, because they were tapped to pay for fence repairs over the summer.

“They are unhappy because they don’t have enough money to spend on food, kimchi, and firewood to prepare for the winter,” she said.

Additionally, few feel that nail boards are enough to stop people who dream of freedom, the resident said.

“No matter how sharp the nail board is, the people will still find ways to escape,” she said. “So many people cross the river even though there are security guards with guns and border barriers.” 

Translated by Claire Shinyoung Oh Lee. Edited by Eugene Whong.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Ahn Chang Gyu for RFA Korean.

A Pennsylvania judge granted a motion on Sept. 14, 2023, to compel journalist Mike Elk to disclose his correspondence with former sources, according to court documents reviewed by the U.S. Press Freedom Tracker.

The motion by the NewsGuild-Communications Workers of America and union officials Jon Schleuss, Fatima Hussein and Steve Cook, was made as part of Elk’s defamation suit against the NewsGuild, the Pittsburgh NewsGuild and four individual defendants.

Elk subsequently objected to the NewsGuild’s requests on Oct. 16, so a ruling by the judge now awaits, Poynter reported.

Elk, senior labor reporter and founder of the news site Payday Report, had sued the NewsGuild, the country’s largest journalists’ union, and other defendants in June 2021. He made claims against the NewsGuild for defamation, breach of contract, fraud and assault, alleging that the union mishandled its response to his investigation into sexual harassment allegations against then-president of the Pittsburgh NewsGuild Michael Fuoco. The NewsGuild and other defendants have denied Elk’s claims.

In September 2022, the NewsGuild sought information on Elk’s investigation methods, as well as for the names of and his communications with the sources who told him about the harassment allegations.

Elk was also asked to identify “every individual associated with the New York Times that you have communicated with regarding the lawsuit and the allegations” within his complaint (former New York Times columnist Ben Smith wrote about Elk’s investigation in December 2020).

After Elk refused to comply, the NewsGuild filed a motion to compel discovery responses from him, which the judge granted.

Elk argues in his responses to the NewsGuild that these communications are protected by the First Amendment and Pennsylvania Shield Law.

In an emailed response to the Tracker’s request for comment, Schleuss, president of the NewsGuild, said: “We have no inherent interest in obtaining Elk’s communications regarding the New York Times reporting, other than to defend against Elk’s baseless legal claims. We have not sought, and will not seek any discovery from the New York Times or from any of its current or former reporters.”

Elk told the Tracker he is scheduled to be deposed by the NewsGuild on Nov. 13.

This content originally appeared on U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database and was authored by U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database.

This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Daniel Boguslaw.

Israel’s military on Friday ordered 1.1 million civilians in the northern Gaza Strip to evacuate “southwards” in just 24 hours, a demand that aid groups say will cause untold human suffering. The ultimatum comes ahead of an expected ground invasion of the besieged coastal enclave, where authorities say 1,537 people have been killed since Israel began devastating airstrikes in retaliation for a Hamas attack in which militants killed 1,300 people and took some 150 hostages. Hamas says the intense Israeli bombardment that has pulverized much of Gaza also killed 13 hostages. Meanwhile, Israel continues to maintain a total blockade of the territory, blocking food, water, fuel and medicine from reaching those trapped inside. For more on the crisis and mounting human toll, we speak with Gaza writer Muhammad Shehada, who condemns the international community and mainstream media for its complicity in Israel’s destruction of Gaza. “These things are unimaginable horrors that are inflicted on Gaza right now with no one intervening to stop it,” he says. “This is pure madness.”

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

The donation mandate was the first order of business after Kim returned from his summit in Russia with President Vladimir Putin, where the two countries agreed to strengthen ties. 

During that trip, Kim toured military facilities including a naval base for Russia’s Pacific Fleet and was “shocked” by Moscow’s high-tech weaponry, especially submarines, the sources told RFA.

“Yesterday, Pyongyang sent an order to the North Korean Embassy here in China to raise the necessary funds to build new submarines and warships,” a source in Beijing who is familiar with the situation, told RFA Korean Sept. 23 on condition of anonymity for security reasons.

“The instructions state that the members of all overseas diplomatic missions must donate $100 each before Party Foundation Day on Oct. 10,” he said, adding that the ambassador in Beijing had sent the same order to North Korean consulates in Shenyang and Dandong. Personnel working in overseas companies are also considered part of the mission.

“The order states that the construction of new warships and submarines is a top priority that can no longer be postponed, considering the current situation,” the source said. “The members at the embassy all gave $100 as soon as they received the instructions. Most of them seem to understand that the leader gave this order after being quite shocked by Russia’s advanced weapons.”

Not cheap

Even though the stated purpose is to raise money for warships and submarines, the source said that the order is also a test of loyalty, and likely that future instructions will continue to ask for funding. 

“Some of the people responded to the order by saying ‘New submarines and warships are high-tech, and require expensive materials and equipment. They are not children’s toys. I don’t understand how it will be possible to build them by saving just $100 per person.’”

Indeed, submarines are not cheap, and such donations would seem to hardly make a dent in the overall cost. 

Construction costs for the type of nuclear-powered submarine North Korea could build, such as the French-designed Barracuda-class, run about $1.19 billion each. 

When the orders reached the consulates in the northeastern cities of  Shenyang and Dandong and the former British colony Hong Kong, the officials there “looked dejected,” a source in Shenyang told RFA on condition of anonymity for personal safety.

Companies there are used to getting orders to donate a specific amount of money from their revenue, but this order appealed to them to “exhibit a high level of loyalty in response to the Marshall's instructions to build submarines and new warships,” the Shenyang source said. In official communications, Kim is often referred to by his military rank.

Companies did not force the workers to donate, he said. Instead, they anticipate that some of the workers will demonstrate their loyalty with a large donation, and then the pressure will be on for the rest of the workers to better or match that amount. 

“The workers could not hide their sense of dejection at the instructions,” the Shenyang source said. “The workers are saying, ‘We have been tightening our belts to develop nuclear weapons for decades as we were preparing for war. Now we are building new submarines and warships.’”

“It was foolish of us to expect that [the government] would finally address the country’s food problems.”

Translated by Claire Shinyoung Oh Lee. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Kim Jieun for RFA Korean.

The World Mission Society of Church of God, also known as Church of God the Mother, whose doctrine departs significantly from that of mainstream Christian theology, has been expanding rapidly in Vietnam.

Its adherents believe that its deceased leader Ahn Sahng-hong was the second coming of Jesus Christ and deifies evangelist Jang Gil-ja by calling her God the Mother. Traditional Christian churches regard it as a cult.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Home Affairs issued an official dispatch to the People’s Committees in all cities and provinces nationwide, telling them to take resolute measures to eliminate the organization, Vietnamese state media said on Sept. 17. 

People's Committees are administrative agencies that operate under the management of provincial People's Councils and carry out government policies and directives at the local level.

The committees now must dissolve and revoke the permits of groups practicing the religion and prevent them from creating new groups, Vietnamese media said. They are not allowed to approve church requests to register nonprofit organizations, companies, representative offices, shops, clubs or extracurricular programs. 

RFA called the church’s headquarters in Seoul for comment but got no response.

The World Mission Society Church of God originated in South Korea’s Kyunggi province and was founded by Ahn Sahng-hong in 1964. It has more than 3.3 million registered members in 175 countries, according to its website.

Vietnam’s constitution technically enshrines freedom of religion, but it also allows authorities to override rights, including religious freedom, for purposes of national security, social order, social morality and community well-being.

The church has made a comeback with 16 service locations, mostly in Thanh Hoa city, and around 500 followers, Radio Free Asia reported in May, citing information from the Thanh Hoa provincial police website. 

In late May, Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security said that church adherents had resumed their recruitment activities, targeting college students in the capital city of Hanoi. Also that month, authorities said the church had returned to several other localities, including the city of Hue and Vinh Phuc province.

The Ministry of Public Security believes the church penetrated Vietnam with the entry of Korean people and later via blood donation events held by the WeLoveU Foundation, an international NGO started in South Korea in the 1990s.  

RFA reported in March that police in the central Vietnamese province of Quang Nam ordered church members to stop following the group.

The group’s members typically range in age from 18 to 50 years old, and most are students and housewives, authorities said. They often promote their religion by approaching people at coffee shops, parks and business workshops, especially events about multilevel marketing models.

In April 2018, the Vietnamese government’s Committee for Religious Affairs requested responsible agencies from central to local levels to pay attention to the church’s activities in the country.

Translated by Anna Vu for RFA Vietnamese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese and Taejun Kang for RFA.

The High Court in Lautoka yesterday issued orders to the Fiji police and the Immigration Department not to remove four members of the controversial South Korean religious cult Grace Road from Fiji.

They are Beomseop Shin, Byeongjoon Lee, Jung “Daniel” Yong Kim and Jinsook Yoon.

The interim injunction was issued restraining the Director of Immigration, Commissioner of Police, Airports Fiji Ltd, Civil Aviation Authority of Fiji, Fiji Airways and Air Terminal Services from removing these individuals from Fiji.

• READ MORE: ‘If I did wrong, arrest me’: doomsday sect leader challenges Fiji cabinet minister
• Other Grace Road reports

The High Court has adjourned the case to September 18 at 9am for hearing.

The restraining order was obtained by Gordon and Company of Lautoka.

Earlier, Home Affairs Minister Pio Tikoduadua had called on members of the public to reach out to the authorities if they had information on the whereabouts of Grace Road president “Daniel” Jung Yong Kim and Jin Sook Yoon, reports The Fiji Times’ Meri Radinibaravi.

An International Criminal Police Organisation (Interpol) red notice was issued for Kim, Yoon and five other South Korean individuals in July 2018, which Tikoduadua said had been “ignored by the former government”.

Red notices
The seven individuals are Kim, Yoon, acting Grace Road president Sung Jin Lee, Nam Suk Choi, Byeong Joon Lee, Beomseop Shin and Chul Na.

“In July 2018, red notices were published by Interpol referring to these individuals as ‘fugitives wanted for prosecution’. All of these were ignored by the former government,” Tikoduadua told the media yesterday.

“Using my discretion as minister, under Section 13(2)(g) of the Immigration Act, these individuals were declared prohibited immigrants — making their presence in Fiji unlawful.

“In that regard, may I just use this opportunity to reach out to these other two who, in my view perhaps, are trying not to be seen or noticed by anybody.

“We’re unable to reach them, the police obviously, and the relevant authorities are looking for them. Let me remind the general public that it is an offence to actually harbour people who are wanted, it’s against the law to do that.

“So, please, we welcome information with regard to their location as they are prohibited immigrants in Fiji.”

Tikoduadua said that while Kim and Yoon were still at large, Joon Lee and Shin had been successfully transported back to Korea, accompanied by a South Korean Embassy interpreter and four Fiji police personnel who “will return to Fiji after a brief stay in South Korea”.

Passports nullified
“These individuals’ passports were nullified by the Korean government in relation to charges laid by the South Korean government which had issued a warrant for their arrest.

“During the removal process, Fiji Airways declined to transport Sung Jin Lee and Nam Suk Choi due to a High Court order. The Solicitor-General (Ropate Green) has received this court order for review.

“Ms Lee and Ms Choi have been released and are currently at the Grace Road farm in Navua.

“Additionally, the Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration is exploring legal options under the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act 1997 and the Extradition Act 2003, given that these individuals are subject to an Interpol red notice.”

Tikoduadua said that yesterday, Green had indicated plans to appeal the court order.

Anish Chand is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Ken Klippenstein.

Papua New Guinea police officers have been issued with a Commissioner’s Circular on the approved use of force in the execution of their duties to protect lives from domestic terrorist and other criminal activities.

With the escalation of violence in the Highlands and other parts of PNG, Police Commissioner David Manning said officers must be clear on the extent of their powers.

And criminals needed to be warned of likely outcomes if they used weapons.

• READ MORE: Other PNG law and order reports

“Today, I issued a Commissioner’s Circular on the use of force against criminals to reinforce the lawful authority of police personnel,” he said.

“This is not a circular issue I issue lightly, but it is necessary and done so with the full support of the government in order to quell violence, particularly in the Highlands region.

“I have directed RPNGC personnel to be prepared to deploy lethal force where this is required and reasonable commanders are instructed to incorporate this directive into respective operational orders,” Manning said.

He said as part of this, RPNGC members were reminded when using force and lethal force to act in good faith and sound judgment in accordance with PNG’s laws.

Commissioner Manning said reports of criminals armed with weapons terrorising people — particularly in Enga Province — would not be tolerated.

“Police and PNGDF personnel are responding to criminal elements that commit violent acts on law-abiding and vulnerable communities.”

The Commissioner’s Circular issued today provides clear direction as to when and how lethal force is applied.

In simple terms, if a person was brandishing a gun, an explosive device, or other weapons, — such as a bush knife or catapult — force would be escalated to protect the public and police.

Domestic terrorists and other criminals had now been given more than fair warning, and they could expect no tolerance by security forces responding to crimes.

Last week, two gang leaders in East New Britain felt the full force of the law when they confronted police with firearms. Both gang leaders were killed and their associates arrested.

Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr. joined military chief Gen. Romeo Brawner Jr. at the Lal-lo airfield in northern Cagayan province, one of nine bases and facilities covered under a defense pact that the two longtime allies agreed to expand in early 2023. 

