“There are already a dozen cases piling up against me,” she said. “I’m a journalist. One murder case is enough to frame me.”

Rupa, a former chief correspondent at privately owned broadcaster Ekattor TV, now faces nine murder cases. Her husband, Shakil Ahmed, the channel’s former head of news, is named in eight.  

A year ago, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of Bangladesh’s interim government after Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country following weeks of student-led protests, during which two journalists were killed.

Yunus promised media reform and repealed the Cyber Security Act, a law used to target journalists under Hasina. But in a November 2024 interview with newspaper The Daily Star, Yunus said that murder accusations against journalists were being made hastily. He said the government had since halted such actions and that a committee had been formed to review the cases.

Still, nearly a year later, Rupa, Ahmed, Shyamal Dutta and Mozammel Haque Babu, arrested on accusations of instigating murders in separate cases, remain behind bars. The repeated use of such charges against journalists who are widely seen as sympathetic to the former regime appear to be politically motivated censorship.

In addition to such legal charges, CPJ has documented physical attacks against journalists, threats from political activists, and exile. At least 25 journalists are under investigation for genocide by Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal – a charge that has been used to target figures linked to the former Hasina government. 

“Keeping four journalists behind bars without credible evidence a year on undermines the interim government’s stated commitment to protect press freedom,” said CPJ Regional Director Beh Lih Yi. “Real reform means breaking from the past, not replicating its abuses. All political parties must respect journalists’ right to report as the country is set for polls in coming months.”

A CPJ review of legal documents and reports found that journalists are often added to First Information Reports (FIRs) – documents that open an investigation – long after they are filed. In May, UN experts raised concern that over 140 journalists had been charged with murder following last year’s protests.

Shyamal Dutta’s daughter, Shashi, told CPJ the family has lost track of how many cases he now faces. They are aware of at least six murder cases in which he is named, while Babu’s family is aware of 10. Rupa and Ahmed’s family told CPJ that they haven’t received FIRs for five cases in which one or the other journalist has been named, which means that neither can apply for bail.

Shafiqul Alam, Yunus’s press secretary, and police spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagor did not respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. 

Violence and threats

In 2025, reporters across Bangladesh have faced violence and harassment while covering political events, with CPJ documenting at least 10 such incidents, most of which were carried out by members or affiliates of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its student wing, Chhatra Dal. In several instances, journalists sustained serious injuries or were prevented from reporting after footage was deleted or phones seized, including Bahar Raihan, Abdullah Al Mahmud, and Rocky Hossain.

Responding to the allegations, Mahdi Amin, adviser to Acting BNP Chair Tarique Rahman, told CPJ that while isolated misconduct may occur in a party of BNP’s size, the party does not protect wrongdoers. 

Others have faced threats from supporters of different political parties and the student groups that led the protests against Hasina. Reporters covering opposition groups like Jamaat-e-Islami or its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, have come under particular pressure. On June 9, Hasanat Kamal, editor of EyeNews.news, told CPJ he’d fled to the United Kingdom after being falsely accused by Islami Chhatra Shibir of participating in a violent student protest. Anwar Hossain, a journalist for the local daily Dabanol, told CPJ he’d been threatened by Jamaat supporters after publishing negative reports about a local party leader. 

CPJ reached out via messaging app to Abdus Sattar Sumon, a spokesperson for Jamaat-e-Islami, but received no response.

Since Hasina’s ouster, student protesters from the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM) have increasinglytargeted journalists they accuse of supporting the former regime, which in one case led to the firing of five journalists. Student-led mobs have also besieged outlets like Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. 

CPJ reached out via messaging app to ADSM leader Rifat Rashid but received no response.

On July 14, exiled investigative journalist Zulkarnain Saer Khan, who fled Bangladesh after exposing alleged high-level corruption under Hasina and receiving threats from Awami League officials, posted on X about the repression of the media: “The more things change, the more they stay the same.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Kunal Majumder/CPJ India Representative.

“It is outrageous that journalist Sneha Barve, who was nearly killed for exposing wrongdoing, has been threatened once again, while the main suspect in her assault walks free,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis must urgently guarantee Sneha Barve’s safety to send a clear message that attacks on the press will not be tolerated and ensure those responsible are swiftly prosecuted.”

Barve told CPJ that on July 24, Prashant Pandurang Morde – who was arrested for his role in the earlier attack on the journalist – accosted her outside her office in the town of Manchar and threatened her, saying, “This time, we should finish the matter for good.”

On July 4, Barve, founder of the Samarth Bharat Pariwar YouTube-based news channel, was attacked by a group of men while reporting on alleged illegal construction on disputed land in Manchar, Pune district. A video of the attack shows a man striking Barwe with a wooden rod before she loses consciousness.

Five suspects were arrested but released on bail three days later.

The man accused of wielding the rod, Pandurang Sakharam Morde, a businessman with alleged political connections, was named in the First Information Report opening the investigation, but has not been arrested.

On July 18, Prashant Morde, son of Pandurang Sakharam Morde, went to Barve’s father’s office and threatened to harm the entire family, the journalist told CPJ. In a complaint to police, reviewed by CPJ, Barve said the three suspects had been collecting information about her family and requested police protection.

CPJ’s WhatsApp messages requesting comment from Fadnavis’ media advisor, Ketan Pathak, did not receive any reply. Pune Rural Superintendent of Police Sandeep Gill told CPJ by WhatsApp that he would reply, but did not immediately respond to queries. CPJ was unable to immediately source contact information for Morde.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“It is a grave injustice that Sandra Muhoza remains behind bars two months after an appeal court effectively invalidated her earlier trial and conviction,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “Authorities must do the right thing and release Muhoza without further delay.”

In December 2024, Mukaza High Court, in eastern Bujumbura province, convicted Muhoza of undermining the integrity of Burundi’s national territory and inciting ethnic hatred, in connection with comments she made in a journalists’ WhatsApp group, and sentenced her 21 months in prison.

The Bujumbura Mairie Court of Appeal, in a May 30, 2025judgment reviewed by CPJ, said that it and the lower court lacked the jurisdiction to hear Muhoza’s case. It cited a law on judicial procedures, which stipulates that a defendant should be tried by a court in the region where they were arrested, live, or where the crime was allegedly committed. 

Muhoza was arrested in the northern Ngozi region where she lived. The appeal court ordered that the case be referred to a competent court.

Burundian authorities have previously convicted other journalists for anti-state crimes, such as Floriane Irangabiye, who in 2023 was sentenced to 10 years in prison on charges of undermining the integrity of the national territory. She was released in August 2024, following a presidential pardon.

CPJ’s emails to the justice ministry, and text messages to justice minister Domine Banyankimbona, interior ministry spokesperson Pierre Nkurikiye, Prosecutor General’s Office spokesperson Agnès Bagiricenge, and government spokesperson Jérôme Niyonzima did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Iranian authorities must immediately clarify the legal basis for this mass detention of its citizens and cease treating those who communicate with the media as criminals,” said CPJ Chief Programs Officer Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “Labeling ordinary Iranians as ‘operational agents’ simply for their association with a news outlet is a dangerous tactic of intimidation and a blatant escalation in Iran’s violations of press freedom.

Iran’s intelligence ministry had been monitoring “the so-called citizen-journalists of the Zionist-Terrorist International Network” – a term the government uses to describe London-based Iran International – during the June 13 to 24 Iran-Israel war, state-owned Mehr News Agency reported. The ministry then “arrested and summoned 98 affiliated operational agents,” the agency said on July 28.

The ministry provided no evidence to support its allegations and did not disclose the names, locations, or legal status of those detained or summoned.

The Islamic Republic has previously arrested Iranians working with international media on vague charges, such as for “collaborating with hostile states” or “propaganda against the state.”

Iran’s reformist Ham Mihan newspaper reported that more than 100 journalists had been fired in the aftermath of the 12-day war, as authorities have cracked down on critical voices, with hundreds of arrests and several executions. 

CPJ emailed Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York for comment but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The submission details a sharp decline in media freedom in Georgia since the last review in 2021, as well as an ongoing crackdown on journalists and their newsrooms that appears designed to muzzle independent reporting.

Georgia, previously regarded as a democratic forerunner in post-Soviet Eurasia, is taking an authoritarian turn under the ruling Georgian Dream party, with mass protests against the country’s suspension of its European Union (EU) accession talks.

CPJ identified the following key areas of concern:

• Jailing of journalists on politically motivated charges. This includes the unwarranted pre-trial detention and trial of media manager Mzia Amaglobeli, who faces up to seven years in prison on charges widely condemned as excessive and retaliatory. A verdict is expected on August 1.

• Numerous large-scale incidents of apparently organized violence against journalists, particularly by law enforcement officers. For example, on July 5, 2021, more than 50 journalists covering a LGBTQ+ pride event in the capital Tbilisi were attacked by anti-LGBTQ+ protesters.

Between November 28, 2024, and May 1, 2025, rights organizations documented 145 incidents of attacks and other violations against 193 journalists reporting on protests against the suspension of EU accession talks, mostly by police. No police officers have yet been held accountable.

• The enactment of a raft of repressive laws targeting independent media.

These include:

-A 2024 “foreign agent” law and even harsher 2025 Foreign Agents Registration Act, with penalties of up to five years in prison;

-Amendments to the broadcasting law expanding the parliament-appointed regulator’s power to fine broadcasters and suspend their licenses;Amendments to the law on grants, requiring foreign donors to obtain government permission for grants. This adversely impacts online news outlets in particular, given their heavy reliance on foreign funding to ensure editorial independence;A “family values” law banning broadcasters from reporting on LGBTQ+ issues;

-Amendments to free speech laws abolishing key protections and facilitating defamation suits against the press.

–At least 16 foreign journalists have been denied entry since 2022. These denials appear to be in retaliation for critical reporting or views that conflict with Georgian Dream priorities.

–A significant increase in defamation lawsuits brought by politically influential individuals against critical media and journalists, with more than 40 such cases since 2021. These lawsuits, often referred to as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), aim to silence journalists.

–A sharp deterioration in access to public information and institutions. For example, in 2023 new regulations restricted journalists’ rights to film and conduct interviews in Parliament and granted Parliament the power to suspend their accreditation for violations. Since then, at least 15 journalists have had their accreditation suspended, all from critical media outlets.

–A marked rise in disinformation and hate speech.

Read the full 18-page report here.

Please send press inquiries to press@cpj.org.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Amaglobeli, founder and director of award-winning independent news outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, has been unjustly detained since January on the charge of attacking a police officer, for which she faces up to seven years in jail. The charge has been widely condemned as disproportionate and politically motivated.

The organizations condemned the smear campaigns against and degrading treatment of Amaglobeli, who has become a symbol of the resilience of Georgian independent media.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Sari Al-Shoufi risked his life to document critical events in a region of Syria that has recently plunged into renewed violence,” said Doja Daoud, CPJ’s Levant program coordinator. “His killing is a stark reminder of the grave dangers journalists face in conflict zones. Syrian journalists deserve safety and accountability from Syrian authorities.”

Rayan Marouf, editor-in-chief of the Druze-focused Suwayda 24 website, told CPJ that Al-Shoufi was last heard from in the early hours of July 14 while reporting from a checkpoint in his home village of Taara, near Sweida. “He told us around 1 a.m. that he was safe and staying with local armed residents,” Marouf said.

At approximately 6 a.m., Al-Shoufi began sending urgent messages. “He said the site was under heavy attack by drones and armored vehicles, and that everyone around him had been killed,” Marouf told CPJ. “He was wounded and trying to surrender, but no one was responding to his calls.”

Marouf said he spoke to Al-Shoufi by phone at around 6:20 a.m. and kept the line open. “I heard continuous gunfire, then the call abruptly ended,” he said.

CPJ has documented cases of journalists being wounded, targeted by gunfire, robbed, and obstructed from accessing areas during the ongoing sectarian violence between Syrian government and tribal forces against the Druze. Al-Shoufi’s killing was the first journalist death in 2025 that CPJ has documented in Syria.

CPJ reached out via messaging apps to Mohammad Al-Saleh, a spokesperson at the Syrian ministry of information, to request comment but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On June 28, 2025, Baroshky’s lawyer, Reving Yaseen, informed CPJ that the court had reactivated a previously suspended six-month sentence from December 2021, citing a violation of its conditions — Baroshky was convicted in January of defamation over a January 2024 Facebook post. Baroshky, who is the director of privately owned Rast Media, was originally set to be released on July 31, after serving a six-month sentence for that conviction.

“The use of overlapping defamation charges and suspended sentences to keep journalists behind bars has become a dangerous pattern for press freedom in Iraqi Kurdistan,” said Doja Daoud, CPJ’s Levant program coordinator. “Omed Baroshky has already faced retaliation for his reporting. We urge Iraqi Kurdish authorities to stop criminalizing the work of opposition journalists and ensure that they can operate without fear of reprisal.”