Tedodor said there was a “need to speed up the development” of the sites “to serve a total national security picture of our country.”

“We need to build more facilities to increase our operational tempo so we have to expedite the development of the five initial EDCA sites and four more Philippine bases with EDCA sites,” he told reporters, referring to the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement.

The militaries of both countries are using the airfield here for joint relief operations in the wake of a typhoon that struck the northern Philippines in late July. Teodoro noted “operational limitations” and pointed out that Philippine and U.S. personnel had to use barrels to refuel aircraft by hand.

The five initial EDCA sites approved during previous administrations were: the Antonio Bautista Air Base in Palawan; Basa Air Base in Pampanga; Fort Magsaysay in Nueva Ecija; Lumbia Air Base in Cagayan de Oro City; and Benito Ebuen Air Base in Cebu.

In April, the Ferdinand Marcos Jr. administration announced four additional EDCA sites: Lal-lo airfield; Naval Base Camilo Osias in Sta Ana, Cagayan; Camp Melchor Dela Cruz in Gamu, Isabela; and Balabac island in Palawan.

“The development [at the EDCA sites] is quite slow except for the first five [sites], so we need to work on the four more because they are the most disaster-prone areas actually,” Teodoro said. “And they are also essential to the integrity of our credible deterrent posture and Philippine territorial security.” 

Teodoro said the EDCA sites are logistical and the U.S. could use them “to help us speed up the operational tempo and response.”

“But the rest of the Philippine assets that will be positioned in the EDCA sites are Philippine national security items for our territorial defense,” he said.

On Thursday, the U.S. Department of Defense did not immediately respond to a BenarNews request for comment on Teodoro’s statement.

China, Taiwan question

The upgrades are happening amid tensions between the U.S. and China over Taiwan and territorial disputes between the Philippines and China over the South China Sea.

Last month, Teodoro said the government was monitoring on a daily basis for a possible Chinese invasion of Taiwan where 150,000 Filipinos live and work. Their safety could be compromised if China invades the island, which Beijing considers a renegade province. 

While officials from Manila and Washington have denied that the flurry of activities at Philippine bases had anything to do with Taiwan, analysts have said that the Southeast Asian country’s strategic location is central to the American aim of deterring a possible Chinese attack on the island.

Some analysts, however, have said it is unlikely that Beijing would carry out its threat of invasion. 

Former President Rodrigo Duterte, who met with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in China last month, visited President Marcos on Wednesday, according to the presidential palace in Manila.

Marcos is seen as rekindling Philippine ties with the U.S., as opposed to Duterte who was staunchly anti-American and never visited Washington during his six-year term (2016-22).

“Former President Rodrigo Duterte went to see President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. to talk to him about his recent meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in China. They also discussed other issues,” Communications Secretary Cheloy Velicaria-Garafil said in a statement.

Duterte gave Marcos “some good pieces of advice,” Garafil said, without elaborating. She said Duterte had met with Xi in his private capacity and was not an official representative of the Philippine government.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry previously said Xi “appreciates the strategic choice Mr. Duterte made to improve relations with China during his presidency.”

On Thursday, Teodoro said the discussion between Marcos and Duterte was “very productive,” but said he was not in a position to divulge details. 

Noel Celis and Basilio Sepe in Manila contributed to this report by BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated news service..

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By BenarNews Staff.

For the past 14 years, relatives of four men jailed on terrorism charges in Newburgh, New York, have accused the FBI of entrapment. On Thursday, a federal judge agreed and ordered the release of three of the men known as the Newburgh Four: David Williams, Onta Williams and Laguerre Payen. The men had been sentenced in 2010 to 25 years in prison for a government-orchestrated bombing plot of a New York synagogue. In a stunning decision, the judge accused the FBI of inventing a conspiracy. With the men set to be released within 90 days, we speak with lawyers Kathy Manley and Stephen F. Downs from the Coalition for Civil Freedoms about the monumental ruling, the legal issues with entrapment and what the ruling means for the many cases like this one. “This was the government’s standard operating procedure right after 9/11,” says Downs. “They were out there going to create as many terrorists as they could to show the public that they were on the job.” The fourth man convicted, James Cromitie, is expected to seek compassionate release.

This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

The outlets were accused of misrepresenting the government’s reputation and prestige and of failing to meet the Ministry of Information’s conditions for doing business, according to a July 12 letter signed by Srun Kimsan of Telecommunication Regulator of Cambodia.

The blocked sites include RFA’s Khmer and English websites and RFA’s Khmer language Twitter page. 

The regulator also ordered the blocking of the Kamnotra website, produced by the Cambodian Center for Independent Media, or CCIM. The website posts information, data or documents that people can use. 

RFA condemned the order, calling it a “clear violation of Cambodian law and an attempt to censor the free flow of information ahead of the July 23 election,” according to RFA spokesman Rohit Mahajan.

“Access to timely, accurate news and information, which RFA’s programming and content provides to the Cambodian people on a daily basis, is essential in any democracy where the rule of law supports free speech and a free press,” he said. 

“Despite these unfortunate efforts, RFA will keep striving to inform its audience in Cambodia with up-to-the-minute journalism during this critical time and beyond,” Mahajan said.

‘Undermines their rights’

As of Monday afternoon Washington DC time, access to some of RFA’s websites were blocked within Cambodia, sources there said.

Some RFA monitors inside the country said they were still able to access RFA broadcasts on Facebook, YouTube, Telegram and Twitter. 

However, Kamnotra has already been blocked by major internet service providers like Cellcard and Ezecom, CCIM director Ith Sothoeut said. 

“When sources of information are blocked, it undermines the right to information of the general population, which is guaranteed by law, especially before the election,” he said.

“It undermines their rights as voters, who need to be fully informed to make it easier for them to make informed decisions,” he said.

Cambodia’s 1993 constitution guarantees press freedom. 

But in February, the government closed independent news outfit Voice of Democracy after it reported that the prime minister’s son had approved a government donation to support Turkey’s earthquake recovery efforts. 

Previous crackdowns

Several other independent media outlets were forced to shut down prior to the last general election in 2018. 

And a government crackdown in 2017 led to the closure of 32 FM radio frequencies, including those that broadcast RFA Khmer Service content, the arrest of two former RFA journalists and the closure of The Cambodia Daily newspaper.

The July 12 letter from the Telecommunication Regulator of Cambodia also ordered the blocking of a Khmer language website that has continued to publish stories under The Cambodia Daily name.

RFA has not been able to contact Telecommunication Regulator of Cambodia spokesmen Seang Sethy and Im Vutha for comment. Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications  spokesman Sovisothy and Ministry of Information spokesman Meas Sophorn also weren’t immediately available on Monday.

However, Ministry of Information spokesman Meas Sophorn confirmed to CamboJA News on Monday that the ministry had ordered the closure of the websites.

Cambodia’s Information Ministry issues licenses to broadcasters and other media outlets. The Telecommunication Regulator of Cambodia is an autonomous unit within the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications.  

Translated by Sok Ry Sum and Keo Sovannarith. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

The ruling, reversing a previous decision, marks the first time the oversight board has instructed Meta to shut down an account run by a government leader, and suggests that the company may be shifting its stance on how it deals with content posted by users who have otherwise enjoyed impunity in what they say on its site.

Hun Sen didn’t immediately comment on the ruling, but called on his social media followers to switch to rival platforms TikTok or Telegram.

The Cambodian leader, who has ruled the country since 1985, has regularly taken to social media to deliver lengthy tirades against his opponents, warning them of consequences if they defy him. Such threats are often acted on by judicial authorities, security forces, and supporters of his ruling Cambodian People’s Party, or CPP.

On Thursday, Meta’s oversight board of independent experts said that in one such speech, live streamed to Facebook in January, Hun Sen ranted about claims that the CPP had stolen votes in prior elections, offering his accusers the choice of “legal action or a club.” 

He warned that he would send thugs to beat them up or arrest them in the middle of the night.

While he did not name the target of his ire, Hun Sen’s “stolen votes” comment was widely viewed as a reference to opposition Candlelight Party Vice President Son Chhay, who was convicted of defamation last year after saying that local commune elections in Cambodia had been marred by irregularities.

Intimidating opponents

Cambodia is preparing to hold a general election on July 23, but observers say that the ballot is likely to be neither free nor fair.

Meta initially reviewed the speech after receiving complaints that it violated Facebook’s guidelines on inciting violence, but decided to leave the content up because of its news value.

However, the company referred the content to its oversight board, saying it had created “tension between our values of safety and voice.”

On further review, the board found that the content had indeed run afoul of Facebook’s guidelines prohibiting incitement, citing “the severity of the violation, Hun Sen’s history of committing human rights violations and intimidating political opponents, as well as his strategic use of social media to amplify such threats.”

The board ordered that the video be removed, and called on Meta to suspend Hun Sen’s Facebook and Instagram accounts for six months.

While the call for the account suspension is non-binding, Meta is obligated to take down the video and issue a statement to the public on its reasons for doing so within 60 days.

‘Finally called out’

Hun Sen has yet to comment on the oversight board’s ruling, but on Thursday, he posted a message to his Facebook page calling on his 14 million followers to switch to the Chinese video platform TikTok for future updates. Hun Sen’s TikTok account, set up on Wednesday, currently has nearly 22,000 followers.

Later, the prime minister wrote on the Dubai-based Telegram messaging app that he had found Telegram “more useful than Facebook” and told his 85,000 followers on the app that he will be posting content there going forward.

“This will allow me to easily communicate with people while I am traveling to countries where Facebook is not permitted,” he said. “I will keep my Facebook account but I will suspend using it so that people can get information from me through Telegram.”

Hun Sen said his newly created TikTok account would allow him “to more easily connect with the youth."

‘The stakes are high’

Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for New York-based Human Rights Watch, issued a statement on Thursday dismissing Hun Sen’s reason for leaving Facebook.

“Hun Sen is finally being called out for using social media to incite violence against his opponents, and he apparently doesn’t like it one bit,” he said. 

“That’s the real story about why he’s running away from Facebook, which dared to hold him accountable to their community standards, and into the arms of Telegram, the favored social media messaging system of despots ranging from Russia to Myanmar.”

Robertson said it was high time for tech companies such as Meta to confront world leaders who violate human rights on their platforms.

“The stakes are high because plenty of real world harm is caused when an authoritarian uses social media to incite violence -- as we have already seen far too many times in Cambodia," he said.

Translated by Samean Yun. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

He said aircraft are believed to be operated by “ethnic insurgents” in Vietnam, but Vietnamese authorities have denied that the drones were theirs.

“We urge those countries that allow drones to use their countries to violate Cambodia to immediately halt their actions,” he said. “It is an act of terrorism against Cambodia.”

Hun Sen urged calm in a pre-recorded address released via ruling Cambodian People’s Party, or CPP, mouthpiece FreshNews. The residents of Kratie, Mondulkiri, Ratanakiri and Tboung Khmum provinces have no reason to fear an impending conflict, he said.

“Don't worry about war in Cambodia – our troops … are intervention troops to help local authorities due to repeated violations by drones we don't know the source of yet,” he said.

The prime minister said that the military assets being sent to the four provinces will be there “not only to destroy drones, but also to search for those who fled from Vietnam to hide in Cambodia,” without providing further details.

On June 11, attacks on two commune offices in central Vietnam’s Dak Lak province – across the border from eastern Cambodia – left nine people dead. Last week, Vietnamese authorities said they will prosecute 84 people accused of being involved in the attacks. No one has claimed responsibility for them, and the motivation remains unclear.

Rallying voters

Members of Cambodia’s opposition said they believe Hun Sen – who has been in power since 1985 – is using the development to scare voters into throwing their support behind the ruling CPP ahead of a general election on July 23. He has used similar tactics in the past.

"Before the 2011 elections, there were skirmishes between Cambodia and Thailand, and in 2016 there was a border dispute with Laos, and [the government] deployed troops as the elections approached," said Morn Phally, an activist with the Cambodia National Rescue Party living in exile in Malaysia.

Hun Sen has frequently invoked the specter of threats to national security during speeches in the lead up to ballots, and framed the vote as a referendum on which party can best maintain Cambodia’s sovereignty.

Speaking to RFA on Tuesday, Finland-based political analyst Kim Sok questioned why Hun Sen was deploying troops to the border when Vietnam has denied involvement in the drone incursions.

“Hun Sen is using this strategy to intimidate people and control power,” he said.

Tuesday’s troop deployment follows the unanimous approval by Cambodia’s National Assembly of an amendment to the election law that prohibits those who don’t vote in next month’s elections from running for office in future elections.

Analysts say the change appears to be aimed at preventing a large-scale boycott of the July 23 vote by supporters of the main opposition Candlelight Party.

Translated by Yun Samean. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

The facade of Raymond Mattia’s one-story home on the Tohono O’odham Nation, on the edge of Arizona’s southern border, is still riddled with bullet holes.

The 58-year-old was killed in a hail of gunfire last month, after stepping outside to find nearly a dozen Border Patrol agents and at least one tribal police officer advancing on his property in the dark. Late last week, a tensely awaited medical examiner’s report ruled the case a homicide, finding that Mattia was shot nine times. Border Patrol body camera footage released at the same time confirmed that what the authorities thought was a gun was in fact Mattia’s cellphone.

For Mattia’s family, more questions arose from the videos than answers, hardening their resolve to find accountability for the loss of a beloved father, brother, and uncle.

“If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

“We feel after watching the video that he was trying to comply the best he could,” Mattia’s niece, Yvonne Nevarez, told The Intercept. “If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

On Friday, Tohono O’odham Chair Ned Norris Jr. and Vice Chair Wavalene Saunders issued a statement on the body camera video and autopsy. “The information contained in the report and the body camera footage is graphic and concerning,” it said. “But we must not prejudge the situation and continue to allow investigating agencies to do their fact-finding work.”

The case is still under investigation, with the participation of the Border Patrol’s parent agency, Customs and Border Protection, as well as the FBI and the Tohono O’odham Nation. Of the 10 Border Patrol agents involved in the incident, three opened fire, CBP has said. Those agents are currently on administrative leave. Whether Tohono O’odham police also opened fire is unclear.

The family hoped that the body camera videos would provide answers to their questions. When they arrived at a Tohono O’odham police substation last week to view the footage, however, they found that was not the case. Though CBP had confirmed that all 10 agents involved in the incident were wearing body cameras, the family was shown the same 28-minute edited video the agency released to the public last week, which only included video from the three agents who opened fire.

“We were under the impression that we were going to watch raw footage,” Nevarez said. “The way they put it together feels like a cheap attempt to justify what they did, and it feels like none of them are on our side. It feels like they’re just trying to defend themselves, instead of defending my uncle Ray.”

At around 9 p.m. on May 18, according to CBP, a Border Patrol station in Arizona’s remote west desert received a call for assistance from the Tohono O’odham authorities. The tribal police had received a report of shots fired in Menagers Dam, a Tohono O’odham village on the U.S.-Mexico border, 140 miles southwest of Tucson.

In a recording of the call, a Tohono O’odham police dispatcher reported that two tribal officers were headed to the village. A convoluted story then followed, involving multiple unidentified people and a restraining order, and mentioned a report of a shooting the previous day and a dangerous man in the area with a rifle. No names or addresses were relayed by Tohono O’odham authorities, and the origin of the purported shots was unclear.

“Everybody is saying they heard two,” the dispatcher said. “Nobody can pinpoint where it came from.”

Border Patrol agents mobilized within minutes. At 9:27 p.m., the agents met with an officer from the tribal police department at the Menagers Dam recreation center. The officer gave the agents the name of a man — redacted in the videos released last week — and said shots were fired in the vicinity of his property.

“It’s going to be a little bit of a guessing game trying to find it,” the officer said. “I don’t know exactly where that motherfucker’s at.” They would be approaching two homes with two brothers living in the buildings, he explained; one had a rifle.

“It’s dark as fuck,” he said, as the combined unit headed out, carrying rifles of their own.

At approximately 9:35 p.m., a convoy of seven law enforcement vehicles descended on Mattia’s property. Four minutes after arriving, the officers and agents approached his front door.

Standing outside his home, Mattia was ordered to approach with his hands up. “I am,” he said. Mattia was then ordered to “put it down.” In the body camera footage, an object can be seen tossed away by Mattia after he received the command; it was his sheathed hunting knife. The officers and agents then began shouting at Mattia with escalating intensity. 

“Get on your fucking face,” one of the men yelled.

“Put your hands out of your fucking pocket,” ordered another, his gun pointed at Mattia.

Mattia pulled his hand out of his pocket. One second later, the officers and agents let loose of volley of shots — initial reports indicated as many as 38 rounds were fired.

Mattia wheeled around then crumpled to the ground. The officers and agents began screaming at him. “Put your hands up so we can help you,” shouted one. “He’s still got a gun,” yelled another. “Put your hands out, bro,” said a third. “You’re gonna get shot again.”

Face down in the dirt, moaning and bleeding heavily, Mattia did not move. His hands were cuffed behind his back. The authorities, intent on finding a weapon, did not. Instead, they found Mattia’s cellphone.

“They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

“They asked him to drop his weapon,” Nevarez, Mattia’s niece, said. “That’s why he threw his knife toward them, and it was still in its sheath. They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

At 9:46 p.m., the authorities called for an air evacuation but were advised that one could not be provided due to inclement weather. A doctor declared Mattia dead at 10:06 p.m.

Roughly 31 seconds passed from the moment Mattia received his first command to the moment the first shot was fired. His body would remain where he had fallen for nearly seven hours. 

In the moments before he was killed, Mattia was on the phone with his older sister, who lives nearby in the village. Requesting that her name be withheld out of fear of retaliation, she described what she saw and heard that night — and what her family has experienced in the weeks since.

Mattia’s sister had been working outside all day. After sundown, she had turned on the TV and begun cooking dinner when her dog barked in the direction of her brother’s home. She texted him to see if everything was OK. Mattia replied that a man was just in his house, demanding to use the phone, presumably after crossing the border.

“He said he argued with him. And then another male walked into his home, and then another,” Mattia’s sister told The Intercept. “There were three of them all together. And he said that he just grabbed his hunting knife and scared them off. And he said they ran.”

The experience was not uncommon in Menagers Dam, but, depending on the situation, it could be unsettling. “Peaceful migrants who are trying to come through for a better life have never been a problem,” Nevarez said. “But there is a lot of illegal activity that happens here with drug smuggling and human traffickers.”

Help was never guaranteed. “It takes hours for anyone to come out here,” Mattia’s sister said. “If they’re not in the area, they don’t make their way over here.” One person she could count on was her brother. “Ray has always been here to protect me in the yard,” she said. “We hear something, our dogs start barking, and he’ll walk around with a flashlight to see what’s going on.”

Mattia told his sister he called authorities to report the men in his home, though which authorities he may have called is unclear. Around the time of the siblings’ text exchange, a convoy of law enforcement vehicles began filing into their village, and armed men began jumping out. Mattia’s sister was alarmed. This time, she called her brother.

“I said, ‘They’re running all crazy,’” she recalled. “I told him, ‘They’re in the wash running toward your house.’”

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother.”

Mattia’s sister remembered Raymond responding calmly, telling her that he would go outside and talk to the agents. Seconds later, she heard a sound she will never forget: a cacophony of gunfire so heavy that she thought a cross-border shootout was underway. She could see lights flashing around her brother’s property and heard a man’s voice shouting for someone to grab his bag. She immediately knew he was seeking his first-aid kit.

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother,” she said. “I saw Border Patrol running from vehicle to vehicle, and I shouted to them: ‘What are you guys shooting at? Did you just shoot my brother Raymond?’ And they said, ‘We possibly did.’ And they kept running.”

At a loss for what to do, Mattia’s sister called her children but was so distraught, they could barely understand what she was saying. She decided to drive to the home of her adult niece and nephew — Raymond’s children — and go from there.

Raymond Mattia, who was killed in a Border Patrol raid in May, as seen in a recent family photograph.

Photo: Courtesy of Yvonne Nevarez

Together, the family approached the scene of the shooting. Mattia’s sister was met by the Tohono O’odham police officer who led the operation. “I said, ‘I want to know what happened to Ray — why were they shooting Ray so many times? Why are they all here?’” she recalled asking. “All he told me was, ‘You can’t go over there. It’s a crime scene now.’”

The family stood and watched as Border Patrol agents picked up the bullet casings that littered the ground. An overnight storm rolled in. It began to rain. The family continued to wait. “They were there for a while, and we were just watching them,” Mattia’s sister said. “As I saw them walking by with their guns, it just felt like they were walking in slow motion.”

The hours ticked away. The family was unsure if Mattia was alive or dead. “Nobody’s talking to us. Nobody’s telling us anything,” Mattia’s sister said. Eventually, the worst was confirmed: Mattia was gone. His sister told an investigator that they needed to perform a blessing on the body. “It’s traditional,” she said. The family was denied, though the man did offer to set a candle by Mattia’s corpse.

In the early morning hours, Mattia’s remains were finally loaded into a vehicle. The family said their goodbyes to an unopened body bag.

“We did a blessing for him while he was in the vehicle in a body bag, and we had one of our traditional singers sing a song for him, a traditional song,” Mattia’s sister said. “We all took it very hard.”

Mattia’s body was taken to Tucson.

“I asked the coroner, ‘When we have Ray’s funeral, will we be able to have an open casket?’” his sister said. “She said, ‘His face is OK, but from the neck down — it’s not very good.’”

In the weeks since, Mattia’s sister had a single meeting with a Tohono O’odham investigator. Other than that, the family has not been interviewed by the authorities, including the federal authorities at the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security involved in the investigation.

Mattia was a member of the community council in Menagers Dam, where he had been outspoken against the corruption he saw on the border, including corruption involving border law enforcement. He was a traditional singer, an avid hunter, and an artist, making jewelry, pottery, and paintings that honored the borderlands that the Tohono O’odham call home.

For Mattia’s family, none of the information that’s emerged so far has been able to explain why the authorities ended up at his home in the first place. The references to a restraining order and a double shooting in the community the previous day don’t make sense.

“My uncle Ray was out of town celebrating his birthday the night before,” Nevarez said. “The dispatcher states that they couldn’t pinpoint where the shooting was coming from, but yet, when they are there at the rec center, they’re coming straight to my uncle Ray’s house, with their guns drawn.”

“They’re walking around like it’s the war zone,” she said. “This is a village. People live here. Our houses are in close proximity to each other, and there’s people with families and children that live around here.”

This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Ryan Devereaux.

The facade of Raymond Mattia’s one-story home on the Tohono O’odham Nation, on the edge of Arizona’s southern border, is still riddled with bullet holes.

The 58-year-old was killed in a hail of gunfire last month, after stepping outside to find nearly a dozen Border Patrol agents and at least one tribal police officer advancing on his property in the dark. Late last week, a tensely awaited medical examiner’s report ruled the case a homicide, finding that Mattia was shot nine times. Border Patrol body camera footage released at the same time confirmed that what the authorities thought was a gun was in fact Mattia’s cellphone.

For Mattia’s family, more questions arose from the videos than answers, hardening their resolve to find accountability for the loss of a beloved father, brother, and uncle.

“If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

“We feel after watching the video that he was trying to comply the best he could,” Mattia’s niece, Yvonne Nevarez, told The Intercept. “If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

On Friday, Tohono O’odham Chair Ned Norris Jr. and Vice Chair Wavalene Saunders issued a statement on the body camera video and autopsy. “The information contained in the report and the body camera footage is graphic and concerning,” it said. “But we must not prejudge the situation and continue to allow investigating agencies to do their fact-finding work.”

The case is still under investigation, with the participation of the Border Patrol’s parent agency, Customs and Border Protection, as well as the FBI and the Tohono O’odham Nation. Of the 10 Border Patrol agents involved in the incident, three opened fire, CBP has said. Those agents are currently on administrative leave. Whether Tohono O’odham police also opened fire is unclear.

The family hoped that the body camera videos would provide answers to their questions. When they arrived at a Tohono O’odham police substation last week to view the footage, however, they found that was not the case. Though CBP had confirmed that all 10 agents involved in the incident were wearing body cameras, the family was shown the same 28-minute edited video the agency released to the public last week, which only included video from the three agents who opened fire.

“We were under the impression that we were going to watch raw footage,” Nevarez said. “The way they put it together feels like a cheap attempt to justify what they did, and it feels like none of them are on our side. It feels like they’re just trying to defend themselves, instead of defending my uncle Ray.”

At around 9 p.m. on May 18, according to CBP, a Border Patrol station in Arizona’s remote west desert received a call for assistance from the Tohono O’odham authorities. The tribal police had received a report of shots fired in Menagers Dam, a Tohono O’odham village on the U.S.-Mexico border, 140 miles southwest of Tucson.

In a recording of the call, a Tohono O’odham police dispatcher reported that two tribal officers were headed to the village. A convoluted story then followed, involving multiple unidentified people and a restraining order, and mentioned a report of a shooting the previous day and a dangerous man in the area with a rifle. No names or addresses were relayed by Tohono O’odham authorities, and the origin of the purported shots was unclear.

“Everybody is saying they heard two,” the dispatcher said. “Nobody can pinpoint where it came from.”

Border Patrol agents mobilized within minutes. At 9:27 p.m., the agents met with an officer from the tribal police department at the Menagers Dam recreation center. The officer gave the agents the name of a man — redacted in the videos released last week — and said shots were fired in the vicinity of his property.

“It’s going to be a little bit of a guessing game trying to find it,” the officer said. “I don’t know exactly where that motherfucker’s at.” They would be approaching two homes with two brothers living in the buildings, he explained; one had a rifle.

“It’s dark as fuck,” he said, as the combined unit headed out, carrying rifles of their own.

At approximately 9:35 p.m., a convoy of seven law enforcement vehicles descended on Mattia’s property. Four minutes after arriving, the officers and agents approached his front door.

Standing outside his home, Mattia was ordered to approach with his hands up. “I am,” he said. Mattia was then ordered to “put it down.” In the body camera footage, an object can be seen tossed away by Mattia after he received the command; it was his sheathed hunting knife. The officers and agents then began shouting at Mattia with escalating intensity. 

“Get on your fucking face,” one of the men yelled.