According to Yaseen, Baroshky was sentenced in 2021 under the Misuse of Communication Devices law, following a lawsuit filed by then-Kurdish lawmaker Mala Ihsan Rekani. The case stemmed from Baroshky’s reporting that Rekani had returned to the Kurdistan Region without undergoing the required COVID-19 quarantine procedures, “but the sentence was suspended on the condition that he not commit any offense for three years,” he said. “The court has now ruled that his 2025 defamation conviction breached that condition and ordered that he serve the full 2021 sentence in addition to the current term.” 

CPJ called Aram Atrushi, the director of Zirka prison, where Omed is detained, for comment, but did not receive a response.

Baroshky previously served 18 months in prison between 2020 and 2022 under the same law because of social media posts critical of Iraqi Kurdish authorities. After Rast Media was raided and forcibly shut down in April 2023, he shifted his reporting to Facebook, which became his primary platform for publishing.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

His arrest follows a warrant issued by a specialized criminal court that also targets two other journalists — Sabri bin Mukhshen and Muzahim Bajaber. All three journalists have been critical of the local government in recent reporting and social media posts. The warrant violated Article 13 of Yemen’s Press and Publications Law, which protects journalists from prosecution for expressing their opinions.

“Bajabeer’s arrest is yet another example of the systematic campaign to silence journalists in Hadramout and the areas controlled by Yemen’s Internationally Recognized Government (IRG),” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “We call on the IRG to immediately release Bajabeer and end all forms of intimidation against the three Hadramout-based journalists.”

The Yemeni Journalists Syndicate condemned the ongoing harassment, threats, and surveillance against Bajabeer, his family, and colleagues by local authorities in a July 4 statement.

Bajabeer’s arrest comes a week after the July 21 release of journalist Muzahim Bajaber, who had been detained for more than a month and still faces three open cases related to his journalism. He spent 12 days in the Criminal Investigation prison without being presented to a prosecutor, in violation of Article 76 of Yemen’s criminal procedure law.

Yemen has been embroiled in a civil war since Houthi rebels seized the capital in 2014. The Saudi-backed IRG intervened in 2015 in an effort to restore the government to power.

CPJ contacted the IRG’s Ministry of Human Rights for comment but did not receive an immediate response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Zamora was arrested in 2022 following a raid in which he was not informed of the charges against him. In less than 72 hours, authorities fabricated charges of money laundering, blackmail, and influence peddling. His first hearing, however, did not take place within the 24-hour legal timeframe after his detention, marking the beginning of a judicial process plagued by irregularities.

Since then, the Guatemalan Public Prosecutor’s Office has opened three baseless criminal cases against Zamora, systematically violating his rights to due process, legal defense, and the presumption of innocence. The prosecution and judicial system have acted in bad faith, building a case designed to send a message that critical journalism will be silenced in the country.

This date now marks, in practice, the fulfillment of a sentence for crimes he did not commit.

The persecution did not stop with Zamora: Since his arrest, elPeriódico’s newsroom has faced relentless legal and financial attacks, ultimately leading to the newspaper’s closure. A criminal investigation was opened against nine additional journalists on staff and the remaining members of his family were threatened with criminal charges and forced into exile.  

Despite favorable rulings that have exposed the abuse of power by certain judicial entities, and despite international recognition from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and UN experts that his detention is arbitrary – and that he has been exposed to forms of torture – Jose Rubén Zamora remains behind bars.

The signatory organizations demand his immediate release, the full restoration of his fundamental human rights, and an end to his political persecution.

Signatory organizations

Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
Protection International Mesoamérica
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights (RFKHR)
Freedom House
Article 19 México y Centroamérica
Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP)
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
IFEX-ALC
Latin American Working Group (LAWG)

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On July 23, KIS24 Info’s Steves Paluku, ElectionNet’s Paul Beyokobana, and Kisangani News newspaper’s Sébastien Mulamba visited the offices of Tshopo province’s Minister of Finance Patrick Valencio to ask him to respond to media criticism about his appearance in and alleged funding of a television series, Paluku and Beyokobana told CPJ.

Ministry officials beat the three journalists, who all work for privately owned outlets, with sticks and their fists, injuring Beyokobana’s hand, before armed police took them to a local police station and the Kisangani prosecutor’s office, where they spent the night, the journalists told CPJ.

The journalists’ lawyer, Andy Muzaliwa, told CPJ that they were released on July 24 and ordered to appear at the prosecutor’s office on Monday, July 28, to meet Valencio and his deputy chief of staff, Jacques Lomamisa.

Paluku told CPJ that the journalists did not appear in court on Monday because Muzaliwa was not available but were expected to do so in the coming days. Paluka added that on Monday he separately filed a complaint against Valencio at the Supreme Court of Kinshasa, the capital of the DRC, over his detention.

“The Congolese officials and police who attacked and detained journalists Steve Paluku, Paul Beyokobana, and Sébastien Mulamba must be held accountable and the legal proceedings against the journalists should be dropped,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “Authorities in the DRC should focus on ensuring the safety of journalists working to report the news, not violently silencing them for asking questions.”

Valencio’s office defended the minister, saying that Congolese law did not prohibit his participation in a film at a time when he was not a minister, the online outlet Boyoma Revolution reported.

CPJ’s calls to request comment from Valencio and Lomamisa rang unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The report is based on a fact-finding mission carried out between October 2024 and January 2025, with investigators interviewing dozens of community journalists, indigenous radio station workers, and civil society representatives across nine departments in Guatemala.

The mission identified a pattern of serious and persistent threats, including legal harassment; violence; intimidation; gender-based attacks; structural racism, particularly against indigenous women journalists; and surveillance by both local authorities and private actors, among other threats.

Among its key recommendations, the report urges authorities to implement the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruling on indigenous community radio, develop tailored protection mechanisms for community journalists, and formally recognize the legitimacy of community media outlets.

Read an executive summary of the report in English and Español.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The joint letter called for Israeli authorities to allow Gazan journalists and their families – many of whom, like the rest of the population, are starving and facing extraordinary challenges to their health and ability to report – to leave Gaza, and allow other journalists to enter Gaza to continue their work. Nearly two years into the war, no international journalists have independently been able to access Gaza.

“Protecting those who report from conflict is a duty shared by all,” the letter said. “Our local journalists have done their jobs with unimaginable resilience and bravery. Letting them leave Gaza if they wish to do so and allowing others in to offer respite and continue their work is a humanitarian obligation we cannot ignore.”

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The authorities of the Republic of the Congo must urgently investigate the threats against journalist Rosie Pioth and ensure she can continue her work without the looming possibility of being killed,” said Angela Quintal, CPJ’s Africa regional director, from New York. “Many journalists working in the Republic of the Congo self-censor out of fear of reprisal, and the possibility that these threats will go without adequate response may only entrench those fears.”

Pioth, correspondent for the French government-owned outlet France 24 and director of the news site Fact Checking Congo, published an article on July 17, the anniversary of the bombing, which detailed how, after 43 years, victims’ families continue to demand justice and compensation.

Pioth emphasized how the story of the bombing had been “erased” with “No monuments. No textbooks. No national day. No public mention of this tragedy.” At the end of the report, she also announced intentions to publish further investigations on the bombing, which killed nine, and its aftermath.

The day after the article was published, unidentified individuals called and messaged death threats to Pioth, urging her to stop reporting about the bombing, according to Pioth and CPJ’s review of the messages. Pioth said her husband also received threatening messages directed at her.

“[A]re you the one encouraging your wife towards media provocations? You have 72 hours to decide to stop your publications. I am watching all your movements, and the unpredictable is not far away, dear infiltrator,” read one of the messages sent to her husband.

Pioth told CPJ that she went into hiding after the threats and intended to file a complaint with the prosecutor’s office in Brazzaville. The local professional association Journalism and Ethics Congo (JEC) also called for her protection.

CPJ’s calls and questions sent via messaging app to a Republic of the Congo government spokesperson and Minister of Communication and Media Thierry Moungalla did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Authorities have stated that Askarov died in prison on July 25, 2020, from complications related to COVID-19. But they have failed to adequately respond to credible allegations that the 69-year-old was denied adequate medical care prior to his death, which followed years of declining health and insufficient treatment in jail.

“Five years have passed, and Kyrgyz authorities have yet to answer key questions about the death of the journalist and human rights defender Azimjon Askarov,” said CPJ Europe and Central Asia Senior Researcher Anna Brakha. “We call on the government to deliver justice by conducting a transparent investigation into the circumstances surrounding both his detention and death.” 

Askarov, who contributed to independent outlets including Fergana and Voice of Freedom, was arrested in June 2010 after reporting on human rights abuses during deadly interethnic clashes in southern Kyrgyzstan. 

In September 2010, he was given a life sentence in a trial that was widely rejected as unfair, particularly as he was tortured by the police. Amnesty International condemned the charges as “fabricated and politically motivated.” Askarov was one of dozens of ethnic Uzbeks convicted for their alleged involvement in the violence.

In 2012, CPJ honored Askarov with its International Press Freedom Award and published a special report that found that Askarov was being punished in retaliation for his reporting on corrupt and abusive police and prosecutors.

CPJ emphasizes that without justice in Askarov’s case, press freedom in Kyrgyzstan remains in jeopardy. Since President Sadyr Japarov came to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have launched an unprecedented crackdown on the independent press, shuttering critical outlets and jailing independent journalists.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

On July 11, a group of men overran a polling station in Ablekuma North constituency and assaulted a candidate, forcing voting to be temporarily suspended.

Kwabena Agyekum Banahene, a reporter with GHOne TV, told CPJ that amid the turmoil, a police officer asked him to leave the area and slapped and pushed him. Banahene’s mouth was injured, according to GhanaWeb.

At the same polling station, ATV Ghana reporter Vida Wiafe was hit with pepper spray deployed by police, according to a video posted by Metro TV Ghana. CPJ could not confirm whether the journalist was deliberately targeted. 

In a third incident at the polling station, a partially masked man struck with his hand and shoved Joy News reporter Sally Martey from behind, a video posted by the outlet showed.

“The July 11 assaults on journalists Kwabena Agyekum Banahene and Sally Martey, as well as the tear-gassing of reporter Vida Wiafe, are just the latest examples of the threats regularly faced by journalists in Ghana,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “There has not been enough accountability for attacks on the press — it should be a top priority for authorities.”

In a July 12 statement, police promised to arrest anyone found to have engaged in acts of violence during the Ablekuma North elections. Banahene told CPJ that he reported his attack to the police and the officer involved was suspended and charged. 

In April, CPJ wrote to President John Dramani Mahama — on his 100^th day in office— to call for swift investigations into cases of attacks against the press.

CPJ’s calls and text messages seeking comment from police spokesperson Grace Ansah-Akrofi received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Arabic spokesperson Avichay Adraee has stepped up his online attacks on Al-Sharif, by falsely alleging that he is a Hamas terrorist, since the journalist cried on air while reporting on starvation in Gaza. The 28-year-old journalist has been a key source of news from Gaza for international audiences since the war began more than 650 days ago.

“We are deeply alarmed by the repeated threats made by Israeli army spokesperson Avichay Adraee against Al Jazeera’s Gaza correspondent Anas Al-Sharif and call on the international community to protect him,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “This is not the first time Al-Sharif has been targeted by the Israeli military, but the danger to his life is now acute. Israel has killed at least six Al Jazeera journalists in Gaza during this war. These latest unfounded accusations represent an effort to manufacture consent to kill Al-Sharif.”

The IDF have made unsubstantiated claims that many of the journalists they deliberately killed in Gaza were terrorists, including four Al Jazeera staff — Hamza Al Dahdouh, Ismail Al Ghoul, Rami Al Refee, and Hossam Shabat. CPJ classifies such cases as murder.

Shabat was one of six Al Jazeera journalists that the IDF accused in October 2024 of involvement with Hamas or Islamic Jihad militant groups, a claim that the Qatari-based channel rejected as “baseless.” Shabat was later killed and Talal Al Arrouqi was injured.

Two other Al Jazeera staff journalists – Samer Abu Daqqa and Ahmed Al-Louh — have been killed during the Israel-Gaza war, as well as eight journalists and media workers who freelanced for the channel, according to CPJ data.

‘Real-life threat’

“Adraee’s campaign is not only a media threat or an image destruction; it is a real-life threat,” Al-Sharif told CPJ. “All of this is happening because my coverage of the crimes of the Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip harms them and damages their image in the world. They accuse me of being a terrorist because the occupation wants to assassinate me morally.”

Israel is coming under increasing pressure to stop shooting Palestinians at aid distribution points and allow more food in, amid global alarm over reports of deaths from hunger and images of emaciated children.