“Put your hands out of your fucking pocket,” ordered another, his gun pointed at Mattia.

Mattia pulled his hand out of his pocket. One second later, the officers and agents let loose of volley of shots — initial reports indicated as many as 38 rounds were fired.

Mattia wheeled around then crumpled to the ground. The officers and agents began screaming at him. “Put your hands up so we can help you,” shouted one. “He’s still got a gun,” yelled another. “Put your hands out, bro,” said a third. “You’re gonna get shot again.”

Face down in the dirt, moaning and bleeding heavily, Mattia did not move. His hands were cuffed behind his back. The authorities, intent on finding a weapon, did not. Instead, they found Mattia’s cellphone.

“They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

“They asked him to drop his weapon,” Nevarez, Mattia’s niece, said. “That’s why he threw his knife toward them, and it was still in its sheath. They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

At 9:46 p.m., the authorities called for an air evacuation but were advised that one could not be provided due to inclement weather. A doctor declared Mattia dead at 10:06 p.m.

Roughly 31 seconds passed from the moment Mattia received his first command to the moment the first shot was fired. His body would remain where he had fallen for nearly seven hours. 

In the moments before he was killed, Mattia was on the phone with his older sister, who lives nearby in the village. Requesting that her name be withheld out of fear of retaliation, she described what she saw and heard that night — and what her family has experienced in the weeks since.

Mattia’s sister had been working outside all day. After sundown, she had turned on the TV and begun cooking dinner when her dog barked in the direction of her brother’s home. She texted him to see if everything was OK. Mattia replied that a man was just in his house, demanding to use the phone, presumably after crossing the border.

“He said he argued with him. And then another male walked into his home, and then another,” Mattia’s sister told The Intercept. “There were three of them all together. And he said that he just grabbed his hunting knife and scared them off. And he said they ran.”

The experience was not uncommon in Menagers Dam, but, depending on the situation, it could be unsettling. “Peaceful migrants who are trying to come through for a better life have never been a problem,” Nevarez said. “But there is a lot of illegal activity that happens here with drug smuggling and human traffickers.”

Help was never guaranteed. “It takes hours for anyone to come out here,” Mattia’s sister said. “If they’re not in the area, they don’t make their way over here.” One person she could count on was her brother. “Ray has always been here to protect me in the yard,” she said. “We hear something, our dogs start barking, and he’ll walk around with a flashlight to see what’s going on.”

Mattia told his sister he called authorities to report the men in his home, though which authorities he may have called is unclear. Around the time of the siblings’ text exchange, a convoy of law enforcement vehicles began filing into their village, and armed men began jumping out. Mattia’s sister was alarmed. This time, she called her brother.

“I said, ‘They’re running all crazy,’” she recalled. “I told him, ‘They’re in the wash running toward your house.’”

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother.”

Mattia’s sister remembered Raymond responding calmly, telling her that he would go outside and talk to the agents. Seconds later, she heard a sound she will never forget: a cacophony of gunfire so heavy that she thought a cross-border shootout was underway. She could see lights flashing around her brother’s property and heard a man’s voice shouting for someone to grab his bag. She immediately knew he was seeking his first-aid kit.

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother,” she said. “I saw Border Patrol running from vehicle to vehicle, and I shouted to them: ‘What are you guys shooting at? Did you just shoot my brother Raymond?’ And they said, ‘We possibly did.’ And they kept running.”

At a loss for what to do, Mattia’s sister called her children but was so distraught, they could barely understand what she was saying. She decided to drive to the home of her adult niece and nephew — Raymond’s children — and go from there.

Raymond Mattia, who was killed in a Border Patrol raid in May, as seen in a recent family photograph.

Photo: Courtesy of Yvonne Nevarez

Together, the family approached the scene of the shooting. Mattia’s sister was met by the Tohono O’odham police officer who led the operation. “I said, ‘I want to know what happened to Ray — why were they shooting Ray so many times? Why are they all here?’” she recalled asking. “All he told me was, ‘You can’t go over there. It’s a crime scene now.’”

The family stood and watched as Border Patrol agents picked up the bullet casings that littered the ground. An overnight storm rolled in. It began to rain. The family continued to wait. “They were there for a while, and we were just watching them,” Mattia’s sister said. “As I saw them walking by with their guns, it just felt like they were walking in slow motion.”

The hours ticked away. The family was unsure if Mattia was alive or dead. “Nobody’s talking to us. Nobody’s telling us anything,” Mattia’s sister said. Eventually, the worst was confirmed: Mattia was gone. His sister told an investigator that they needed to perform a blessing on the body. “It’s traditional,” she said. The family was denied, though the man did offer to set a candle by Mattia’s corpse.

In the early morning hours, Mattia’s remains were finally loaded into a vehicle. The family said their goodbyes to an unopened body bag.

“We did a blessing for him while he was in the vehicle in a body bag, and we had one of our traditional singers sing a song for him, a traditional song,” Mattia’s sister said. “We all took it very hard.”

Mattia’s body was taken to Tucson.

“I asked the coroner, ‘When we have Ray’s funeral, will we be able to have an open casket?’” his sister said. “She said, ‘His face is OK, but from the neck down — it’s not very good.’”

In the weeks since, Mattia’s sister had a single meeting with a Tohono O’odham investigator. Other than that, the family has not been interviewed by the authorities, including the federal authorities at the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security involved in the investigation.

Mattia was a member of the community council in Menagers Dam, where he had been outspoken against the corruption he saw on the border, including corruption involving border law enforcement. He was a traditional singer, an avid hunter, and an artist, making jewelry, pottery, and paintings that honored the borderlands that the Tohono O’odham call home.

For Mattia’s family, none of the information that’s emerged so far has been able to explain why the authorities ended up at his home in the first place. The references to a restraining order and a double shooting in the community the previous day don’t make sense.

“My uncle Ray was out of town celebrating his birthday the night before,” Nevarez said. “The dispatcher states that they couldn’t pinpoint where the shooting was coming from, but yet, when they are there at the rec center, they’re coming straight to my uncle Ray’s house, with their guns drawn.”

“They’re walking around like it’s the war zone,” she said. “This is a village. People live here. Our houses are in close proximity to each other, and there’s people with families and children that live around here.”

This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Ryan Devereaux.

The facade of Raymond Mattia’s one-story home on the Tohono O’odham Nation, on the edge of Arizona’s southern border, is still riddled with bullet holes.

The 58-year-old was killed in a hail of gunfire last month, after stepping outside to find nearly a dozen Border Patrol agents and at least one tribal police officer advancing on his property in the dark. Late last week, a tensely awaited medical examiner’s report ruled the case a homicide, finding that Mattia was shot nine times. Border Patrol body camera footage released at the same time confirmed that what the authorities thought was a gun was in fact Mattia’s cellphone.

For Mattia’s family, more questions arose from the videos than answers, hardening their resolve to find accountability for the loss of a beloved father, brother, and uncle.

“If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

“We feel after watching the video that he was trying to comply the best he could,” Mattia’s niece, Yvonne Nevarez, told The Intercept. “If they’re allowed to get away with this now, it’s not going to stop.”

On Friday, Tohono O’odham Chair Ned Norris Jr. and Vice Chair Wavalene Saunders issued a statement on the body camera video and autopsy. “The information contained in the report and the body camera footage is graphic and concerning,” it said. “But we must not prejudge the situation and continue to allow investigating agencies to do their fact-finding work.”

The case is still under investigation, with the participation of the Border Patrol’s parent agency, Customs and Border Protection, as well as the FBI and the Tohono O’odham Nation. Of the 10 Border Patrol agents involved in the incident, three opened fire, CBP has said. Those agents are currently on administrative leave. Whether Tohono O’odham police also opened fire is unclear.

The family hoped that the body camera videos would provide answers to their questions. When they arrived at a Tohono O’odham police substation last week to view the footage, however, they found that was not the case. Though CBP had confirmed that all 10 agents involved in the incident were wearing body cameras, the family was shown the same 28-minute edited video the agency released to the public last week, which only included video from the three agents who opened fire.

“We were under the impression that we were going to watch raw footage,” Nevarez said. “The way they put it together feels like a cheap attempt to justify what they did, and it feels like none of them are on our side. It feels like they’re just trying to defend themselves, instead of defending my uncle Ray.”

At around 9 p.m. on May 18, according to CBP, a Border Patrol station in Arizona’s remote west desert received a call for assistance from the Tohono O’odham authorities. The tribal police had received a report of shots fired in Menagers Dam, a Tohono O’odham village on the U.S.-Mexico border, 140 miles southwest of Tucson.

In a recording of the call, a Tohono O’odham police dispatcher reported that two tribal officers were headed to the village. A convoluted story then followed, involving multiple unidentified people and a restraining order, and mentioned a report of a shooting the previous day and a dangerous man in the area with a rifle. No names or addresses were relayed by Tohono O’odham authorities, and the origin of the purported shots was unclear.

“Everybody is saying they heard two,” the dispatcher said. “Nobody can pinpoint where it came from.”

Border Patrol agents mobilized within minutes. At 9:27 p.m., the agents met with an officer from the tribal police department at the Menagers Dam recreation center. The officer gave the agents the name of a man — redacted in the videos released last week — and said shots were fired in the vicinity of his property.

“It’s going to be a little bit of a guessing game trying to find it,” the officer said. “I don’t know exactly where that motherfucker’s at.” They would be approaching two homes with two brothers living in the buildings, he explained; one had a rifle.

“It’s dark as fuck,” he said, as the combined unit headed out, carrying rifles of their own.

At approximately 9:35 p.m., a convoy of seven law enforcement vehicles descended on Mattia’s property. Four minutes after arriving, the officers and agents approached his front door.

Standing outside his home, Mattia was ordered to approach with his hands up. “I am,” he said. Mattia was then ordered to “put it down.” In the body camera footage, an object can be seen tossed away by Mattia after he received the command; it was his sheathed hunting knife. The officers and agents then began shouting at Mattia with escalating intensity. 

“Get on your fucking face,” one of the men yelled.

“Put your hands out of your fucking pocket,” ordered another, his gun pointed at Mattia.

Mattia pulled his hand out of his pocket. One second later, the officers and agents let loose of volley of shots — initial reports indicated as many as 38 rounds were fired.

Mattia wheeled around then crumpled to the ground. The officers and agents began screaming at him. “Put your hands up so we can help you,” shouted one. “He’s still got a gun,” yelled another. “Put your hands out, bro,” said a third. “You’re gonna get shot again.”

Face down in the dirt, moaning and bleeding heavily, Mattia did not move. His hands were cuffed behind his back. The authorities, intent on finding a weapon, did not. Instead, they found Mattia’s cellphone.

“They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

“They asked him to drop his weapon,” Nevarez, Mattia’s niece, said. “That’s why he threw his knife toward them, and it was still in its sheath. They asked him to take his hands out of his pockets. And that’s what he did. And then they shot him.”

At 9:46 p.m., the authorities called for an air evacuation but were advised that one could not be provided due to inclement weather. A doctor declared Mattia dead at 10:06 p.m.

Roughly 31 seconds passed from the moment Mattia received his first command to the moment the first shot was fired. His body would remain where he had fallen for nearly seven hours. 

In the moments before he was killed, Mattia was on the phone with his older sister, who lives nearby in the village. Requesting that her name be withheld out of fear of retaliation, she described what she saw and heard that night — and what her family has experienced in the weeks since.

Mattia’s sister had been working outside all day. After sundown, she had turned on the TV and begun cooking dinner when her dog barked in the direction of her brother’s home. She texted him to see if everything was OK. Mattia replied that a man was just in his house, demanding to use the phone, presumably after crossing the border.

“He said he argued with him. And then another male walked into his home, and then another,” Mattia’s sister told The Intercept. “There were three of them all together. And he said that he just grabbed his hunting knife and scared them off. And he said they ran.”

The experience was not uncommon in Menagers Dam, but, depending on the situation, it could be unsettling. “Peaceful migrants who are trying to come through for a better life have never been a problem,” Nevarez said. “But there is a lot of illegal activity that happens here with drug smuggling and human traffickers.”

Help was never guaranteed. “It takes hours for anyone to come out here,” Mattia’s sister said. “If they’re not in the area, they don’t make their way over here.” One person she could count on was her brother. “Ray has always been here to protect me in the yard,” she said. “We hear something, our dogs start barking, and he’ll walk around with a flashlight to see what’s going on.”

Mattia told his sister he called authorities to report the men in his home, though which authorities he may have called is unclear. Around the time of the siblings’ text exchange, a convoy of law enforcement vehicles began filing into their village, and armed men began jumping out. Mattia’s sister was alarmed. This time, she called her brother.

“I said, ‘They’re running all crazy,’” she recalled. “I told him, ‘They’re in the wash running toward your house.’”

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother.”

Mattia’s sister remembered Raymond responding calmly, telling her that he would go outside and talk to the agents. Seconds later, she heard a sound she will never forget: a cacophony of gunfire so heavy that she thought a cross-border shootout was underway. She could see lights flashing around her brother’s property and heard a man’s voice shouting for someone to grab his bag. She immediately knew he was seeking his first-aid kit.

“I was in shock, just hearing all those gunshots, knowing they were shooting at my brother,” she said. “I saw Border Patrol running from vehicle to vehicle, and I shouted to them: ‘What are you guys shooting at? Did you just shoot my brother Raymond?’ And they said, ‘We possibly did.’ And they kept running.”

At a loss for what to do, Mattia’s sister called her children but was so distraught, they could barely understand what she was saying. She decided to drive to the home of her adult niece and nephew — Raymond’s children — and go from there.

Raymond Mattia, who was killed in a Border Patrol raid in May, as seen in a recent family photograph.

Photo: Courtesy of Yvonne Nevarez

Together, the family approached the scene of the shooting. Mattia’s sister was met by the Tohono O’odham police officer who led the operation. “I said, ‘I want to know what happened to Ray — why were they shooting Ray so many times? Why are they all here?’” she recalled asking. “All he told me was, ‘You can’t go over there. It’s a crime scene now.’”

The family stood and watched as Border Patrol agents picked up the bullet casings that littered the ground. An overnight storm rolled in. It began to rain. The family continued to wait. “They were there for a while, and we were just watching them,” Mattia’s sister said. “As I saw them walking by with their guns, it just felt like they were walking in slow motion.”

The hours ticked away. The family was unsure if Mattia was alive or dead. “Nobody’s talking to us. Nobody’s telling us anything,” Mattia’s sister said. Eventually, the worst was confirmed: Mattia was gone. His sister told an investigator that they needed to perform a blessing on the body. “It’s traditional,” she said. The family was denied, though the man did offer to set a candle by Mattia’s corpse.

In the early morning hours, Mattia’s remains were finally loaded into a vehicle. The family said their goodbyes to an unopened body bag.

“We did a blessing for him while he was in the vehicle in a body bag, and we had one of our traditional singers sing a song for him, a traditional song,” Mattia’s sister said. “We all took it very hard.”

Mattia’s body was taken to Tucson.

“I asked the coroner, ‘When we have Ray’s funeral, will we be able to have an open casket?’” his sister said. “She said, ‘His face is OK, but from the neck down — it’s not very good.’”

In the weeks since, Mattia’s sister had a single meeting with a Tohono O’odham investigator. Other than that, the family has not been interviewed by the authorities, including the federal authorities at the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security involved in the investigation.

Mattia was a member of the community council in Menagers Dam, where he had been outspoken against the corruption he saw on the border, including corruption involving border law enforcement. He was a traditional singer, an avid hunter, and an artist, making jewelry, pottery, and paintings that honored the borderlands that the Tohono O’odham call home.

For Mattia’s family, none of the information that’s emerged so far has been able to explain why the authorities ended up at his home in the first place. The references to a restraining order and a double shooting in the community the previous day don’t make sense.

“My uncle Ray was out of town celebrating his birthday the night before,” Nevarez said. “The dispatcher states that they couldn’t pinpoint where the shooting was coming from, but yet, when they are there at the rec center, they’re coming straight to my uncle Ray’s house, with their guns drawn.”

“They’re walking around like it’s the war zone,” she said. “This is a village. People live here. Our houses are in close proximity to each other, and there’s people with families and children that live around here.”

This content originally appeared on The Intercept and was authored by Ryan Devereaux.

The post Under Holy Orders: Everyone A Shaman appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Kim C. Domenico.

Amendments to two articles in the election law would prohibit those who don’t vote on July 23 from ever running for any commune, district, provincial, Senate or National Assembly office, he said at a public gathering with workers in Phnom Penh on Tuesday. 

“If you dare not vote, you won’t be able to run for councilors or Senate,” he said. “You will be done.”

The move appears to be aimed at boosting voter turnout, and in reaction to talk of an election boycott by opposition activists, according to Sam Kuntheamy, executive director of the Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia.

The boycott would be a way of expressing public anger over the banning of the main opposition Candlelight Party from running in the election.

The proposed amendment would also impact voters who don’t vote in this election, he said. “The amendment will change the vote from ‘right to vote’ to ‘compulsory to vote,’” he said.

Phil Robertson, Human Rights Watch’s deputy Asia director, said Hun Sun is trying to pressure people to vote because he thinks a high voter percentage will bring legitimacy to the election, said 

“There is nothing he can do to make the election legitimate because he has already engineered – through a bogus requirement – the disqualification of the main opposition party,” he told Radio Free Asia. 

“So this is Hun Sen running against a bunch of firefly parties, parties that really don’t have any chance of winning. And he’s trying to inflate the numbers,” he said.

‘If you dare’

Hun Sen also accused activists from the opposition Candlelight Party of launching an Internet campaign urging people not to vote. 

Last month, the National Election Committee ruled that the Candlelight Party couldn’t appear on the ballot, citing inadequate paperwork. The party had hoped to organize a demonstration this month to protest the ruling but postponed that after Hun Sen threatened to arrest the party’s vice president and other members.

Hun Sen has implemented many bad laws to protect his power since 2017, when the Supreme Court ordered the Cambodia National Rescue Party – the main opposition party at the time – to be disbanded, according to Eng Chhai Eang, a top CNRP official who now lives in the United States.

One way around the new requirement would be for voters to go to polling stations, take a ballot into a voting booth and then destroy it, he said. 

“All parties can join in this,” he said.

Only a dictator would change the election law just six weeks before an election, Robertson said.

“Hun Sen likes to borrow rights’ abusing ideas from other countries. He borrows from Singapore. He borrows from military coup governments in Thailand. He borrows whatever sort of thing he can use to try to justify whatever he needs to do,” he said.

“The reality is that this election is rigged. It’s fixed from the beginning.”

Translated by Samean Yun. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

The National Court has ordered the Papua New Guinea government to disclose the full details of the gold refinery deal it entered into with a Singapore-based company, National Gold Corporation.

The court ordered Prime Minister James Marape (first defendant), Planning Minister Renbo Paita (second defendant), the NEC (third defendant) and Dr Eric Kwa (fourth defendant) to make full disclosure on the project agreement, which would eventually become law and change the entire landscape of PNG’s gold industry.

“The process of gold refinery, while it may be welcome news for the country as to [who is] owning it, especially when a company is proposed to be a proponent, developer or owner of resource, the country needs to know the good and bad of it and the justifications for such arrangements,” Deputy Chief Justice Ambeng Kandakasi ruled in his judgment.

The order follows a court challenge mounted by Justin Parker, owner of Golden Valley Enterprise Limited, PNG’s leading gold buyer and processor, about the validity of the gold refinery agreement between the state and National Gold Corporation.

“I was disappointed when I learnt that an agreement was signed.

“To my knowledge the foreign company will own 70 percent of the refinery whilst the PNG government will only own 30 per cent when we could own for a 100 per cent nationally owned refinery,” Parker said through his lawyer, Saulep Lawyers.

The project agreement which will eventually be made law, will completely change the landscape of PNG’s gold industry.

Accessed unsigned copy
“Coupled with the media publications, I had the benefit of having accessed an unsigned copy of the agreement relating to the Refinery Project and I note with grave concerns how this purported agreement will be very detrimental to the state, as well as all industry stakeholders.

“This agreement will totally shut the doors completely on us local businesses, alluvial miners, gold miners and aggregators around the country.

“It is dangerous to note that there will be no more open market competition and trade, being the fundamentals of democratic society and therefore our Constitution,” Parker said.

Aggrieved with information gathered overtime, Parker filed an application in the National Court on 13 December 2021, seeking :

• A declaration pursuant to Section 51 of the Constitution that the Plaintiff has the right to have access to all pertinent and relevant information regarding the National Gold Refinery and Mint Project relating to the downstream processing of gold in the country, including, policies, statutory business papers, National Gold Corporation Project Shareholder Agreement, all related NEC Decisions (NEC Decision No 73 & 74/2021 dated 17th May 2021, NEC Decision No 267/2021 dated 20th September 2021 and NEC Policy Submission No 208/2021.
• An order that pursuant to Sections 51 and 155 (4) and of the Constitution, the Defendants make available forthwith to all the referenced documents to Parker.

Justice Kandakasi granted these orders and further ordered that: “As the plaintiff submits, there has been no broader, wider consultation and so who stands to benefit, who stands to lose, what are the arrangements and what are the safeguards for alluvial miners or other mining interest holders?

“There is no evidence of any meaningful consultation having being occurred so a disclosure of these documents will enable the plaintiff and such other persons to work out whether they should be challenging the decisions arrived at.”

The court orders:

• The plaintiff is granted leave to proceed ex-parte conditional on the plaintiff filing and serving an affidavit annexing the various email communication between the plaintiff and the defendants in respect of the matter coming to court today.
• Judgment is granted in favour of the plaintiff
• A declaration that pursuant to Section 51 of the Constitution, the plaintiff has the right to have access to all the pertinent and relevant information regarding the National Gold Refinery and Mint Project including the following information:

– (a) Department of National Planning and Monitoring’s Policy Document on the Refinery, Smelting and downstream processing of Gold in the country;
– (b) Statutory Business Papers regarding the National Gold Refinery and Mint Project;
– (c) National Gold Corporation Project Shareholders Agreement;
– (d) NEC Decisions No. 73 & 84/2021 dated 17th May 2021;
(e) NEC Decision No. 267/2021 dated 20th September 2021;
– (f) NEC Policy Submission No. 208/2021.
– Pursuant to Section 155(4) and Section 51 of the Constitution, the Defendants make available forthwith to the Plaintiff copies of all pertinent and relevant information regarding the National Gold Refinery and Mint Project, namely:
(a) Department of National Planning and Monitoring Policy Document on the Refinery, Smelting and downstream processing of Gold in the county;
(b) Statutory Business Papers regarding the National Gold Refinery and Mint Project;
(c) National Gold Corporation Project Shareholders Agreement,
(d) NEC Decisions No. 73 & 84/2021 dated 17th May 2021;
(e) NEC Decision No. 267/2021 dated 20* September 2021;
(f) NEC Policy Submission No. 208/2021.

The defendants shall pay the plaintiff’s costs of and incidental to these proceedings on a party/party basis, to be taxed if not agreed.

Gorethy Kenneth is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

On May 2, the Court of General Jurisdiction in Yerevan ordered 9 million dram (US$23,000) of Sargsyan’s assets to be frozen, as well as 9 million dram of the assets of his employer, 168 Hours, according to news reports and Sargsyan’s lawyer Aram Orbelyan, who spoke to CPJ.

The freeze stems from a civil defamation suit filed by Yerevan Deputy Mayor Tigran Avinyan on March 31, in response to a February 5 video report by Sargsyan accusing him of corruption.

On May 16, Avinyan’s lawyer announced on Facebook that he had applied to the court to withdraw the freeze on Sargsyan’s assets, saying his client had “no intention of bankrupting any media outlet or causing any financial inconveniences.”

Orbelyan told CPJ on Monday, May 22, that a court representative had confirmed the receipt of Avinyan’s application to drop the freeze, but authorities had yet to act on it. CPJ called the Court of General Jurisdiction for comment but no one answered.

“The asset freezes imposed on Armenian journalist Davit Sargsyan and the outlet 168 Hours are a worrying development that could have a chilling effect on the country’s media,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Authorities should drop these freezes and ensure that civil lawsuits against the media do not risk bankrupting independent outlets.”

168 Hours is frequently critical of the Armenian government. In the February video report, “Tigran Avinyan, the newly rich man,” Sargsyan alleged that Avinyan’s family was “steadily getting richer” through political influence since Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan came to power in 2018, those reports stated.

Orbelyan told CPJ that Avinyan did not challenge the facts cited in Sargsyan’s report but denied that they constituted corruption. CPJ emailed Avinyan for comment but did not receive any reply.

Ashot Melikyan, chair of the local advocacy group Committee to Protect Freedom of Speech, told CPJ that the case was the first time a media outlet has been sued for the maximum 9 million dram since Armenia enacted amendments tripling maximum fines for insult and defamation in 2021.

Aramazd Kiviryan, a lawyer for 168 Hours, told CPJ that insult and defamation claims in Armenia are generally in the range of 100,000 to 500,000 dram (US$258 to $1,292) and while courts occasionally froze media outlets’ assets, they typically involved much smaller sums.

The present freeze poses a significant problem for 168 Hours’ operations, he said. Kiviryan told CPJ that 168 Hours would apply to have the freeze lifted, and if they failed it would remain in place until the court’s final decision on the lawsuit, which could take years.

Sargsyan wrote on Facebook that he relied on previously published materials for his reporting, which Avinyan had not denied at the time. He wrote that he believed the suit aimed “to cause me significant financial damage and thus to keep me silent.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

North Fly MP James Donald has ordered Papua New Guinean police to shoot to kill drug and gun runners along the Indonesian border.

Donald said this after police in Kiunga had raided Mepu village along the border and arrested and charged three men from Hela for being in possession of 3.4kg of marijuana with a street value of K50,000 (NZ$23,000).

The men have been detained and were expected to appear before Kiunga District Court this week.

• READ MORE: Other reports on PNG crime

Donald called on police to shoot to kill those involved in smuggling drugs to exchange with money and guns along the border with the Indonesian region of Papua.

“I wish to commend the policemen and women for doing a good job,” he said.

“It is not the first time that men from Tari and Upper Highlands, including locals from Nomad, have been involved in smuggling drugs into Kiunga and Tabubil for exchange for money and guns.