In a July 24 video, Adraee accused Al-Sharif of being a member of Hamas’ military wing, Al-Qassam, since 2013 and moving during the war “to work for the most criminal and offensive channel.”

In a July 23 video, Adraee described Al Jazeera’s reporting on starving Palestinians as “a fabricated drama starring Anas Al-Sharif, who sheds crocodile tears,” while playing a clip of the journalist crying while reporting on July 20.

In a July 20 video, Adraee played the same footage of Al-Sharif crying and accused him of “propaganda” and being part of a “false Hamas campaign on starvation.”

On July 12, responding to Al Sharif’s post calling for a ceasefire, Adraee described the journalist as “a mouthpiece for intellectual terrorism.”

‘My family is also in danger’

“I live with the feeling that I could be bombed and martyred at any moment. My family is also in danger, and I have already paid the price before,” Al-Sharif told CPJ.

In December 2023, Al-Sharif’s 90-year-old father was killed by an Israeli airstrike on their family home, weeks after the journalist received multiple telephone threats from Israeli army officers instructing him to cease coverage and leave northern Gaza.

In August 2024, Adraee accused Al-Sharif of “presenting a lie” in his coverage of an Israeli airstrike on a school that killed dozens of displaced Palestinians.

“This feeling is difficult and painful, but it does not push me back. Rather, it motivates me to continue fulfilling my duty and conveying the suffering of our people, even if it costs me my life,” said Al-Sharif.

Israel has banned Al Jazeera from operating inside the country and in the West Bank.

“These threats constitute clear incitement and an attempt to assassinate my voice, either through bombing or moral distortion. However, I will not stop conveying the truth,” Al-Sharif said.

In response to CPJ’s email query, the IDF’s North America Media desk referred CPJ to Adraee’s July 24 video.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Kapanda, a reporter with the privately owned broadcaster Notre Chaîne de Radio and the Identitenews news site, told CPJ that the death threats related to his coverage of the National Fund for the Repair of Victims of Sexual Violence and Crimes against Peace and Security of Humanity (FONAREV).

Established by the government in 2022, the fund has worked in response to the Kamuina Nsapu rebellion that erupted in August 2016 in Kasaï province, which killed thousands and displaced millions. Kapanda’s reporting has alleged fraud, manipulation, and nepotism by FONAREV Regional Coordinator Myrhant Mulumba, as Kapanda uncovered the identities of victims of the Kamuina Nsapu militias. 

“Journalists in the DRC too regularly face threats and intimidation from public officials. Authorities must investigate the death threats against journalist Sadam Kapanda wa Kapanda and ensure his safety,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal, from New York. “Reporting on matters of public interest, especially amid conflict, is essential for those with power to be held accountable and for the public to be informed about issues and actors that affect their lives.”

In separate calls and messages on July 2, 2025, Mulumba and Kasaï provincial Minister of the Interior Peter Tshisuaka threatened to kill Kapanda if he did not halt his critical coverage of the fund, according to the journalist and messages reviewed by CPJ. Kapanda said that Mulumba also offered him a job with the fund if he agreed to stop criticizing their operations, which Kapanda refused. 

Tshisuaka responded to CPJ’s request for comment by messaging app saying that, “The journalist does his job, and I do my job too, Kapanda should look for work elsewhere.” CPJ’s calls and messages to Mulumba went unanswered.

A third, unknown caller on July 2 threatened to have Kapanda killed, Kapanda told CPJ. On July 9, Kapanda said he received an additional death threat from an unidentified caller.

Around 2 a.m. on July 15, two unidentified, armed men arrived at Kapanda’s home and sought to enter, but fled when his neighbors began shouting, the journalist told CPJ. On July 16 and 17, Kapanda received further death threats via phone calls and messages, copies of which CPJ reviewed.

Kapanda told CPJ that he was unaware of police having opened an investigation into the threats.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Israel is starving Gazan journalists into silence. They are not just reporters, they are frontline witnesses, abandoned as international media were pulled out and denied entry,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “The world must act now: protect them, feed them, and allow them to recover while other journalists step in to help report. Our response to their courageous 650 plus-days of war reporting cannot simply be to let them starve to death.”

On Tuesday, CPJ launched its Voices From Gaza video series of Palestinian journalists describing their challenges working in Gaza. In the first video, Moath al Kahlout said his cousin was shot dead while waiting for humanitarian aid.

As Israel partially eased its 11-week total blockade of Gaza in May, CPJ published the testimony of six journalists who described how starvation, dizziness, brain fog, and sickness threatened their ability to report.

Since then, more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, while trying to get food aid, the majority near sites where Israel and the United States’ controversial, militarized Gaza Humanitarian Foundation was delivering supplies.

‘Gaza is dying’

In recent days, numerous Palestinian journalists have spoken out about their desperation:

• On June 20, Al Jazeera correspondent Anas Al Sharif posted online, “I am drowning in hunger, trembling in exhaustion, and resisting the fainting that follows me every moment… Gaza is dying. And we die with it.”

• Sally Thabet, correspondent for Al-Kofiya satellite channel, told CPJ that she fainted consciousness after doing a live broadcast on July 20 because she had not eaten all day. She regained consciousness in Al-Shifa hospital, where doctors gave her an intravenous drip for rehydration and nutrition. In an online video, she described how she and her three daughters were starving.

Another Palestinian journalist, Shuruq As’ad said Thabet was the third journalist to collapse on air from starvation that week, and posted a photograph of Thabet with the drip in her hand.

• During a live broadcast on July 20, Al-Araby TV correspondent Saleh Al-Natour said,

“We have no choice but to write and speak; otherwise, we will all die. At some point, journalists will collapse too, and they will fall to the ground in front of you, in front of the cameras, and on air … Today, the feeling of fainting came again, and to prevent that from happening, I ate some sugar that I had been saving for a while.”

• On July 21, CPJ International Press Freedom Awardee Shrouq Al Aila told CPJ that she was continuously losing weight due to lack of food and experiences severe weakness, fatigue, and dizziness.

• On July 21, Agence France-Presse’s union said that the news agency’s 10 freelance journalists reporting from Gaza were all threatened by famine, gunfire, and disease. “Without immediate intervention, the last reporters in Gaza will die,” it said.

APF and France’s foreign minister later said that Jean-Noël Barrot later said that they hoped Israel would allow the journalists to be evacuated.

• On July 22, a photo and video of Algerian state TV correspondent Wesam Abu Zaid taking part in a protest denouncing starvation of Gaza went viral online. Zaid held up a sign saying, “A hungry journalist reporting on hunger.”

“We have all suffered from weight loss, dizziness, and an inability to stand or walk as a result of not eating,” Zaid told CPJ, adding that it was hard for him to keep working.

• On July 23,  Al Jazeera Media Network called for an end to “this forced starvation that does not spare journalists who are the bearers of truth.”

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) told CPJ via email that, “Despite the false claims that are being spread, the State of Israel does not limit the number of humanitarian aid trucks entering the Gaza Strip.” It said that delays in the collection of aid from crossing points into Gaza by international aid organizations “harm the situation and the food security of Gaza’s residents.”

COGAT, the Israeli unit responsible for humanitarian initiatives, told CPJ via email that, “Despite Hamas’s false propaganda campaign, the IDF, through COGAT, continues to work in coordination with international actors to allow and facilitate the continued entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip, in accordance with international law.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The statement also urged Egyptian authorities to drop charges against Omar’s wife, Nada Mougheeth, who was detained after speaking to the media about her husband’s detention and alleged human rights violations surrounding his arrest. Mougheeth was later released on bail pending investigation after she was accused of joining a terrorist organization and spreading false news.

Egypt remains one of the world’s top 10 jailers of journalists, with 17 currently behind bars, according to CPJ’s recent prison census. Seven journalists were arrested in 2024, Omar among them, amid an escalating crackdown tied to the country’s worsening economic crisis.

Read the full letter in English here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On June 30, the men abducted Yormie while he was on his way back to the community-based Lar-Wehyi radio station, shortly after he read on air a government order suspending activities of the Poro society, the journalist told CPJ.

The Poro is a centuries-old men’s society that traditionally enforces community laws. Their rituals still shape lives in rural areas, although they have been criticized for human rights abuses.

“The abduction and brutal attack on journalist Alex Seryea Yormie are grave reminders of the dangers the media face in Liberia from powerful non-state groups,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “Authorities must continue to investigate the incident and guarantee the safety of the press to report on sensitive subjects without facing retaliatory attacks.” 

Yormie told CPJ that nine assailants carried him to their office, where about 30 members of the group beat him with their hands, before taking him to another location, where they beat him with sticks, stripped him naked, and tied his genitals with ropes. 

After two hours, the men took Yormie to another location where they beat him for a further two hours, and then took him to a fourth site, where police intervened and rescued him, the journalist said. 

Yormie told CPJ he received medical treatment for cuts all over his body.

On July 1, a Poro leader, Melvin Duo, was arrested. On July 14, Duo was charged with “recklessly endangering someone, simple assault and felonious restraint,” the journalist told CPJ, but the case was adjourned because Yormie was injured in an unrelated accident and will resume once he recovers.

CPJ’s calls and text messages to request comment from Duo and police spokesperson Cecelia Clarke received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The move comes as Roundup manufacturer Bayer pushes to pass the Cancer Gag Act, which would shield pesticide corporations from health related lawsuits. The Cancer Gag Act was introduced in twelve states this year to robust opposition; it failed in nine and passed in two (the bill is still pending in North Carolina). Reintroduction of the federal Cancer Gag Act, introduced last year as the Agricultural Uniformity Labeling Act, is expected this year.

Food & Water Watch Senior Food Policy Analyst Rebecca Wolf issued the following statement:

“Today’s despicable vote to further defund the government will undermine public health. There is hardly a family in America untouched by cancer, a disease repeatedly linked to industrial agriculture. Today’s vote gives Big Ag their cake and lets them eat it too — enabling pesticide corporations to profit off dangerous chemicals and preventing the public from being any the wiser about the risks to their own health.

“The Senate must reject this bill out of hand; commit to funding the federal government without hamstringing the EPA; and stand firmly against efforts to pass the Cancer Gag Act in any way, shape or form.”

The appropriations bill language is one of several ways Cancer Gag Act supporters are seeking to pass pesticide immunity language through Congress. Bayer’s push to limit liability comes as the corporation has spent over $11 billion settling more than 100,000 cancer lawsuits related to their Roundup product, whose active ingredient glyphosate was determined to be "probably carcinogenic to humans" by the World Health Organization's International Agency for Research on Cancer. Pesticide residue has been widely detected in Americans, with some studies finding residue in 100% of U.S. urine samples.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

An Emmy-winning, Spanish-language journalist, Guevara was arrested on First Amendment-related charges— that Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of the press — while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest against the Trump administration in a suburb of Atlanta. 

“It is imperative that journalist Mario Guevara be released from Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention without delay,” said CPJ U.S., Canada, and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “With Guevara unable to report, a vital perspective on immigration issues has been lost. Guevara’s ongoing detention under the threat of deportation is a gross overreach of ICE authority and a crude form of censorship.” 

Representatives from the advocacy group Free Press, the Georgia First Amendment Foundation, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Georgia, Guevara’s lawyer, Giovanni Diaz, the journalist’s son and daughter, Oscar and Katherine Guevara, and CPJ Regional Director, Americas, José Zamora also spoke at Tuesday’s news conference at the Georgia State House.

Speakers made the following comments: 

• “We’re living in a climate of fear and retribution in which our community ties weaken and truth is undermined as the bedrock of our democracy,” said Nora Benavidez, Free Press’s senior counsel and director of digital justice and civil rights. “Mr. Guevara’s case is just the tip of the spear. So in pushing back today, we are not just calling for Mr. Guevara’s immediate release. His detention sends a chilling message to anyone who might want to exercise their rights. And it’s a rejection of the premise this country was founded on: to give people agency, dignity, autonomy and freedom to challenge those in power.”

• “We are stuck in a nightmare,” said Katherine Guevara, Mario’s daughter. “We don’t know how to explain how something like this could even happen. The pain we feel is indescribable. This is not just about one journalist. This is about what kind of country we want to be.”

• “The protections of the First Amendment extend to everyone regardless of citizenship status,” said Andrés M. López-Delgado, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU of Georgia. “The ACLU of Georgia is deeply concerned about Mario’s case and what it means for where we’re headed as a state and as a country. Journalists should not have to be concerned that they will face deportation or other retaliation when they are just trying to do their jobs reporting on matters of grave and deep public concern.”

On June 25, three initial charges of unlawful assembly, obstruction, and being a pedestrian on the roadway were dismissed due to insufficient evidence. On July 10, the remaining three charges that were filed after Guevara was already in ICE detention — reckless driving, failure to obey traffic signs, and unlawful use of a telecommunication device — were also dismissed due to insufficient evidence and legal deficiencies. 