“I must warn everyone that those caught involved in smuggling drugs will face the full force of the law.”

‘Destroying society’
He said his orders were for anyone caught with clear possession of drugs to be immediately “shot on the spot to eliminate the bad one” and stop them from “destroying the society”.

“I am going to step up the laws and give such tough penalty directives to men in blue in my electorate to carry out without fear or favour because I am tired of such bad drug issue with the ongoing law and order issues,” he said.

“If you enter Indonesia with a drug you will be shot dead on the spot. Likewise, I will implement the same policy in North Fly. Enough is enough.

“The drugs are smuggled through Iowara Rampsite way and others who fly in by air from Hagen and Telefomin are given caution also.

“This country needs to now be serious and that means we have to step up as law and order issues in PNG have gone to the dogs,” Donald said.

Republished with permission.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

The 10,000-page reading campaign is a rehash of a 1960s policy enacted by leader Kim Jong Un’s father and predecessor Kim Jong Il, who at that time was a high-ranking government official when his father Kim Il Sung ruled the country. 

Sources said that the 2023 reading campaign is also meant to counter South Korean movies, TV shows and music smuggled into the country on memory sticks and other devices. 

Authorities have imposed punishments, including public executions, for distributing or watching South Korean media, which is derided by the ruling Korean Workers’ Party as examples of  “reactionary thought and culture.” 

Factory workers in South Pyongan province, north of Pyongyang, were told to focus on texts like Kim Jong Un’s speeches and transcripts of party plenary meetings, a source in the province told Radio Free Asia on condition of anonymity for security reasons.

“They have to write down what they read everyday and present it to the party organization at the end of the year,” he said, adding that the 10,000-page reading campaign is the government’s strategy to re-arm the people with socialist ideology. 

“The workers are all saying that the books in North Korea are nothing but propaganda that our great leader is the best, so we are not interested in reading them,” said the source. “If the books were as fun to read as South Korean movies are to watch, wouldn’t we be reading them all night long?”

In North Pyongan province, members of the Socialist Women’s Union were told to read the published works of the current or previous leaders, or novels with a socialist message, a source there told RFA on condition of anonymity to speak freely.

“The purpose of the 10,000-page reading campaign is not to simply achieve the exact number of pages, but to build up mental nourishment to prepare oneself politically and ideologically,” she explained.

The people were told to read at least 30 pages every day and to keep personal reading journals, summarizing the key feelings and thoughts from what they read. The journals are to be reviewed by the party organization at the end of the year.  

The campaign is meant to “eradicate the reactionary thought and culture remaining in the minds of residents and young people, and to rearm the residents with the party’s ideology,” she said. “But who wants to read ten thousand pages of a North Korean book that’s all about praising the leader?”

Translated by Claire Shinyoung Oh Lee. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Hyemin Son for RFA Korean.

On April 21, during a closed-door hearing, a court in Moscow ordered Grozev’s arrest for allegedly crossing the Russian border illegally, according to multiple news reports and Grozev, who communicated with CPJ via Twitter.

The court classified Grozev, a foreign national who never worked or lived in Russia, as “arrested in absentia,” meaning he would be immediately detained if he traveled to Russia or if he traveled in a country that could extradite him to Russia, those reports said. The court ordered Grozev, who heads the Netherlands-based investigative outlet Bellingcat, to be held for two months if he returned to Russia or was extradited to Russia; if convicted of crossing the border illegally, he could face up to two years in prison.

Also, on April 21, the Russian Ministry of Justice labeled Grozev a “foreign agent.” 

“By arresting journalists in absentia, Russian authorities are lashing out at those who report independently on the country from beyond its borders,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Russian authorities must immediately drop all charges against Bellingcat journalist Christo Grozev, as well as all members of the press who have already been arrested in absentia, and stop such cynical moves aimed at intimidating independent journalists.”

Authorities allege that Grozev helped Roman Dobrokhotov, founder of the international investigative outlet The Insider, cross the border between Russia and Ukraine in August 2021 following raids by the Russian Federal Security Service, or FSB, on Dobrokhotov and his parent’s homes, during which the authorities seized his passport, according to Grozev and those reports.

“Instead of waiting for the FSB to come back and charge him with whatever they could invent after hacking into his work computer, he simply crossed the border on foot,” Grozev said, adding that he did not help Dobrokhotov. “He simply exercised his right of free movement to avoid unlawful persecution and possibly torture. There was no formal charge that prohibited his travel, and he was in possession of a valid national ID.”

In July 2022, the FSB claimed Grozev was involved in a plan by Ukrainian special services to hijack a Russian combat aircraft, which Grozev denied. In December 2022, the Russian Ministry of the Interior put Grozev on the country’s international wanted list in connection to alleged border crossing offense.

Bellingcat is known for its high-profile investigations, including of the MH17 crash in eastern Ukraine and the poisoning of jailed Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Russian authorities previously labeled the outlet a foreign agent and an “undesirable organization.”

Russian authorities arrested at least six other journalists in absentia in the last year:

• In May 2022, Russian authorities arrested in absentia Ruslan Leviev, founder of the Russian independent investigative project Conflict Intelligence Team, and video blogger Michael Nacke.
• In August, Dobrokhotov was arrested in absentia for allegedly illegally crossing the Russian border.
• In November, a court in Kazan, the capital of Russia’s Republic of Tatarstan, arrested in absentia Andrei Grigoriev, a reporter for U.S. Congress-funded RFE/RL’s Russia project Idel.Realii, on charges of justifying terrorism, according to media reports.
• On March 16, 2023, a Moscow court arrested in absentia Ilya Krasilshchik, former publisher of the independent news website Meduza and founder of the independent media project HelpDesk for allegedly spreading false information about the Russian army.
• On March 27, the same court arrested in absentia Pyotr Verzilov, a publisher of the independent news website Mediazona, in connection to posts on social media about a massacre in the Ukrainian city of Bucha, his outlet and media reported.

CPJ emailed the Russian Ministry of Justice for comment but did not immediately receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Dang Tien, best known for his books “Universe of Poetry,” and “Poems, Poetics, Prosody, and Profiles,” died in France at age 83 on April 17. 

After starting his career as a book reviewer while still a college student in Saigon, now called Ho Chi Minh City, in 1960, he left Vietnam for Paris in 1966 and taught Vietnamese literature at the University of Paris from 1969 to 2005.

Tien was a member of the Independent Literature Association’s Advocacy Committee, or ILAAC, which was established in 2014 and has 60 members. Members say it is often harassed by authorities, and state media have reported that it is an illegal organization set up by hostile forces to oppose the Communist Party and the Vietnamese government.

This is why the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee's Propaganda and Education Department sent directives to media outlets to remove coverage of Tien’s death from their websites, Hoang Dung, a professor and member of the group told RFA’s Vietnamese Service.

“[It’s] true. I received the info from a journalist friend of mine and I’ve read the directive,” Hoang Dung, a member of the ILAAC told RFA’s Vietnamese Service.

The directive, which Dung forwarded to RFA, was worded as follows:

“In regard to Mr. Dang Tien, who has passed away in France, media organizations are requested not to cover the news (and if they have done so, their stories should be removed immediately) as this person joined an organization against the Party and the Vietnamese government (the Independent Literature Association). Best regards." 

News reports about Tien’s death are no longer accessible on the online editions of the Ho Chi Minh City’s Youth and Women’s Newspapers, but two other state-owned outlets, VnExpress and the Sports & Culture online newspapers, still had online content on the subject as of Friday afternoon.

The Youth (Tuoi Tre) Newspaper is the mouthpiece of the city’s Communist Youth Union, and the Ho Chi Minh City Women’s Newspaper is the mouthpiece of the city’s party committee.

‘Voluntary’ removal

The Young People (Thanh Nien) Newspaper also removed reports on the subject, even though it is not managed by the party committee and is run by the Vietnam Youth Federation.

Dung said the fear of punishment from the government is so prevalent that staff at Young People would have found it safer to take their stories down.

RFA attempted to contact both Youth and Young People for confirmation, but phone calls went unanswered. RFA also contacted the Ho Chi Minh City Women’s Online Newspaper, but a woman who answered the call said she could not provide a response to inquiries over the phone.

Written inquiries to all three outlets received no response.

According to Dung, censorship of news relating to the ILAAC or its members is only a fraction of the government’s efforts to crack down on the organization.

For instance, the Central Party’s Propaganda and Education department in 2018 sent a dispatch officially requesting that the Ministry of Education and Training remove all works by members of the ILAAC from new literature textbooks.

The dispatch is still in effect, and people who are no longer ILAAC members are still blacklisted, Dung said.

Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Vietnamese.

Seng Visal, the Candlelight Party’s finance officer in Prey Veng province, and Bin Chhong, a commune council member in Prey Veng, were arrested and charged with submitting fraudulent documents to the Ministry of Interior for last year’s local commune election candidate lists. 

The two officials were members of the National Heart Party at the time. They have since switched their allegiance to the Candlelight Party – the main opposition party and the biggest threat to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.

The CPP filed the complaint against the two officials as a way of intimidating opposition party activists ahead of the July parliamentary elections, said Dim Yun, the executive director for the Candlelight Party in Prey Veng. 

“I am very disappointed with the arrest. This is very inappropriate. During the election, the government should allow more political parties and not arrest any party’s activists,” he said. “This is not about criminal offenses, it is a politically motivated case to intimidate opposition party officials in Prey Veng.” 

Four other Candlelight Party officials have been arrested on similar charges in recent weeks. 

In previous similar cases, the Ministry of Interior has said that the National Heart Party collected several hundred forged thumbprints on documents it filed when it registered ahead of the 2022 commune elections. 

Aimed at intimidation

But any problems that the ministry had with last year’s candidate lists should have already been resolved, said Am Sam Ath of the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights, or Licadho.

“These arrests will lead to criticism saying the arrests were aimed at intimidating the opposition party officials who will compete in the election,” he said. 

Seng Visal and Bin Chhong were questioned at Prey Veng provincial court for four hours before their arrest, their lawyer Sam Sokong told Radio Free Asia. They are being held without bail even though their alleged crime is minor and they have full-time jobs, he said.

“According to the law, they have permanent jobs – particularly Bin Chhong, who is a commune councilor – so they should be safe to be released on bail,” he said.

Outside the courthouse, about 50 supporters gathered to show solidarity with the officials before they went inside the court for questioning. 

After the questioning, Presiding Judge Hem Krishna ordered the arrests and that Seng Visal and Bin Chhong be detained while they await trial. Later, Prey Veng Provincial Prison Department officials refused to allow a defense lawyer and party officials to see them. 

Court spokesman Ath Sokhon refused to comment when contacted by RFA. 

Translated by Samean Yun. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Khmer.

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This content originally appeared on KPFA - The Pacifica Evening News, Weekdays and was authored by KPFA.

The regional education bureau ordered schools at every level to implement "teaching in our national Mandarin language" and to ensure high-schoolers are proficient in the language, even if they speak Mongolian at home, in a continuation of a policy that sparked mass protests across the region in August 2020.

Schools must "build Chinese national consciousness and community, and deepen education in national unity," regional officials said at a meeting in late March.

Rights activists have warned that "national unity" programs have led to forced intermarriage between majority Han Chinese and Uyghurs and Tibetans, as well as other attempts to erase ethnic identity and autonomy.

Covert recording

Meanwhile, the New York-based Southern Mongolia Human Rights and Information Center published an audio recording of school officials telling parents at the Hohhot No. 30 High School that they must "firmly inculcate a common, Chinese national identity" into the region's six million ethnic Mongolians.

"New details leaked from a covert recording confirm ... a comprehensive ban of Mongolian language instruction across the [region will] be fully effective starting September 1, 2023," the group said in a report on its website, citing a 52-minute audio recording of a recent parent-teacher meeting.

"Under a directive from the central government, all Mongolian schools across the region will use Mandarin as the language of instruction starting Sept. 1 this year," the official is heard saying, adding that the policy will be rolled out at the No. 30 High School from May 1.

All ethnic Mongolian students will soon be required to take the college entrance exams in Chinese, rather than Mongolian, starting in 2025.

"The Chinese policy of total erasure of the Mongolian language in [Inner] Mongolia has been well planned and systematic," the Southern Mongolia Human Rights and Information Center said, adding that the National People's Congress had ruled minority language-medium education was "unconstitutional" in the wake of the 2020 protests.

The ruling replaced a clause in Article 4 of the constitution, which once stated: "All ethnicities have the freedoms and rights to use and develop their own spoken and written languages and to preserve or reform their own folkways and customs." It paved the way for further purges of any historical or cultural material from classrooms linked to traditional Mongolian culture.

Parents and teachers have also been explicitly banned from organizing Mongolian-medium teaching on the side, the group said.

Engaging in cultural genocide

The group's director Enghebatu Togochog recently testified before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China that teachers could be punished just for informing students of any learning opportunities outside of school.

"From what is happening to the Uyghurs and what is happening to the Mongolians and Tibetans, it is apparent that the Chinese authorities are engaging in different forms of genocide campaigns on multiple fronts," he said.

"[The] goal is the same: to wipe out the language, culture and identity of these three peoples and [to convert them to a] 'Chinese' nationality," he said.

Japan-based ethnic Mongolian scholar Khubis said that the No. 30 Middle School in Hohhot was originally set up to deliver Mongolian-medium education to ethnically Mongolian students.

"Now the whole school is going to start teaching in standard Mandarin," he said. "The school also stated [in the audio clip] that Mandarin will be used as the medium of instruction across the entire region from Sept. 1."

"This will have a particularly big impact on Mongolians," he said.

Policy borne of ‘Han chauvinism’

Germany-based activist Xi Haiming said the policy is a highly aggressive one.

"Xi Jinping is using Mandarin, that is, Chinese, to sinicize Mongolians, as well as Tibetans and Uyghurs," he told Radio Free Asia. 

"This is a barbaric policy springing from Han chauvinism, which is to say Chinese nationalism,” Xi said, using a term used to reference racist and colonialist policies from Beijing.

The government announced in 2021 that it would extend compulsory Mandarin teaching to preschoolers across the country, ousting minority languages like Mongolian, Tibetan, and Uyghur -- as well as regional Chinese languages like Sichuanese or Cantonese -- as the medium of instruction for children of all ages across the country.

The move was aimed at "enabling pre-school children in ethnic minority and rural areas and rural areas to gradually acquire the ability to communicate at a basic level in Mandarin, and to lay the foundations for the compulsory education phase," the directive said.

Translated by Luisetta Mudie.

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Hwang Chun-mei for RFA Mandarin.

On March 17, a court in the central city of Slutsk ordered Stankevich, the chief editor of the local independent newspaper Infa-Kurier, and Rubchen, the paper’s deputy editor, to be detained for 15 days for allegedly disobeying police, according to media reports and the Belarusian Association of Journalists, an advocacy and trade group operating from exile.

Separately, on March 23, law enforcement in the eastern city of Babruysk detained Suslau, a reporter for the local weekly Kommercheskiy Kurier, according to media reports and the BAJ. The following day, authorities ordered him to also be held for 15 days for “distributing extremist materials,” those reports said.

“Belarusian authorities are once again using spurious charges to harass members of the press, simply in retaliation for their work as journalists,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Authorities must immediately release Dzmitry Suslau, Syarhei Stankevich, and Aleh Rubchen, as well as all other journalists held for their work.”

On March 15, authorities searched Infa-Kurier’s office, seized technical equipment, and detained four of its journalists, including Stankevich and Rubchen; the other two were later released.

On March 24, a pro-government Telegram channel published a video blaming Infa-Kurier for its “one-sided” coverage of Belarus in 2020, according to media reports. The outlet had covered that year’s nationwide protests demanding the resignation of President Aleksandr Lukashenko.

Those news reports do not specify how Stankevich and Rubchen allegedly disobeyed police.

Authorities have also not disclosed the exact reason for Suslau’s detention, according to those reports. In recent articles reviewed by CPJ, Suslau covered local news and environmental topics. Authorities previously detained Suslau in June 2022 and ordered him to be arrested for 15 days, also on extremism charges.

CPJ is also investigating the March 17 sentencing of Belarusian blogger Dzmitry Harbunou to 18 months in prison for allegedly insulting Lukashenko and a police officer, to determine if he was targeted for his journalism. Shortly after he was detained in January 2023, Harbunou said in a “confession video” that he used to work with independent news websites Brestskaya Gazeta and Nasha Niva, and filmed protests for Brestskaya Gazeta.

Authorities labeled Brestkskaya Gazeta as “extremist” earlier this month.

CPJ emailed the Belarusian Investigative Committee for comment but did not receive any response.

Belarus was the world’s fifth worst jailer of journalists, with at least 26 journalists behind bars on December 1, 2022, when CPJ conducted its most recent prison census.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

As part of an ongoing investigation, the Federal Trade Commission asked Twitter to disclose the names of journalists who were provided access to some of the social media company’s internal communications, the Wall Street Journal reported in March 2023.

The company has been subject to a consent decree since 2011, following multiple user data breaches, and is required to regularly conduct security audits and inform the FTC how it is handling sensitive data. In May 2022, Twitter agreed to improve its privacy practices as part of a settlement with the agency. According to The New York Times, the commission intensified its investigation into Twitter’s data and privacy practices following Elon Musk’s October 2022 takeover and subsequent mass reduction of the workforce.

On Dec. 13, the FTC sent a letter to Twitter questioning the decision to give journalists access to internal communications, which Musk dubbed the “Twitter Files.” The agency asked the social media giant to disclose the names of the journalists, to describe the “nature of access granted each person” and whether the information was disclosed in a way that “is consistent with your privacy and information security obligations under the Order.”

A select subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee released an interim report on March 7, 2023, alleging that the FTC overstepped its authority and has been harassing the company.

“There is no logical reason, for example, why the FTC needs to know the identities of journalists engaging with Twitter,” the report said.

In a statement to the Times, an FTC spokesperson said that the agency is working to protect user privacy, particularly in the wake of mass layoffs and budget cuts.

“Protecting consumers’ privacy is exactly what the FTC is supposed to do,” Douglas Farrar said. “It should come as no surprise that career staff at the commission are conducting a rigorous investigation into Twitter’s compliance with a consent order that came into effect long before Mr. Musk purchased the company.”

The Freedom of the Press Foundation, which manages the day-to-day operations of the U.S. Press Freedom Tracker, decried the request for journalists’ names as an alarming step toward government surveillance.

“Anyone who cares about the free press should be concerned by the FTC’s demand that Twitter identify journalists who have received information that might embarrass the administration, regardless of what they think of Elon Musk or Twitter,” Advocacy Director Seth Stern said in a statement. “The FTC should not have to violate the privacy of journalists to protect the privacy of Twitter users.”

Twitter, which has laid off its communications staff, responded to a request for comment with an auto-response of a poop emoji.

This content originally appeared on U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database and was authored by U.S. Press Freedom Tracker: Incident Database.

A piece by U.S. digital artist Patrick Amadon titled "No Rioters" was taken down from a digital display screen on the Sogo department store in Hong Kong's Causeway Bay shopping district, the artist said via his Twitter account.

"NO RIOTERS was taken down today at the request of the government," Amadon, whose work included the names of protesters from the 2019 democracy movement, tweeted with a fist emoji.

The takedown came after the work was criticized by the Communist Party-backed Ta Kung Wen Wei media group in Hong Kong, which accused it of "supporting the rioters" following a frame-by-frame examination of the work, in which segments of text flash up briefly against the background of a moving surveillance camera in black and red.

Public support for the 2019 movement, which began as mass protests against the erosion of Hong Kong's promised freedoms and broadened to include demands for fully democratic elections and great official accountability, has been outlawed under an ongoing crackdown on dissent in the city under a draconian 2020 national security law.

‘Hostile foreign forces’

Beijing has dismissed the protest movement as the work of "hostile foreign forces" who were trying to foment a "color revolution" in Hong Kong through successive waves of mass protests in recent years, and recently appointed hard-line former security chief Zheng Yanxiong, who made his name cracking down on the rebel Guangdong village of Wukan amid a bitter land dispute in 2011, as its new envoy in the city.

The founder and CEO of Art Innovation Gallery, Francesca Boffetti, said she believed the work was removed due to political content.

The work was removed as national security police detained at least six members of a now-disbanded pro-democracy labor union for questioning following the arrest of its co-founder Elizabeth Tang earlier this month, holding them for questioning for at least two days each, according to a post on Tang's Facebook page.

"The national security law was like an ax, and the scariest thing is that many people could be targeted for arrest," Isaac Cheng, a former leader of the now-dissolved pro-democracy party Demosisto now living overseas, told Radio Free Asia. 

"The government is also using reasons other than national security to arrest people, which means that anyone still in Hong Kong has to live in fear and censor themselves," he said.

He said the authorities now seem to be going after anyone who could potentially organize others, including former politicians and union leaders like Tang and her husband Lee Cheuk-yan.

He said the authorities recently also revoked bail for veteran rights lawyer Albert Ho, who is awaiting trial on charges of "incitement to subvert state power" in connection with his work organizing now-banned annual candlelight vigils for the victims of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre.

Cheng said the fact that the national security law applies anywhere in the world makes activists overseas worry that any lobbying work or protests they take part in could bring official retaliation down on the heads of associates still in Hong Kong.

Former pro-democracy lawmaker Nathan Law said he has cut off all contact with previous associates in Hong Kong.

"I haven't been in touch with anyone I used to work with in Hong Kong for nearly two-and-a-half years," Law told Radio Free Asia.

"This is the hope,” he said. “That they won't be put under pressure."

‘Enemies of the party’

Current affairs commentator Sang Pu said it wasn't enough for several high-profile civil society groups to disband, if their leaders remained in Hong Kong.

"In the eyes of the Chinese Communist Party, the organizations may have disbanded, but those people are still there," he said. "These people are seen as the enemies of the party, so it can't let it go."

"They have to keep finding someone to fight against, to ensure that the struggle never ends, and they can keep on generating greater and greater fear," Sang said.

The interrogations of the labor activists came as police announced that Hong Kong's "anti-terrorism" hotline had received more than 14,500 messages from members of the public since last June.

An article in the Hong Kong police publication Offensive said some of the reports involved "threatening messages on social media," adding that police are now considering offering rewards to people who inform on others for suspected "terrorism."

The definition of "terrorism" has been applied to actions not normally seen in that way, including displaying the slogans of the 2019 protest movement. In July 2021, a Hong Kong court convicted motorcyclist Tong Ying-kit of "terrorism" and “secession,” handing him a nine-year prison sentence for flying a banner carrying the banned slogan "Free Hong Kong! Revolution now!" at a protest.

Taiwan national security researcher Shih Chian-yu, said the government is misleading the people of Hong Kong about what constitutes terrorism.

"This whole thing is pretty absurd, actually," Shih said. "They are basically using terrorism as a way to force people to inform on each other."

"They call it counterterrorism, but they're actually carrying out monitoring of the population and political purges under that name," he said.

Translated by Luisetta Mudie. 

This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Lee Yuk Yue, Chen Zifei and Cheryl Tung for RFA Cantonese.

ANALYSIS: By Wendy Bacon in Sydney

New South Wales police withdrew a false allegation that four climate change protesters who had stopped traffic on the Sydney Harbour Bridge last year blocked an ambulance.

Police included this false allegation in a statement of the so-called “facts” that police prepared on the day of the arrests. The false allegation was designed to paint a hostile image of four peaceful protesters and to successfully argue for onerous bail conditions, including severe restrictions on their movements, and tough sentences.

The documents drawn up on the day of the protest stated: “The actions today have not only caused serious disruption to peak-hour traffic, but this imposition to traffic prevented an ambulance responding to an emergency under lights and sirens as it was unable to navigate through the increased heavy traffic as previously mentioned. This imposition to a critical emergency service has the potential to result in fatality.”

• READ MORE: Wendy Bacon reports on a trail of NSW police allegations ‘bad habits’ – police admit to false allegation against protesters
• Climate activist Deanna ‘Violet’ Coco’s 15-month jail sentence quashed on appeal
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An unprecedented tough sentence was given to Violet Coco who had already spent 84 days “imprisoned” at home between her arrest in April 2022 and her appearance before Magistrate Alison Hawkins in December.

Hawkins referred to the blocking of the ambulance in her remarks when she sentenced Coco to 15 months in prison and refused bail. After spending 10 days in prison, Coco was released on bail by District Court judge Timothy Gartelmann.

Her appeal against sentence was heard on March 15 when the matter of the false allegations was raised.

The new information emerged during the sentencing hearing against two of Coco’s co-defendants Alan Glover and Karen Fitz-Gibbon who appeared for sentencing earlier this month.

They pleaded guilty to charges arising from blocking one lane of the Harbour Bridge for 30 minutes in April last year. Magistrate Daniel Reiss sentenced both to 18 months Community Correction Orders with a fine of $3000 each.

Compared to previous sentences for peaceful protesters, these are harsh sentences. Their lawyer told the court that they regretted causing inconvenience.

Outside the court, Glover, a comedian and actor who has been a firefighter for 40 years, told the media, “I’m very unhappy and angry. I think the judgement is wrong and I’m going to appeal.”

Asked whether he thought the tactics were appropriate, he said, “I’m a firefighter and what do I have to do to make sure firefighters have the resources to do the job properly. I want the government to recognise that we are already in the midst of climate change problems…We’ve got people dying from smoke inhalation from bushfires that are bigger than anything we’ve ever seen.”

Asked by a journalist if he still agreed with his lawyer’s statement in court that he recognised the action was “inappropriate”, he said, “I do, I thought it was inappropriate at the time but we have to do something to get the government to act now now.. a few minutes delay is nothing compared to the massive disruption that will occur if we do not get action on climate change.”

Greens spokesperson and NSW Upper House MP Sue Higginson who has appeared for hundreds of environmental protesters wrote on Facebook: “I nearly fell off my chair when the Magistrate handed down his sentence — a conviction, an 18 month community corrections order and a $3000 fine. I have represented hundreds of environmental protesters and this sentence is just so wrong. He should not be punished this way. I hope he appeals.

“On the upside, the case today put to rest the dangerous false shrill claims that an ambulance was obstructed during the protest. It wasn’t! When you have a state government and an opposition in lock step in an anti-protest draconian stance and a legal intolerance to dissent and civil disobedience we fail our democracy, our climate, our environment and our communities.”