Guevara is currently the only journalist in custody in the U.S. whose arrest was in relation to his work.

Guevara has lawfully resided in the U.S. for over 20 years and developed a large following in the Atlanta area, as well as national recognition, for his reporting on immigration issues. He frequently filmed ICE and law enforcement raids.

See CPJ’s timeline of Guevara’s arrest and detention proceedings here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The unwarranted seizure of Batumelebi and Netgazeti’s bank accounts confirms what has been clear from the start of Mzia Amaglobeli’s trumped-up trial – that authorities’ goal is to silence two of Georgia’s most respected news outlets and the courageous woman who runs them,” said CPJ Chief Global Affairs Officer Gypsy Guillén Kaiser. “Georgian authorities should lift all undue restrictions on media outlets’ accounts, release Amaglobeli, and end their campaign against the independent press.”

Batumelebi reported that Georgia’s Revenue Service seized the accounts of the outlets’ legal entity, Gazeti Batumelebi, on July 17, after previously giving it just five days to pay accumulated tax debts, interest, and penalties totaling around US$100,000.

CPJ and international partners monitored the July 14 trial of Amaglobeli, who was jailed over an altercation with a local police chief, and denounced the charges against her as “disproportionate and politicized.” A verdict is expected on August 1, with the prominent media manager facing between four and seven years in prison and declining health.

The measures “appear aimed at breaking [Amaglobeli] personally and, ultimately, destroying the media organization she founded,” Batumelebi said in its statement.

The outlet, which is known for its coverage of human rights issues and scrutiny of authorities, said it had been paying off the debt and pointed to the much higher arrears of pro-government media as a “telling example” of “the selectivity of this pressure.”

The Revenue Service said in a July 22 Facebook post that the seizure of Gazeti Batumelebi’s accounts was carried out “automatically” and it was ready to lift the measure and allow the company to cover its debts “in the event of a tax agreement.” 

Batumelebi said the Revenue Service repeatedly declined its proposed payment plans both before and after the seizure.

In recent weeks, two independent broadcasters have reported similar account seizures over tax arrears, alleging political pressure. The moves come amid an unprecedented media crackdown and authoritarian turn by the ruling Georgian Dream party, with a series of repressive new laws on the press and extensive police violence against journalists. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On July 16, United Media Services (UMS), a company owned and closely linked to Egypt’s General Intelligence Service, terminated its contract with veteran journalist Lamis El Hadidy. Her ON TV talk show, Kelma Akheera (“Final Word”), had been off the air since early July. Independent Egyptian outlets El-Manassa and Saheeh Masr reported that the firing and cancellation were due to El Hadidy’s violation of editorial red lines by mentioning military companies and government responsibility for a road crash that killed 19 people, mostly teenage girls.

Separately, on July 6, journalist Khairy Ramadan’s show, Ma’a Khairy (“With Khairy”), on Al-Mehwar TV, which is part of a media coalition led by UMS, was abruptly cut off mid-episode, also because he reported on the road accident. The program featured truck drivers blaming poor road conditions for frequent accidents. Ramadan was ordered to cut to an unscheduled commercial break, and the show has not aired since. 

In another case of apparent retaliation, sources told London-based newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed that Cairo-based channel Al-Qahera Wal Nas — also part of the UMS coalition — recently decided to terminate TV host Ibrahim Eissa’s contract after he launched a YouTube channel featuring indirect criticism of the government. 

“These suspensions reveal the Egyptian government’s intolerance of journalism that crosses political red lines or questions state performance,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s Middle East and North Africa regional director. “Journalists must be able to hold officials accountable without fear of censorship or retaliation.”

Toronto-based exiled Egyptian journalist and media commentator Mostafa Al-A’sar told CPJ: “Egypt’s media is tightly controlled by the security apparatus. Journalists who stray from the official narrative face sanctions — even if they work for security-owned outlets.”

CPJ emailed UMS for comment but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

“The violence against journalists in Sweida — including injuries, intimidation, and the ransacking of media offices — along with the attack on a media outlet in Damascus, signals a dangerous escalation in threats to Syria’s press,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Authorities must investigate these incidents and ensure accountability. Journalists should not face violence or obstruction for doing their work.”

Fighting in Sweida governorate began on July 13, 2025, after a Druze merchant was assaulted by Bedouin tribesmen. The confrontation escalated into armed clashes between Druze groups and Bedouin fighters, drawing in Syrian government forces. Israeli airstrikes on July 15 and 16 followed in Sweida and Damascus, with Israel citing the protection of Druze communities. A U.S.-brokered truce temporarily halted fighting, but conditions on the ground remained unstable.

• On July 15, Nadim al-Nabulsi, a reporter for Ahrar Horan, a local media collective, sustained minor injuries while covering events in Sweida after an Israeli drone strike. “I was reporting near the entrance of the city, following a [Syrian government] General Security Forces vehicle on my motorcycle,” al-Nabulsi told CPJ. “The vehicle was hit by drone-dropped explosives. I was around 25 meters (82 feet) behind and tried to hide, but some shrapnel hit my lower back.” He said he was wearing a “Press” vest at the time.

• Also on July 15, freelance journalist Muhannad Abu Zaid was wounded during clashes. He said he was following a General Security Forces convoy into Sweida when gunfire broke out. “I took cover and started filming, but a sniper fired and hit my hand,” he told CPJ. “I think the bullet was meant for my chest, but a car shielded me.”

• On July 16, an Israeli airstrike In Damascus, targeting the Syrian army’s general staff headquarters damaged Al-Hadath TV’s office. According to a video posted by the channel on X, no one was injured.

• On July 19, four journalists wearing “Press” vests — freelance photographer Ali Haj Suleiman, a Getty Images contributor; photographer Bakr Alkasem, who contributes to Agence France-Presse; NoonPost reporter Hamza Abbas; and NoonPost camera operator Qusay Abdulbari — were beside their car in Sweida when it was struck by bullets. “We were covering events in Sweida, entering at the Omran roundabout,” Haj Suleiman told CPJ. “Druze armed factions appeared to counterattack, and gunfire came from three directions. We took cover behind our car as snipers and RPGs fired. After 10 minutes, the shooting stopped.”

• Also on July 19, Karam Nachar, editor-in-chief of the privately owned outlet Al-Jumhuriya, posted that one of the outlet’s journalists, who asked not to be named for his own safety, was robbed and threatened in his home in Sweida by what the journalist said “appeared to be newly recruited members of the ministry of defense.” CPJ spoke with the journalist and confirmed that he is now safe in Damascus. “The four gunmen took $1,600 in cash, my phone, and a camera worth around $2,000,” he said, adding that he managed to escape the raid after another journalist intervened.

CPJ contacted Mohammad Al-Saleh, the Syrian ministry of information’s spokesperson, via messaging app. He said authorities had not blocked journalists from working but warned them that Druze snipers were active in the area, and advised them to evacuate to avoid kidnapping or crossfire. Al-Saleh said the government holds its institutions accountable for any misconduct but currently lacks the means to pursue armed groups operating outside the law — “though that time will come.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Soran Rashid.

“The violence against journalists in Sweida — including injuries, intimidation, and the ransacking of media offices — along with the attack on a media outlet in Damascus, signals a dangerous escalation in threats to Syria’s press,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Authorities must investigate these incidents and ensure accountability. Journalists should not face violence or obstruction for doing their work.”

Fighting in Sweida governorate began on July 13, 2025, after a Druze merchant was assaulted by Bedouin tribesmen. The confrontation escalated into armed clashes between Druze groups and Bedouin fighters, drawing in Syrian government forces. Israeli airstrikes on July 15 and 16 followed in Sweida and Damascus, with Israel citing the protection of Druze communities. A U.S.-brokered truce temporarily halted fighting, but conditions on the ground remained unstable.

• On July 15, Nadim al-Nabulsi, a reporter for Ahrar Horan, a local media collective, sustained minor injuries while covering events in Sweida after an Israeli drone strike. “I was reporting near the entrance of the city, following a [Syrian government] General Security Forces vehicle on my motorcycle,” al-Nabulsi told CPJ. “The vehicle was hit by drone-dropped explosives. I was around 25 meters (82 feet) behind and tried to hide, but some shrapnel hit my lower back.” He said he was wearing a “Press” vest at the time.

• Also on July 15, freelance journalist Muhannad Abu Zaid was wounded during clashes. He said he was following a General Security Forces convoy into Sweida when gunfire broke out. “I took cover and started filming, but a sniper fired and hit my hand,” he told CPJ. “I think the bullet was meant for my chest, but a car shielded me.”

• On July 16, an Israeli airstrike In Damascus, targeting the Syrian army’s general staff headquarters damaged Al-Hadath TV’s office. According to a video posted by the channel on X, no one was injured.

• On July 19, four journalists wearing “Press” vests — freelance photographer Ali Haj Suleiman, a Getty Images contributor; photographer Bakr Alkasem, who contributes to Agence France-Presse; NoonPost reporter Hamza Abbas; and NoonPost camera operator Qusay Abdulbari — were beside their car in Sweida when it was struck by bullets. “We were covering events in Sweida, entering at the Omran roundabout,” Haj Suleiman told CPJ. “Druze armed factions appeared to counterattack, and gunfire came from three directions. We took cover behind our car as snipers and RPGs fired. After 10 minutes, the shooting stopped.”

• Also on July 19, Karam Nachar, editor-in-chief of the privately owned outlet Al-Jumhuriya, posted that one of the outlet’s journalists, who asked not to be named for his own safety, was robbed and threatened in his home in Sweida by what the journalist said “appeared to be newly recruited members of the ministry of defense.” CPJ spoke with the journalist and confirmed that he is now safe in Damascus. “The four gunmen took $1,600 in cash, my phone, and a camera worth around $2,000,” he said, adding that he managed to escape the raid after another journalist intervened.

CPJ contacted Mohammad Al-Saleh, the Syrian ministry of information’s spokesperson, via messaging app. He said authorities had not blocked journalists from working but warned them that Druze snipers were active in the area, and advised them to evacuate to avoid kidnapping or crossfire. Al-Saleh said the government holds its institutions accountable for any misconduct but currently lacks the means to pursue armed groups operating outside the law — “though that time will come.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Soran Rashid.

Segovia was pronounced dead on arrival at a hospital in Bislig city in the southern province of Surigao del Sur, the Inquirer newspaper reported.

“Philippine authorities must leave no stone unturned in identifying and prosecuting those responsible for the murder of journalist Erwin Labitad Segovia,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “If President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s administration fails to act more decisively, the cycle of impunity will persist — and so will the media killings.”

The Presidential Task Force on Media Security, set up in 2016 to investigate media murders, said authorities had activated the Special Investigation Task Group on New Cases to look into the killing and were conducting a “hot pursuit operation” to apprehend the suspects.

Segovia, popularly known as “Boy Pana,” hosted a regular radio program on local governance and social issues, as well as a program to boost former local mayor Carla Lopez-Pichay’s campaign for May’s mid-term elections, the Inquirer reported.

The Philippines ranked ninth on CPJ’s most recent Impunity Index, a global ranking of countries where journalists’ murderers are most likely to go free. The country has appeared on the index every year since its launch in 2008.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Malawi’s Constitutional Court has taken a monumental step towards protecting press freedom and affirmed that criticism and dissent are essential to democracy by ruling criminal defamation to be unconstitutional,” said Muthoki Mumo, CPJ’s Africa program coordinator, in Nairobi. “Authorities should immediately comply with the judgment, and other laws that may unduly restrict the work of journalists must also be reformed.” 

In a unanimous decision, three constitutional court justices ruled that the defamation law was a “disproportionate and unjustifiable limitation on constitutional freedom,” according to a summary of the judgment reviewed by CPJ.

The ruling follows social media influencer and activist Joshua Chisa Mbele’s 2022 legal challenge of criminal defamation charges for his remarks about a military official.

In its decision, the court ordered that no further prosecutions on criminal defamation charges be brought under the law.

The Malawian chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa and other civil society organizations urged the government not to appeal the ruling and to reform other laws that restrict free expression. Section 60 of Malawi’s penal code criminalizes publishing false news, with penalties of fines or up to two years in jail, and the 2016 Electronic Transactions and Cyber Security Act makes unauthorized transmitting data or information punishable by a fine of 2,000,000 Malawian kwacha (USD $1,153) and a 5-year imprisonment. 

In 2022, Malawi amended its Protected Flag, Emblems, and Names Act of 1967, to decriminalize insults against the president but retained prison time for those convicted of insults to flags or protected emblems.

Malawi Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda did not respond to CPJ’s calls or text messages for comment on the court’s decision.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Palestinian journalists are the last witnesses on the ground,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Their reporting is vital, and their suffering is not collateral damage; it’s part of a deliberate tactic: starve the press, silence the truth.”

Despite losing their homes, family members, friends, offices, and colleagues, Gazan journalists bravely continue to report on a war that’s taking away everything from them, including their ability to eat, sleep, and bear witness.

In CPJ’s video series, Gazan journalists describe the tremendous pressures they face as they report from Gaza, where the press corps is under fire and under threat of starvation. CPJ urges global leaders to act now: to protect the Palestinian press, ensure accountability, allow international media access, and finally allow them to eat and rest.

Learn more:

• CPJ data: Journalist casualties in the Israel-Gaza war
• CPJ data: Attacks, arrests, threats, censorship: The high risks of reporting during the Israel-Gaza war
• Q&A Feature: Journalist Shrouq Al Aila on what cameras can’t show about the war in Gaza
• CPJ Special Report: No justice for journalists targeted by Israel despite strong evidence of war crime
• Advocacy letter: CPJ and global media leaders call for urgent, unrestricted access to Gaza for journalists

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The bill, which passed its second reading on July 17, 2025, is the “most serious step in censorship and the fight against dissent since 2022,” when lawmakers introduced penalties of up to 15 years in prison for disseminating “fake” news about the Russian army, according to the online independent news outlet The Bell. If lawmakers pass the bill and President Vladimir Putin signs it into law, it would take effect on September 1.

“Punishing people for seeking information online is a direct barrier to the free flow of information and an assault on access to independent news,” said CPJ Europe and Central Asia Senior Researcher Anna Brakha. “This vaguely worded, fast-tracked bill shows a clear disregard for open debate and create an even more repressive environment for the media and the public.” 

The bill provides for fines from 3,000 to 5,000 rubles (USD$38 to USD$64) for accessing or searching content that is either included in Russia’s federal list of extremist materials or that calls for or justifies extremist activities.

Russian authorities maintain a list of over 5,400 banned “extremist” materials, including books, religious texts, songs, and films. To date, while independent media have been widely branded as undesirable and foreign agents, none have been labeled as extremist.

“Nothing prevents the authorities from declaring media outlets ‘extremists’ — which will allow them to effectively ban reading such publications,” independent media outlet Meduza said, calling the bill a step toward the “criminalization of reading.” 

A representative from digital rights group Setevye Svobody, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal, told CPJ he expects “the most massive example of chilling effect in the history” of the Russian internet. 

Fines for reading online articles featuring so-called extremist content “will make tens of millions of users prefer to unsubscribe from the channels and stop visiting sites with information of any unofficial nature,” the representative said. 

CPJ emailed the State Duma’s press service but did not immediately receive a reply. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

New York, July 18, 2025—Lawyers representing Mario Guevara, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Free Press, and the Georgia First Amendment Foundation will hold a press conference on Tuesday, July 22, 2025, at 10 a.m. to reaffirm calls for the release of the Atlanta-based journalist from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody.

The press conference will highlight the troubling implications Guevera’s case has for First Amendment rights in Georgia and across the nation. 

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language journalist, who frequently filmed ICE and law enforcement raids, was originally arrested on First Amendment-related charges while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest in an Atlanta suburb on June 14. He is currently the only journalist in custody in the U.S. whose arrest was in relation to the work of newsgathering.  

The journalist, who has lawfully resided in the U.S. for over 20 years, was placed in ICE custody on June 18 where he remains, despite being in the country legally.

Guevara arrived legally in the United States from El Salvador in April 2004. He has remained in the country lawfully since, applying for asylum in 2005 due to the dangers he faced as a journalist in El Salvador. Over the next twenty years, Guevara developed a large following in the Atlanta area, as well as national recognition, for his reporting on immigration issues.

WHO: 

Opening remarks from Senator Josh McLaurin and José Zamora, CPJ Americas Director 

Speakers:

• Giovanni Diaz, managing partner of Diaz & Gaeta and Mario Guevara’s lawyer 
• Katherine and Oscar Guevara, Mario Guevara’s children
• Katherine Jacobsen, CPJ’s U.S., Canada and Caribbean program coordinator
• Nora Benavidez, Free Press’ senior counsel and Georgia First Amendment Foundation board member

WHAT: Press conference on journalist Mario Guevara’s continued ICE detention

WHEN: Tuesday, July 22, 2025, 10 a.m. EDT. Please arrive ahead of time. ID required. 

WHERE: Georgia State Capitol, South Wing. 

RSVP: Please register here to attend.

###

About the Committee to Protect Journalists

The Committee to Protect Journalists is an independent, nonprofit organization that promotes press freedom worldwide. We defend the right of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal.

Media contact: press@cpj.org
About Free Press

Free Press is a nonprofit organization that advocates for equitable access to technology, diverse and independent ownership of media platforms, and journalism that holds leaders accountable and tells people what’s actually happening in their communities.

Media contact: tkarr@freepress.net

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“The forcible transfer of journalist Comlan Hugues Sossoukpé by Côte d’Ivoire to Benin, despite his refugee status in Togo, sends a worrying message to journalists across the region,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “He must be released immediately and unconditionally. Such aggressive, transnational tactics illustrate a cross-border collaboration to muzzle a critical journalist.”

On July 14, 2025, a judge at Benin’s Court for the Repression of Economic Offences and Terrorism (CRIET) upheld Sossoukpè’s detention in the southern city of Ouidah, pending a judicial investigation on charges of inciting rebellion, inciting hatred and violence, harassing through electronic communication, and apology for terrorism, according to a copy of the decision seen by CPJ.

Sossoukpè was in Côte d’Ivoire to cover a government conference when he was arrested. He has been living in Togo since 2019 and has held refugee status there since receiving threats in Benin, where he is from, related to his work.

Sossoukpè told Maximin Pognon, his lawyer, who spoke to CPJ, that four people identifying themselves as Ivorian law enforcement officers and a fifth as a “colonel of the gendarmerie” asked him to respond to a summons. But Sossoukpè recognized two of them as Beninese police officers, Pognon said.

Sossoukpè said he demanded that they bring him before a judge, which they agreed to, but did not. Instead, they seized his phone and computer, took him briefly to an Ivorian law enforcement headquarters, and then escorted him aboard a plane that took him to Benin.

Two people close to the case who asked not to be named for privacy reasons said that during the days before his arrest, Sossoukpè had alerted his friends that there were kidnapping plans against him.

CPJ’s calls and WhatsApp messages to Andy Kouassi, public relations director of the Ivorian ministry of communication, and to Wilfried Léandre Houngbédji, spokesperson for the Beninese government, as well as CPJ’s email to the Ivorian gendarmerie, went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Cameroon is consistently among Africa’s worst jailers of journalists, with five journalists—Amadou Vamoulke, Manch Bibixy, Thomas Awah Junior, Tsi Conrad, and Kingsley Fomunyuy Njoka—currently behind bars in violation of international law, according to CPJ’s annual prison census. 

To meet AGOA eligibility requirements, reviewed by the Office of the United States Trade Representative, sub-Saharan countries must meet statutorily defined criteria, several of which relate to human rights. Given the ongoing detention of the journalists and the country’s poor press freedom record, CPJ and Freedom House said that Cameroon does not fully meet these criteria.

Read a copy of the comment in English here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Chairman Grassley and Senate Judiciary Committee Republicans just shamefully disregarded our democratic process in an attempt to ram through Trump’s judicial nominees. They tried to silence a government whistleblower who raised serious concerns about Emil Bove and his ability to rule impartially. Bove is an extreme ideologue, and his lifetime appointment sets the stage for the President and his allies to seek out favorable rulings no matter how unconstitutional their actions. It’s reprehensible that Senate Republicans silenced a basic acknowledgement of the facts, in order to jam through judicial appointments who will be a rubber stamp for Trump’s out-of-touch agenda.”

Last week, an Accountable.US research report revealed that Bove has not committed to key recusals ahead of his nomination hearing. In a nomination form, Bove pledged to recuse himself from “situations that present actual conflicts of interest based on my current or prior positions at the Department of Justice” – but Bove has so far refrained from preemptively recusing himself from any future case involving his former client and current boss, Donald Trump. By comparison, another one of Trump’s current judicial nominees, Anne-Leigh Gaylord Moe, pledged to recuse herself from any case involving her family or companies owned by her husband.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

The letter notes the persistence of serious issues in Greece, including surveillance, threats, harassment, physical attacks, and murders of journalists. It also cites government pressure on editorial and media independence, including Greece’s public broadcaster, as well as legal threats, such as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and criminal defamation.

The organizations asked national authorities to provide, in writing, an overview of the steps being considered to address the concerns, and to establish a national action plan.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

It’s an admission that may as well have come from The New York Times itself.

In an article titled “I’m a Genocide Scholar. I Know It When I See It.”, a Brown University professor of Holocaust and genocide studies named Omer Bartov argues that “Israel is literally trying to wipe out Palestinian existence in Gaza,” and denounces his fellow Holocaust scholars for failing to acknowledge reality.

“My inescapable conclusion has become that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinian people,” Bartov writes. “Having grown up in a Zionist home, lived the first half of my life in Israel, served in the I.D.F. as a soldier and officer, and spent most of my career researching and writing on war crimes and the Holocaust, this was a painful conclusion to reach, and one that I resisted as long as I could. But I have been teaching classes on genocide for a quarter of a century. I can recognize one when I see one.”

And resist he did. In November 2023, Bartov wrote another op-ed for The New York Times saying, “As a historian of genocide, I believe that there is no proof that genocide is currently taking place in Gaza, although it is very likely that war crimes, and even crimes against humanity, are happening.”

Apparently, he is seeing the proof now and has stopped resisting what has been clear from the very beginning. And it would seem the editors of the Gray Lady have ceased resisting as well.

The New York Times, which has an extensively documented pro-Israel bias, has frenetically avoided the use of the g-word on its pages from the very beginning of the Gaza onslaught. Even in its opinion and analysis pieces the NYT Overton window has cut off at framing the issue as a complex matter of rigorous debate, with headlines like “Accused of Genocide, Israelis See Reversal of Reality. Palestinians See Justice.” and “The Bitter Fight Over the Meaning of ‘Genocide’” representing the closest thing to the pro-Palestinian side of the debate you’d see. During the same time, we’ve seen headlines like “From the Embers of an Old Genocide, a New One May Be Emerging” used in reference to Sudan.

In an internal memo obtained by The Intercept last year, New York Times reporters were explicitly told to avoid the use of the word “genocide”, as well as terms like “ethnic cleansing” and “occupied territory”.

“‘Genocide’ has a specific definition in international law,” the memo reads. “In our own voice, we should generally use it only in the context of those legal parameters. We should also set a high bar for allowing others to use it as an accusation, whether in quotations or not, unless they are making a substantive argument based on the legal definition.”

Earlier this year, the American Friends Service Committee cancelled its paid advertisement in The New York Times calling for an end to the genocide in Gaza, saying the outlet had wanted them to change the word “genocide” to “war” in order for their ad to be published.

So there has been a significant change.

To be clear, this analysis by Omer Bartov is not significant in and of itself. He is only joining the chorus of what has already been said by human rights organizations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, United Nations human rights experts, and the overwhelming majority of leading authorities on the subject of genocide.

What is significant is that even experts who’ve been resisting acknowledging the reality of the genocide in Gaza because of their bias toward Israel have stopped doing so, and that even the imperial media outlets most fiendishly devoted to running propaganda cover for that genocide have run out of room to hide.

The Israel apologists have lost the argument. They might not know it yet, but they have. Public sentiment has turned irreversibly against them as people’s eyes are opened to the truth of what’s happening in Gaza, and more and more propagandists are choosing to rescue what’s left of their tattered credibility instead of going down with the sinking ship.

Truth is slowly beginning to get a word in edgewise.

Keep pushing. Keep fighting. Keep resisting.

It’s working.

This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Caitlin Johnstone.

“The arrest, abuse, and intimidation of journalists in Iraq’s Kurdish region are deeply concerning and reflect a broader pattern of hostility toward press freedom,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s regional director. “Authorities must investigate these incidents transparently and ensure that journalists can report safely and without fear of retaliation or violence.”

In the early hours of July 9, Kurdish security forces, known as Asayish, arrested three journalists in Rovia, a subdistrict of the northern city of Duhok’s Bardarash area. The journalists — Taif Goran, a reporter for opposition-linked NRT TV; his camera operator, Rayan Sidqi; and Rizgar Kamil, a reporter for Westga News — had traveled to Erbil’s Khabat district to cover clashes between security forces and tribal fighters. After all journalists were blocked from entering the area, they returned to Rovia to broadcast live and were detained. They were released the afternoon of July 10, after more than 25 hours in custody.