Greens Senator David Shoebridge agreed and wrote on Facebook: ”The police went into court and REPEATEDLY lied that this had blocked an ambulance — all to try to get a harsher penalty for a climate protector!

Magistrate Daniel Reiss noted that Glover’s two co-accused “Violet” Deanna Coco and Jay Larbalestier had both been sentenced on the “false ambulance assertion” and that “no emergency vehicles were obstructed”.

This could open the way for Larbastier to appeal on his sentence. Police acknowledged that they had taken no steps to inform him that the evidence used against him was partly false.

If it wasn’t for the publicity, he would not know about the ambulance lie.

The cases of the Harbour Bridge protesters were among the first to take place after the LNP government’s draconian anti-protest laws were passed with NSW Labor’s support in April last year.

CCL condemns disproportionate sentences of climate protesters
The NSW Council for Civil Liberties is one of scores of organisations calling for the repeal of the laws. Its president Josh Pallas described the case as “an outrageous” example of “police misstating the facts which have been consequential in the sentences of others.

“The police have offered no justification for this misstatement of facts. They must be held accountable and at the very least, explain how they got this so wrong.

“Climate protesters are being increasingly and disproportionately subjected to punitive legal action by Australian authorities and this has taken that legal action to a new extreme,” he said.

Pallas described this period as “some of the darkest times our members have seen for protesters,” since CCL started advocating for protest rights in 1963.

“We have fought the slow repression of police and the state in cracking down on protest every step of the way. But the fight is hard when the government is protecting mining and business interests and when the mainstream media side with government and large corporates with vested interests to stifle the right to protest,” he said.

“These cases provide yet another example of why everyone should be concerned about increasing repression of public assemblies and protests in NSW and elsewhere around the country. The right to protest and public assembly is an essential democratic right.

“Stifling protest stifles freedom of expression. Enough is enough, the government and the police must respect the right to protest and be accountable for their actions.”

Magistrate focused on ambulance in Coco case
The non existent ambulance featured in the first sentencing hearing against Coco.

The police referred Magistrate Alison Hawkins to the “fact” that Coco had prevented an ambulance with lights and sirens indicating an emergency. Coco’s barrister did not dispute that the ambulance “may have been” on the bridge but warned the magistrate against drawing implications from that or overblowing its significance.

Magistrate Hawkins disagreed asking why she would be going too far to accept that “impeding an ambulance under lights and sirens might be something that potentially has the potential to cause harm to some other person? Why is that a stretch too far?.”

She accepted the existence of the ambulance and the sirens as relevant “facts”.

She then applied these facts in her sentencing saying, “You have halted an ambulance under lights and siren. What about the person in there? What about that person and their family? What are they to think of you and your cause?”

Because Hawkins accepted the ambulance as fact, she felt free to accept that inside the ambulance was a very real person whose life was in danger. This was part of the basis for her referring to the protest as a “childish” and “dangerous” stunt.

She then justified her harsh and angry stance on the basis that this “dangerous behaviour… deserves “condemnation from not only the courts but the community” because Coco had not only illegally protested but she had done so in a manner to cause a “significant level of distress to the community”.

Because of the seriousness of the situation, Hawkins said she had no other option than to impose a full-time jail sentence.

Protester uses body cam footage to prove innocence
One of the effects of the anti-protest laws is to make it less likely that protesters will plead not guilty. This is because the laws are framed so that, for instance, you are either on a road or off a road. You do not have to be given a direction to move.

If an accused pleads not guilty and is then found guilty, there is a risk that a sentence could be even harsher.

When people plead guilty, there is less likelihood that police version of the facts will be tested in cross-examination. This means that there is more latitude for police to create their own facts — in other words, fabricate evidence.

In another case this week, climate activist Richard Boult was found not guilty of all charges brought by NSW Police for stepping onto a road during a climate protest in Sydney last June.

Boult who is part of the Extinction Rebellion drumming group was charged under NSW road rules with obstructing traffic and causing a traffic hazard arising from his participation in Blockade Australia’s call for stronger climate action.

Green Left reported that after attending the protest, he attended a media conference. When he left the conference, police followed him to his car and laid charges alleging he left the footpath and stepped onto the road.

Boult pleaded not guilty, saying his movement from the footpath was at a point in the road designated as a closing point. Significantly, he used body camera evidence that validated his claims. So it was not just his word against the police version of events.

He also rejected a plea deal, which would have dropped one charge but retained another. The court upheld Boult’s plea of not guilty and dropped the charges.

Wendy Bacon was previously the professor of journalism at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS) and is supporting the Greens in the NSW election. One of the reasons, she supports the Greens is because they are the only party committed to repealing the protest laws. Wendy Bacon’s investigative journalism blog.

This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Wendy Bacon.

“We weren’t there to kill human beings, really. We were there to kill ideology.” (Lt. William Calley)

Officially termed an “incident” (as opposed to a “massacre”), the events of March 16, 1968, at My Lai — a hamlet in South Vietnam — are widely portrayed and accepted to this day as an aberration. While the catalog of U.S. war crimes in Southeast Asia is far too sordid and lengthy to detail here, it’s painfully clear this was not the case.

In fact, on the very same day that Lt. William Calley entered into infamy, another U.S. company entered My Khe, a sister sub hamlet of My Lai. That visit has been described as such:

“In this ‘other massacre,’ members of this separate company piled up a body count of perhaps a hundred peasants — My Khe was smaller than My Lai — ’flattened the village’ by dynamite and fire, and then threw handfuls of straw on corpses. The next morning, this company moved on down the Batangan Peninsula by the South China Sea, burning every hamlet they came to, killing water buffalo, pigs, chickens, and ducks, and destroying crops. As one of the My Khe veterans said later, ‘what we were doing was being done all over.’ Said another: ‘We were out there having a good time. It was sort of like being in a shooting gallery.’

Colonel Oran Henderson, charged with covering up the My Lai killings, put it succinctly in 1971: “Every unit of brigade size has its My Lai hidden someplace.”

Of the 26 U.S. soldiers brought up on charges related to My Lai, only Calley was convicted. However, his life sentence was later reduced to three and a half years under house arrest.

Never forget, my friends: This is what we’re up against.

But let’s also never forget the actions of a man named Hugh Thompson.

Hugh Clowers Thompson, Jr. wanted to fly choppers so badly that after a four-year stint in the Navy, he left his wife and two sons behind to re-up into the Army and train as a helicopter pilot. Thompson arrived in Vietnam on December 27, 1967, and quickly earned a reputation as “an exceptional pilot who took danger in his stride.”

In their book, Four Hours at My Lai, Michael Bilton and Kevin Sim also describe Hugh Thompson as a “very moral man. He was absolutely strict about opening fire only on clearly defined targets.”

On the morning of March 16, 1968, Thompson’s sense of virtue would be put to the test.

Flying in his H-23 observation chopper, the 25-year-old Thompson used green smoke to mark wounded people on the ground in and around My Lai. Upon returning a short while later after refueling, he found that the wounded he saw earlier were now dead.

Thompson’s gunner, Lawrence Colburn, averted his gaze from the gruesome sight.

After bringing the chopper down to a standstill hover, Thompson and his crew came upon a young woman they had previously marked with smoke. As they watched, a U.S. soldier, wearing captain’s bars, “prodded her with his foot, and then killed her.”

What Thompson didn’t know was that by that point, Lt. Calley’s Charlie Company had already slaughtered more than 560 Vietnamese—primarily women, children, infants, and elderly people. Many of the women had been gang-raped and mutilated.

All Thompson knew for sure was that the U.S. troops he saw pursuing civilians had to be stopped.

Bravely landing his helicopter between the charging GIs and the fleeing villagers, Thompson ordered Colburn to turn his machine gun on the American soldiers if they tried to shoot the unarmed men, women, and children.

Thompson then stepped out of the chopper into the combat zone and coaxed the frightened civilians from the bunker they were hiding in.

With tears streaming down his face, he evacuated them to safety on his H-23.

Never forget, my friends: This is how we can choose to live.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Mickey Z..

The U.S. Supreme Court on Wednesday issued a rare rebuke of Arizona's criminal justice system as the majority ruled in favor of a death row inmate who has called for a resentencing, saying the state ignored legal precedents during his trial.

In a 5-4 decision, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined with the court's three liberal judges in Cruz v. Arizona, with Justice Sonia Sotomayor writing the majority opinion.

The majority ruled that lawyers who prosecuted John Montenegro Cruz for the murder of a police officer in 2003 failed to inform jurors during his sentencing that if Cruz was not executed by the state, he would be sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

Instead, the prosecutors falsely told the jury that Cruz would be able to walk free unless he was sentenced to death.

As the Associated Press reported, at least one juror said after the trial that if she had been informed that Cruz would be sentenced to life in prison without parole, she "would have voted for that option."

Cruz is not the only Arizona death row inmate whose life could be spared by the ruling. For nearly two decades, the state has ignored a previous Supreme Court ruling that required jurors in certain death penalty cases to be informed that the alternative to capital punishment is a life sentence without parole.

Wednesday's ruling could overturn the death row sentences of roughly 30 inmates in Arizona, including Cruz, who may be granted new penalty phases of their trials.

Supreme Court observers including Mark Joseph Stern at Slate and Steve Vladeck of the University of Texas noted that post-conviction relief for an inmate is "rare" at the high court.

By allowing jurors to go uninformed of the option of a life sentence without parole, the majority said, Arizona violated the 1994 Supreme Court case Simmons v. South Carolina. In that case the court said prosecutors cannot tell jurors that a defendant will pose a threat to society if they're not actually eligible for parole.

Arizona did not apply that ruling to its death penalty cases, and Cruz's lawyers argued the state continued to ignore the ruling even after the court directly told officials to comply with Simmons in another 2016 ruling in the case Lynch v. Arizona.

"Arizona courts refused to apply the Supreme Court's decision in Lynch to cases that had already been decided," University of Michigan law professor Leah Litman explained at Slate. "They refused to apply Lynch on the grounds that state law allowed defendants to challenge their convictions or sentences on the basis of 'new' Supreme Court rules. And, Arizona continued, Lynch did not announce a 'new' rule. Lynch had simply applied an existing rule (from Simmons) to Arizona without actually changing the law in the process."

"Arizona's position would have effectively left Arizona defendants with no remedy at all," Litman continued.

Justice Elena Kagan expressed bewilderment at Arizona's position when the case was argued:

Cruz loses his Simmons claims on direct appeal because the Arizona courts say point-blank Simmons has never applied in Arizona. And then he loses the next time around because the Arizona courts say Simmons always applied... I mean, tails you win, heads I lose, whatever that expression is?

Litman noted that the Supreme Court has recently ruled in favor of states that want permission to ignore rulings that officials oppose.

"It's basically what the Supreme Court allowed Texas to get away with on abortion in the S.B. 8 case before the courtultimately overruledRoe v. Wade last term," wrote Litman. "In 2021, the Texas Legislature adopted S.B. 8, a novel abortion restriction that was designed to shut down abortion access without allowing abortion providers to challenge the law in court. In the case challenging S.B. 8,five justices (the five justices who would later overrule Roe) let Texas get away with that gambit while Roe was still standing. The five justices allowed Texas to effectively nullify a Supreme Court decision that Texas didn't care for, and that six justices on the court didn't care for either."

"Had the court allowed Arizona to do the same in Cruz v. Arizona," she added, "it would have facilitated even more legal machinations that deprive people of their constitutional rights."

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Julia Conley.

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Michael Regan on Tuesday met with residents of East Palestine, Ohio Tuesday as he announced that the Biden administration has ordered railway operator Norfolk Southern to take responsibility for all cleanup work associated with the train derailment that forced the town to evacuate temporarily earlier this month.

The EPA issued a legally binding order to the company, requiring it to identify and clean up contaminated soil and water, reimburse the agency for cleaning services that will be offered throughout the town to give residents peace of mind regarding the safety of air and drinking water, attend public meetings, and pay for the costs the EPA incurs during the cleanup.

"My job is to hold the company accountable and make sure that they clean up and pay for it," said Regan at a roundtable discussion with residents. "I think it's important that we have these conversations, so that as we enforce the laws and as the company does the cleanup, they do it in a way that is satisfactory to some of the requests that you all have."

Any required work that Norfolk Southern fails to complete will immediately be done by the agency, said the EPA in a statement, and the agency will "then seek to compel Norfolk Southern to pay triple the cost."

"The Norfolk Southern train derailment has upended the lives of East Palestine families, and EPA's order will ensure the company is held accountable for jeopardizing the health and safety of this community," said Regan. "Let me be clear: Norfolk Southern will pay for cleaning up the mess they created and for the trauma they've inflicted on this community... To the people of East Palestine, EPA stands with you now and for as long as it may take."

"Norfolk Southern will attend and participate in public meetings at EPA's request and share information with the public. Full transparency is the only option."

The company has been conducting cleanup operations since the derailment occurred on February 3, and said Monday that it has removed at least 15,000 pounds of contaminated soil and 1.1 million gallons of polluted water.

After the crash, the company began a controlled release of vinyl chloride, the carcinogenic chemical which was carried by five of the rail cars. The release of the chemical can send hydrogen chloride and phosgene into the environment.