Taif Goran told CPJ that at around midnight, during a live broadcast, five Asayish vehicles arrived and officers beat and blindfolded the journalists. “We were tortured and beaten as much as they could and pressured to quit journalism,” he said. “Later, we were moved to Bardarash and held in solitary cells that had been used as toilets, in 35-degree (95 F) heat with no ventilation or water for hours.”

Goran said they were forced to unlock their phones, which were returned on July 15 with all their data erased.

Kamil told CPJ that officers beat the men during the arrest and again at the Asayish office in the city of Rovia. “They called us traitors and chaotic,” he said. “My phone was reformatted, and my back still hurts from the beating.”

On July 14, three security personnel assaulted Hersh Qadir, head of NRT’s Erbil office, while he was covering a protest in Erbil’s Ainkawa district. He told CPJ that a man in plainclothes identifying himself as an Asayish officer ordered him not to broadcast.

CPJ contacted the Bardarash Asayish by phone, where officials confirmed the arrests but denied any assault or torture, offering no further explanation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Barwe, the founder of the Samarth Bharat Pariwar YouTube-based news channel, was brutally beaten July 4 while reporting on claims of  illegal construction activity on disputed land in the Manchar region of Maharashtra’s Pune district, according to several news reports. A widely circulated video of the attack, reviewed by CPJ, shows a man striking Barwe with a wooden rod before the journalist  loses consciousness. She was hospitalized for three days with serious head and spinal injuries, and is currently recovering at home.

Police arrested five men over two days in connection with the attack who were granted bail and released,  Indian Express reported. The suspect wielding the stick has yet to be taken into custody.

“It is unacceptable that journalist Sneha Barwe’s attackers still walk free two weeks after her violent assault. This sends a troubling message that attacking the press will be met with impunity,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “Maharashtra authorities must act decisively to ensure accountability and send a clear signal that violence against journalists will not be tolerated.”

The arrested suspects were accused of violating six sections of the Indian Penal Code, including provisions related to voluntarily causing hurt and causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons, according to Indian media watchdog Free Speech Collective. Three other people were also hurt in the attack with Barwe, who had been targeted on at least two previous occasions in connection with her reporting on local governance issues.

Srikant Kankal, the police officer supervising Barwe’s case, did not respond to CPJ’s texted request for an update on finding the journalist’s main attacker.

In February 2023, journalist Sashikant Warishe was murdered for reporting on a land dispute in Maharashtra.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Late last year, the Fish and Wildlife Service finalized a species status assessment for grizzly bears finding that decreased conservation measures for grizzlies in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem would threaten their viability, resiliency, and ultimately recovery. The service thus concluded that the best available science requires the GYE population to remain listed as threatened under the Endangered Species Act.

Since the species status assessment was published, the Trump administration has proposed rolling back habitat protections under the Endangered Species Act; fast-tracking mining and logging, including in grizzly bear habitat; and eliminating protections for roadless areas that form the secure core habitat for grizzly bears.

Rep. Hageman’s bill seeks to override both the U.S. Court of Appeals and the Fish and Wildlife Service by turning grizzly management over to Montana, Wyoming, and Idaho–exposing grizzly bears to greater threats.

“Efforts to delist grizzly bears by congressional action are attempts to ignore what is required by the Endangered Species Act to achieve grizzly recovery,” said Christopher Servheen, Ph.D., retired USFWS grizzly bear recovery coordinator. “The current administration and Congress are working to defund grizzly bear science and monitoring, dramatically reduce funding for federal land management agencies in grizzly range, increase timber harvest and road building in grizzly habitat, and weaken or eliminate the fundamental laws that grizzly recovery depends on like the ESA, the National Environmental Policy Act and the USFS Roadless Rule. At the same time, recreation pressure on public lands and private land development are accelerating rapidly in grizzly habitat putting even more stress on grizzlies. Congressional delisting while the cumulative impacts of these actions are ongoing is irresponsible and will result in immediate declines in grizzly numbers and range.”

“This bill completely disregards both federal courts and a science-based agency decision to forcefully turn over management of Greater Yellowstone grizzly bears to the states,” said Jenny Harbine, managing attorney for Earthjustice’s Northern Rockies Office. “Barring judicial review and handing over the management keys to state agencies that ignore science would increase the already-high number of grizzly bear deaths and would be devastating to bears’ long-term recovery. Safeguards must remain in place until science shows grizzly bears are fully recovered, and until states have protections in place to ensure grizzly bears will thrive for future generations.”

Earthjustice and over 50 groups signed onto a letter opposing the bill.

This content originally appeared on Common Dreams and was authored by Newswire Editor.

The new regulations establish fines of 20,000 soms (US$230) for individuals, and 65,000 soms (US$740) against outlets found to have violated the law.

“The new law on so-called fake news is just one element of a broader legislative campaign under President Japarov aimed at restricting media, civil society, and public discourse in Kyrgyzstan,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kyrgyz authorities should repeal the law and reverse their escalating legal assault on the independent press.”

The new false news legislation follows similar amendments that went into force in February. These introduced identical administrative fines for defamation and insult. In both cases, complaints are handled by the police and adjudicated in brief administrative court hearings, which journalists fear will allow authorities to swiftly fine media and avoid a thorough judicial review.

Since Japarov came to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have dramatically expanded their arsenal of laws targeting the press while shuttering critical outlets and jailing journalists. A 2021 law empowers the government to extrajudicially block news websites for what it deems false news, and in 2024, Japarov enacted a Russian-style foreign agent law.

On June 25, parliament passed a controversial mass media that allows the government to determine which individuals and organizations are permitted to publish news. The law has sparked criticism from journalists and international organizations such as CPJ, which urged Japarov to veto the bill. 

The president stated earlier this month that he has not yet reviewed the mass media law and will decide whether to sign or return it after careful consideration.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

A CPJ investigation found Bassène could never have committed the crime, yet Senegal’s Supreme Court dismissed Bassène’s final appeal of a life sentence on May 3, 2025. Bassène was finalizing a fourth book on the separatist conflict in southern Senegal at the time of his arrest.

“As a son of Casamance, I wrote out of duty, for posterity so that the history of this conflict would not disappear from the collective memory and that it would never happen again,” said Bassène from the Aristide Le Dantec hospital in Dakar, the Senegalese capital, where he underwent a June 4 to repair an eardrum perforated during his arrest. He added, “I thank from the bottom of my heart all the signatories who believe in my innocence and are fighting for my release.”

Read the full letter in English here and in French here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Senegal’s special cybersecurity division (DSC) arrested Gadiaga over his remarks during a July 4, 2025, broadcast about Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. On July 14, 2025, a judge opened a judicial investigation and charged Gadiaga with spreading false news, immoral speech, insulting a person exercising the prerogatives of the head of state, and receiving or soliciting donations in order to engage in propaganda likely to disturb public order, his lawyer, El Hadji Omar Youm, told news outlets.

During the broadcast on private television channel Télé Futurs Médias (TFM), Gadiaga responded to criticism from a ruling party official by saying that the party should not give lessons in ethics because its leader, Sonko, had been “convicted of sexual abuse.” Sonko was sentenced in absentia in June 2023 to two years in prison for the “corruption of youth.” 

In April, Sonko said his opponents were using journalists and “so-called news commentators” to spread false news and defame authorities.

“These charges represent an escalation in the government’s punitive attitude toward the media and promote a dangerous conflation between the press and the political opposition,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “Senegalese authorities must release news commentators Badara Gadiaga, Abdou Nguer, and Bachir Fofana, and refrain from reprisals against the media for their criticism. Alleged press offenses should not be criminalized.”

On July 10, Sonko alluded to the TV debate during a meeting with his party’s leadership and recommended that party members “stop going to television stations that fight [the party]. …I fight those who fight me, and let those who use their tools to fight me know that I will go to the end.” He also called for a boycott of “television stations that fight him.”

L’Observateur, a newspaper owned by the same parent company as TFM, Groupe Futurs Médias, responded to Sonko’s comments with an editorial saying: “We are not a media affiliate of a party, nor a propaganda battalion, nor an instrument of validation. We are a newsroom.”

Separately, deliberation of the trial of commentator Bachir Fofana, detained for allegedly spreading false news, has been postponed to July 16, and another commentator, Abdou Nguer, has remained in prison since April on various charges.

CPJ’s calls to Sonko’s office and the justice ministry went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

In response to the hearing, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), International Press Institute (IPI), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) – called on Monday for Amaglobeli’s immediate release. Ambassadors and diplomats from the European Union mission and seven countries also attended the hearing, in which Amaglobeli provided detailed testimony for nearly three hours.

A prominent  journalist and founder of the online news outlets Gazeti Batumelebi and Netgazeti, Amaglobeli has been unjustly held in pretrial detention since her arrest on January 12.

“Today’s proceedings show that the trial of Mzia Amaglobeli is shrouded in a shocking smear campaign to destroy her credibility, personally and as a journalist. This, along with her deteriorating health, is deeply troubling and must end. Amaglobeli’s powerful testimony reflects her deep commitment to Georgia and to a free and independent media. Journalism is not a crime.”  

— Gypsy Guillén Kaiser, Chief Global Affairs Officer, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

“The proceedings we witnessed today only confirm our position that this charge against Mzia Amaglobeli is entirely disproportionate and must be dropped. We are also deeply concerned by what appears to be an effort to smear her and to call into question her credibility as a journalist. Mzia is a highly respected, veteran journalist known for her commitment to journalistic ethics and independence. We fully stand by her as an IPI member.”

 — Amy Brouillette, Director of Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI).

“This hearing once again underlined the lack of foundation in this case. The defense pointed to serious procedural irregularities, including politically charged that should have no place in an ongoing trial. Video footage also called into question the credibility of the alleged victim. Mzia Amaglobeli gave a calm and determined testimony, recalling her arrest and reaffirming her commitment to independent journalism — values for which she is now being prosecuted.”

— Jeanne Cavelier, Head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk

Amaglobeli has been charged under the criminal code with attacking a police officer – a charge widely viewed as excessive and politically motivated – which carries a sentence of up to seven years in prison. She has been held in pre-trial detention since January 12, during which time her health has declined and she has been struggling with deteriorating vision.

She is being held at the Rustavi Women’s Prison No. 5, south of the capital Tbilisi. CPJ, IPI, and RSF visited the prison site and stood outside in a gesture of solidarity on July 13. The court’s verdict on this case could be announced at a subsequent hearing, set for July 28.

Amaglobeli is the first woman journalist to be jailed since the country gained its independence in 1991. A widely respected figure known for upholding the highest journalistic standards, her arrest and detention are seen by many in the journalism community in Georgia as a deliberate attempt to intimidate and silence the independent press amidst a broader crackdown on civil society and dissent. Last week, 17 European foreign ministers and the European Union’s High Representative, expressed deep concern regarding “increasing repression” in Georgia.

The outlets founded by Amaglobeli nearly 25 years ago, have reported on human rights violations and corruption, serving the public with impartial, trustworthy news. These outlets have endured four political regimes in Georgia’s post-independence era, despite their journalists and editors being attacked, threatened, blackmailed and detained by authorities. 

Amaglobeli’s detention this January comes amid growing harassment of independent media in Georgia and a broader scaling back of democratic freedoms under the Georgian Dream ruling party. Over the past year, journalists in Georgia have been beaten, harassed, detained, jailed, smeared, and fined. Impunity for attacks on journalists, including those perpetrated by police, remains widespread. A wave of repressive legislation – such as the foreign agents law as well as amendments to the Law on Grants and the Law of Broadcasting – deliberately aims to prevent independent media from operating in Georgia. 

As members of the Media Freedom Coalition’s Consultative Network, CPJ, IPI and RSF have urged robust action regarding Amaglobeli’s detention, along with broader concerns about escalating attacks on press freedom that can weaken democracy in Georgia. 

Read more: CPJ’s remarks during a site visit to Rustavi Women’s Prison on July 13, 2025

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In response to the hearing, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), International Press Institute (IPI), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) – called on Monday for Amaglobeli’s immediate release. Ambassadors and diplomats from the European Union mission and seven countries also attended the hearing, in which Amaglobeli provided detailed testimony for nearly three hours.

A prominent  journalist and founder of the online news outlets Gazeti Batumelebi and Netgazeti, Amaglobeli has been unjustly held in pretrial detention since her arrest on January 12.

“Today’s proceedings show that the trial of Mzia Amaglobeli is shrouded in a shocking smear campaign to destroy her credibility, personally and as a journalist. This, along with her deteriorating health, is deeply troubling and must end. Amaglobeli’s powerful testimony reflects her deep commitment to Georgia and to a free and independent media. Journalism is not a crime.”  

— Gypsy Guillén Kaiser, Chief Global Affairs Officer, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

“The proceedings we witnessed today only confirm our position that this charge against Mzia Amaglobeli is entirely disproportionate and must be dropped. We are also deeply concerned by what appears to be an effort to smear her and to call into question her credibility as a journalist. Mzia is a highly respected, veteran journalist known for her commitment to journalistic ethics and independence. We fully stand by her as an IPI member.”

 — Amy Brouillette, Director of Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI).

“This hearing once again underlined the lack of foundation in this case. The defense pointed to serious procedural irregularities, including politically charged that should have no place in an ongoing trial. Video footage also called into question the credibility of the alleged victim. Mzia Amaglobeli gave a calm and determined testimony, recalling her arrest and reaffirming her commitment to independent journalism — values for which she is now being prosecuted.”

— Jeanne Cavelier, Head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk

Amaglobeli has been charged under the criminal code with attacking a police officer – a charge widely viewed as excessive and politically motivated – which carries a sentence of up to seven years in prison. She has been held in pre-trial detention since January 12, during which time her health has declined and she has been struggling with deteriorating vision.

She is being held at the Rustavi Women’s Prison No. 5, south of the capital Tbilisi. CPJ, IPI, and RSF visited the prison site and stood outside in a gesture of solidarity on July 13. The court’s verdict on this case could be announced at a subsequent hearing, set for July 28.

Amaglobeli is the first woman journalist to be jailed since the country gained its independence in 1991. A widely respected figure known for upholding the highest journalistic standards, her arrest and detention are seen by many in the journalism community in Georgia as a deliberate attempt to intimidate and silence the independent press amidst a broader crackdown on civil society and dissent. Last week, 17 European foreign ministers and the European Union’s High Representative, expressed deep concern regarding “increasing repression” in Georgia.

The outlets founded by Amaglobeli nearly 25 years ago, have reported on human rights violations and corruption, serving the public with impartial, trustworthy news. These outlets have endured four political regimes in Georgia’s post-independence era, despite their journalists and editors being attacked, threatened, blackmailed and detained by authorities. 

Amaglobeli’s detention this January comes amid growing harassment of independent media in Georgia and a broader scaling back of democratic freedoms under the Georgian Dream ruling party. Over the past year, journalists in Georgia have been beaten, harassed, detained, jailed, smeared, and fined. Impunity for attacks on journalists, including those perpetrated by police, remains widespread. A wave of repressive legislation – such as the foreign agents law as well as amendments to the Law on Grants and the Law of Broadcasting – deliberately aims to prevent independent media from operating in Georgia. 

As members of the Media Freedom Coalition’s Consultative Network, CPJ, IPI and RSF have urged robust action regarding Amaglobeli’s detention, along with broader concerns about escalating attacks on press freedom that can weaken democracy in Georgia. 

Read more: CPJ’s remarks during a site visit to Rustavi Women’s Prison on July 13, 2025

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The ruling was the result of a lawsuit filed against the outlet by Kyrgyz prosecutors in April, which alleged “negative” and “destructive” coverage of the government. 

“The Kyrgyz authorities must allow Aprel TV to continue its work unhindered and should not contest any appeal of the court’s Wednesday order to shutter the independent broadcaster and terminate its broadcasting and social media operations,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kyrgyzstan’s international partners – particularly the European Union, whose parliament and member states are in the process of ratifying a new partnership agreement – must hold Kyrgyzstan to account for its spiraling press freedom abuses.” 

The judge accepted prosecutors’ arguments that the outlet’s reporting, which often included commentary and reports critical of the government, could “provoke calls for mass unrest with the aim of a subsequent seizure of power,” according to CPJ’s review of the verdict. 

Aprel TV’s editor-in-chief Dmitriy Lozhnikov told privately owned news website 24.kg that criticizing the government isn’t a crime, but one of the core functions of the press. CPJ was unable to immediately confirm whether the outlet would appeal.

Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS) summoned 10 current and former Aprel TV staff for questioning on July 1 in connection with a separate, undisclosed criminal investigation. 

The journalists’ lawyer told Radio Azattyk, the local service of U.S. Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), that investigators’ questions appeared to indicate that authorities will open a case on allegations of incitement of mass unrest or acts against the constitutional order.

CPJ’s email to the SCNS for comment on the criminal investigation did not immediately receive a reply.

Aprel TV is highly critical of the government, often adopting an irreverent tone as it broadcasts via oppositional broadcaster Next TV and reports to its 700,000 followers on several social media accounts.

Following President Sadyr Japarov’s ascent to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have launched an unprecedented assault on the country’s previously vibrant media, shuttering leading outlets and jailing journalists on the grounds that their critical reporting could lead to social unrest.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“This incident once again underscores the serious lack of transparency and accountability in how the Indian government issues and enforces orders for the removal of social media content and the blocking of accounts,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “Any action affecting journalists or news organizations must be based on clear legal grounds, be subject to independent judicial oversight, and not infringe on press freedom. India still lacks a credible mechanism to review or challenge these opaque and arbitrary orders.”

On July 5, two of Reuters’ handles, @Reuters and @ReutersWorld, were blocked, with X saying the accounts were obstructed “due to legal demands.” Several reports also suggest that accounts of Turkish broadcaster TRT World and the Chinese state media outlet Global Times were censored. The accounts were restored the next day. A government official speaking on condition of anonymity told CPJ that the authorities had not issued any orders to block the accounts and that they were engaging with X to get them restored. 

However, in a July 8 post, X countered the Indian claim and said that on July 3, the Indian authorities had ordered the platform to block 2,355 accounts. X also expressed concerns about “ongoing press censorship in India due to these blocking orders.” X has already sued the Indian government over a new official portal that it says grants “countless” government officials expanded powers to issue takedown orders.

The Indian government denied issuing any recent blocking order against Reuters and others and said the accounts were unintentionally restricted due to a previously issued directive that was part of broader digital enforcement measuresimplemented in the wake of heightened national security concerns. 

Authorities said they’d asked X to restore access immediately and blamed a 21-hour delay on the platform for the continued impediment.

In May 2025, X expressed concern about the Indian government’s demand to block over 8,000 accounts, and asked for such executive orders to made public.

X and the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology did not reply to CPJ’s emails seeking comment. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Frey is a journalist known for his reporting on the Israeli occupation in the West Bank for several outlets, including Haaretz and YNET, according to CPJ’s review of his work.

“Israeli authorities’ arrest of journalist Israel Frey underscores authorities’ growing intolerance of freedom of expression since the start of the war on October 7, 2023,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israeli authorities must immediately release Frey and all detained Palestinian journalists, and end their ongoing crackdown on the press and dissenting voices.”

After the news that five Israeli soldiers were killed by an explosive device in northern Gaza, Frey tweeted that “The world is a better place this morning without five young men who participated in one of the most horrific crimes against humanity.” 

Frey’s attorneys, Riham Nassra and Michal Pomeranz, told CPJ that the tweet does not legally constitute support for terrorism, describing the incident as a “political arrest.”

The State Attorney’s office responded to CPJ’s emailed request for comment with a copy of the court document about the case. The police and the Ministry of National Security issued a joint statement saying they would “deal firmly with anyone who incites or expresses support for the enemy.”

This is the third time Frey has been investigated, he told CPJ on Tuesday, before his arrest, adding that “In previous instances, it was alleged that my posts contained incitement, but the files were closed.” 

On October 16, 2023, Frey went into hiding after his home was attacked the previous day by a mob of far-right Israelis after he expressed solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.

CPJ has documented Israeli authorities’ arrests of 85 Palestinian journalists since October 7, 2023, the start of the Israel-Gaza war. In that same time period, this is the first time Israeli authorities have arrested and opened an investigation against an Israeli journalist for expressing an opinion.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The statement warns that Decree-Law 54 has become the government’s primary tool for targeting dissent, with Dahmani facing five separate cases for political commentary, three of which have already resulted in convictions. A fourth case, in which charges have been escalated to criminal offenses carrying a possible 10-year sentence, is scheduled for a key hearing on July 11. The statement also expressed deep concern about the harsh prison conditions faced by Dahmani. 

Her sister, Ramla Dahmani, was also sentenced in absentia to two years in prison for advocating for the journalist’s release on social media.

Organizations can still sign the statement here until Thursday, July 17.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Balderas, a well-known investigative journalist, reported on July 4 on X that he had received a threatening call from un unidentified individual using an unknown number. In the call, that person used profanity and said that Balderas should “tone it down” or he would “face the consequences.” The caller did not specify a particular story Balderas had written.

The next day, Balderas received a message via WhatsApp, again from an unknown number, in which the sender repeated that the journalist should “keep quiet,” while also referring to Balderas’ friend and fellow reporter Luis Chaparro, issuing the same threat to him. Chaparro told CPJ that he had not personally received threats, but that Balderas had notified him of the message and the phone call.

The threats came just weeks after unidentified assailants killed two journalists in Mexico.

“The brazen threats against Óscar Balderas and Luis Chaparro are part of an ongoing campaign to terrorize any journalist who provides in-depth reporting on organized crime in Mexico,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “These threats can only happen in a context of festering impunity for the country’s press, something Mexican authorities continue to fail address.”

Both Balderas and Chaparro are experienced investigative reporters. Balderas hosts and contributes to several news shows on nationally syndicated radio and television channels, including La Saga, Milenio, ADN40, and MVS Noticias. Chaparro, formerly based in the northern city of Ciudad Juárez but now in the United States, hosts online news show Pie de Nota.

Balderas told CPJ that he has been in constant contact with the Federal Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists, which is overseen by the interior ministry, about the threats. Neither journalist has filed a report with the police.

An official for the Interior Ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment sent via WhatsApp.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Media freedom is often a casualty of war, and Israel’s recent war with Iran is no exception. We have seen Israeli authorities use security fears to increase censorship, while extremist right-wing politicians have demonized the media, legitimizing attacks on journalists,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Despite hopes that we will see a ceasefire in Gaza this week, Israel’s government appears relentless in its determination to silence those who report critically on its military actions.”

After Haaretz newspaper published an interview with Israeli soldiers who said they were ordered to shoot at unarmed Gazans waiting for food aid, a mayor in southern Israel threatened to shut shops selling the popular liberal paper. This follows the government’s decision last year to stop advertising with Haaretz, accusing it of “incitement.”

Authorities are also pushing ahead with a bill to dismantle the public broadcaster, Kan, and shutter its news division, the country’s third-largest news channel. Meanwhile, government support has seen the right-wing Channel 14 grow in popularity.

The hostile climate fueled by Israel’s right-wing government has emboldened settler violence against journalists. On July 5, two Deutsche Welle (DW) reporters wearing press vests were attacked by Israeli settlers in Sinjil, West Bank — an incident condemned by Germany’s ambassador and the German Journalists’ Association, which called it “unacceptable that radical settlers are hunting down media professionals with impunity.” Reporters from AFP, The New York Times, and The Washington Post were also present. Palestinian journalists had to flee.

“War is a dangerous time for civil rights – rights that Netanyahu’s government is actively undermining as it moves toward dismantling democracy,” Haaretz Editor-in-Chief Aluf Benn told CPJ.

‘Broadcasts that serve the enemy’

During the Israel-Iran war of June 13 to 24, anti-press government actions included:

• A June 18 military order requiring army approval before broadcasting the aftermath of Iranian attacks on Israeli military sites. Haaretz reported that this order was illegal as it was not made public in the official government gazette or authorized by a parliamentary committee.

• On June 19, security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Israelis who see people watching “Al Jazeera broadcasts or reporters” to report their sightings to authorities. Israel shut down the Qatari-based outlet in May 2024, and six of its journalists have been killed while reporting on Israel’s war in Gaza. Many Arabs in Israel still watch Al Jazeera broadcasts, and former Israeli officials have appeared on the network since the shutdown. 

“These are broadcasts that serve the enemy,” Ben-Gvir said. 

• On June 20, Ben-Gvir and communications minister Shlomo Karhi issued a directive that broadcasting from impact sites without written permission would be a criminal offense.

When Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara demanded that the ministers explain the legal basis for their announcement, the ministers said she was “trying to thwart” their efforts to ensure that foreign media “don’t help the enemy target us.”

• On June 23, Haaretz reported that the police’s legal adviser issued an order giving officers sweeping powers to censor journalists reporting from the impact sites.

“This directive, which primarily targets foreign media and joins a wave of police and ministerial efforts to obstruct news coverage, is unlawful and infringes on basic rights,” Tal Hassin, an attorney with Israel’s biggest human rights group, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), told CPJ.

ACRI petitioned the Attorney General, arguing that the police adviser did not have the legal authority to issue such an order. It has not received a response.

Journalists censored, detained, and abused

CPJ subsequently documented at least four incidents involving journalists who were abused and blocked from reporting.

• On June 20, police stopped a live broadcast from Tel Aviv by Turkish state-owned broadcaster TRT’s correspondent Mücahit Aydemir, although he told the officers he had the required permits, including authorization from the military censor. For several days afterwards, Aydemir received “unsettling phone calls” from unknown Hebrew-speakers, he told CPJ.

• On June 21, privately owned Channel 13’s journalist Ali Mughrabi and a camera operator, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisals, were expelled from a drone crash site in Beit She’an, northern Israel, despite showing their press accreditation. During a live broadcast, Deputy Mayor Oshrat Barel questioned their credentials, shoved the cameraperson, and ordered them to leave. She later apologized.

“What we’re experiencing isn’t just about the media — it’s about citizenship,” Mughrab, an Israeli citizen of Palestinian origin, told CPJ.

• On June 22, a civilian police volunteer squad, led by far-right activist and rapper Yoav Eliasi, known as “The Shadow,” detained three Jerusalem-based, Arab Israeli journalists and one international journalist, after separating them from their non-Arab colleagues outside a building in Tel Aviv that had been damaged by an Iranian strike.

Mustafa Kharouf and Amir Abed Rabbo from the Turkish state-owned Anadolu Agency, Ahmad Gharabli, with Agence France-Presse news agency, and another journalist who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisal, were held for three hours.  

Kharouf told CPJ, the unit asked them who was “Israeli” and allowed the non-Arab journalists to leave. 

“One officer accused us of working for Al Jazeera, even though we showed official press credentials,” said Kharouf.

“When I showed my ID, they told me I wasn’t allowed to film because I’m not Israeli – even though they treat us like Israelis when it comes to taxes,” Gharabli told CPJ.

Armed volunteer squads have rapidly grown from four before the October 2023 Hamas attack to around 900 new units, an expansion that “had negative effects on Arab-Jewish relations,” Dr. Ark Rudnitzky of Tel Aviv University told CPJ in an email. Squad members “tend to suspect an Arab solely because they are Arab,” he said.

“It was clear they targeted the journalists because they were Arab,” said Israeli journalist and witness Oren Ziv, who wrote about the incident.

The Central District Police told CPJ via email that the journalists were “evacuated from the building for security reasons related to their safety and were directed to alternative reporting locations.”

• On June 24,  Channel 13 correspondent Paz Robinson and a camera operator who declined to be named were reporting on a missile strike in southern Israel’s Be’er Sheva when a woman shouted that he was a “Nazi” and “Al Jazeera” and blocked him from filming, screaming, “You came to celebrate over dead bodies.”

“After I saw the woman wasn’t backing down, I decided to leave. I’m not here to fight with my own people. I’m not a politician. I came to cover events,” Robinson told CPJ.

Earlier in the war with Iran, CPJ documented eight incidents in which 14 journalists faced harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, or forced removal by the police.

The Israel Police Spokesperson’s Unit told CPJ via email that police “made significant efforts to facilitate safe, meaningful access for journalists” during the war with Iran.  “While isolated misunderstandings may occur…case was addressed promptly and professionally.”

CPJ’s emails to the Attorney General, Israel Defense Forces’ North America Media Desk, Ben-Gvir, and Shlomo requesting comment did not receive any replies. 

Kholod Massalha is a CPJ consultant on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and a researcher with years of experience in press freedom and freedom of expression issues.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Mohamed Mandour.

The breaches were linked to two coordinated attacks – one in the summer of 2024 and another in January 2025 – that used malware-laced Telegram messages to infect staff devices, DW Persian reported.

“The use of spyware to harass journalists represents a chilling escalation in Iran’s campaign to intimidate and silence independent media,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “No journalist should be subjected to digital surveillance or coercion. Iran must immediately cease its transnational repression of the press.”

The operation was attributed to Banished Kitten, also known as Storm-0842, Dune, or Hanzaleh, a cyber unit within Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence led by Yahya Hosseini Panjkhi, whose identity was first revealed by the outlet’s reporting. 

Outlets reported that the hacker group Hanzaleh claimed responsibility for the attack. The group has not confirmed the claim on any of its affiliated platforms.

The outlet said it has strengthened digital security and alerted authorities following both attacks.

“We remain resolute in our mission to deliver accurate, uncensored news to our audience, and we will not allow these threats — online or offline — to disrupt our work. These attempts to intimidate us will not succeed,” the channel added.

Separately, Iranian lawmakers are considering a bill that press freedom advocates warn could criminalize independent journalism tied to foreign outlets as it imposes harsh penalties, including death, for alleged collaboration with “hostile” states or media. It would also allow courts to jail journalists and bar them from public service if their reporting is deemed to cause “fear and panic” or harm “national security.”

CPJ’s email to the Iranian mission to the United Nations in New York requesting comment on the cyberattacks and the proposed law did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Tunisian authorities are not only jailing journalists but are now targeting their families in a clear effort to intimidate and isolate them even further,” said Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s chief program officer. “The July 1 sentencing of Ramla Dahmani in absentia for defending her sister, jailed commentator Sonia Dahmani, is cruel and shows the extent to which Kais Saied’s government is willing to go to punish journalists.” 

Ramla Dahmani, who lives in an undisclosed location due to security fears, has become a public voice for her jailed sister. The charges stem from her public advocacy for her sister’s freedom on social media, including her Facebook page, which has more than 13,000 followers. Ramla Dahmani’s lawyers discovered the verdict on Tuesday, July 8, while reviewing court records, as no formal notice was issued, she told CPJ.

Sonia Dahmani is currently serving nearly five years in prison after being convicted of false news charges in three different cases, and she faces two more cases pending trial. One case, scheduled for a hearing on July 11, carries criminal charges that could lead to a 10-year sentence.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The only thing lacking was a light show to turn the police colonel’s office into a discotheque,” an outraged Medina told his viewers.

Medina’s full-throated fulminations against government corruption earned him a large following, local journalists told CPJ, but also made him the target of numerous threats.

After signing off from his daily program on Jan. 20, 2025, Medina, 60, was chatting with a friend outside Medina’s Ica home when a man on a motorcycle fired 11 shots at the journalist. Medina was struck in the thorax, wrist, and foot. He died at a hospital shortly afterwards.

Recalling the scene, Medina’s partner Nathalie Caico, who was also home at the time and is the mother of their 10-year-old son, told CPJ in a recent interview that the journalist always said that the only way to shut him up is “to kill me.”

Caico, who was wearing dark glasses and a black outfit in mourning for Medina, added: “Now the killers are happy because there is no one to expose all their corruption.”

Medina’s death sent shockwaves through the Peruvian press because he was the first journalist killed in Peru since 2019. Medina had received numerous death threats, and the public prosecutor in charge of the case says his killing may be related to his journalism. But so far, there has been little progress in determining why he was gunned down. So, like most journalist killings in Peru, CPJ defines the motive for Medina’s killing as unconfirmed – meaning that it was possibly work-related.

Impunity, retaliation, and fear

During a June meeting with officials from the Attorney General’s office in Lima, Carlos Lauria, executive director of the Inter American Press Association, warned that the lack of justice in such cases foments self-censorship by journalists and “sends a message to society that those who kill can continue to do so with impunity.”

The journalist community in Peru was still grieving Medina’s death when Raúl Celis López, a news show host on Radio Karibeña, was gunned down in the northwest jungle town of Iquitos on May 7. What’s more, the deadly violence came amid a growing government backlash against the press.

Peruvian President Dina Boluarte has lashed out at the media for its coverage of the country’s rising crime, democratic backsliding, and corruption scandals inside her administration. She even accused journalists of plotting against her in a speech in March. The following month, Boluarte signed a law requiring foreign-funded journalism organizations to list their activities in a government registry, a mechanism press advocacy groups fear could lead to censorship.

There have also been a slew of legislative initiatives, and lawsuits filed against journalists by public officials, along with smear campaigns by pro-government activists that aim to intimidate independent media, said Adriana León of the Institute for Press and Society (IPYS), a Lima-based press freedom group.

“All of this generates a lot of fear and concern,” León told CPJ. “The fact that two journalists have been killed in just the first half of this year is especially alarming.”

Becoming a community firebrand

Medina began his career in the 1980s as a radio DJ in Lima, then returned to his native Ica to manage a radio station. In 1995, he acquired his own station, transforming it into Cadena Sur, which now broadcasts in Ica and five outlying towns.

In addition to his two-hour morning TV program, Medina hosted a two-hour afternoon radio program and frequently posted news updates and his own biting commentary on social media. All this made him a well-known figure in Ica, so much so that supporters encouraged him to run for office. He finished third in the race for governor of the region of Ica in 2018 and was contemplating a run for congress as a populist, anti-corruption candidate at the time he was killed, Caico told CPJ.

As a journalist, Medina could be at times bombastic and unfair, colleagues said. Ica human rights activist Rosario Huayanca recalled how in the 1990s, as Peru’s army battled Shining Path guerrillas, the journalist labeled her a “terrorist” for her work defending families displaced by the fighting.

But Huayanca told CPJ that she came to respect his more recent reporting because Medina was one of the few journalists in Ica willing to publicly denounce wrongdoing.

By contrast, local authorities often pay journalists monthly stipends of 500 Peruvian sols ($140) or give jobs to their relatives in exchange for positive coverage, arrangements Medina frowned upon, said Carlos Caldas, president of Ica’s Regional Association of Peruvian Journalists.

“Gastón was very critical of this practice,” Caldas said. “He did what journalists are supposed to do: denounce corruption.”

As a result, Medina faced a near-constant backlash that point put Cadena Sur’s survival in jeopardy.

‘How can you live like this?’

After Medina accused the Ica’s governor’s wife of using state resources to run for congress, police confiscated Cadena Sur’s transmission equipment in an Oct. 27, 2020, raid on its offices, forcing the station off the air for three weeks.

Throughout 2022, Medina and Cadena Sur were targeted. A .38-caliber bullet and a hand-written note that said “Gastón Medina, you will die,” was found at the station entrance on February 23, 2022. Animal excrement was smeared on the station’s door, a dog carcass with a slit throat was left outside the office, and a man on a motorcycle threw an explosive that destroyed Cadena Sur’s entrance.

Another, anonymous, death threat came in November 2024, Caico said, but Medina did not report it because the journalist distrusted the police, who were frequent targets on his program. She added that Medina often broadcast from a home studio to avoid commuting to the station.

In an interview at the Cadena Sur office in Ica, which now has a massive front door of reinforced steel for better security, Pilar Hernández, Medina’s business partner at Cadena Sur and his wife from whom he was separated, said that in his final days, the journalist seemed tormented.

“I asked him: ‘How can you live like this?’” she said.

Trigoso told CPJ: “This was a very well-planned homicide.”

Through security camera footage, police determined that five people spied on Medina’s house and carried out the fatal January 20 attack. On May 16, agents arrested the alleged gunman, Pablo Javier Echevarría, a 28-year-old Venezuelan immigrant. But Col. Benjamin Trigoso, the Ica police investigations chief, said it was unclear who hired the hit squad.

Fighting for justice

Ányela Salazar, the public prosecutor in charge of the Medina case, told CPJ that most of the information she has gathered about the killing is confidential. But she acknowledged that, among various leads, she is investigating whether local government officials conspired to kill the journalist in retaliation for his reporting.

That may sound extreme, but in recent years, Ica’s politics have grown violent. A bodyguard for current Gov. Jorge Hurtado was shot dead at a campaign event in 2022, while the Ica state health director survived a shooting the following year.

In an interview, Deputy Governor Luz Canales told CPJ that corruption and mafia-style brutality plague the regional government, adding, “I don’t trust any of the officials here.”

Salazar has vowed to go after the masterminds in Medina’s killing. In the past, however, those who have ordered the killing of journalists in Peru have almost never faced justice, said León of IPYS. Only one of eight journalists in Peru found to have been murdered for their work has achieved full justice, CPJ data shows.

Many sources told CPJ that the journalist’s March 21, 2023, program may offer clues about why he was killed. In it, Medina spoke with Víctor Mere, an ex-convict with ties to the Ica state government. Mere claimed that he and Carlos Zegarra, the governor’s top aide, had plotted to kill the journalist – though Mere later denied it. Mere himself was shot dead on March 3, 2025.

Zegarra, whom Medina had often accused of corruption, told CPJ that he was not involved in killing the journalist and said authorities have not questioned him.

With Cadena Sur journalists no longer willing to scrutinize politicians out of fear, Medina’s death has left a gaping hole in the outlet’s coverage, said Hernández, the journalist’s business partner.

“No one calls out corruption out like Gastón did,” Hernández said as she stared at Medina’s vacant desk and dusty microphone. “With his death, they have silenced everyone.”  

John Otis is CPJ’s Andes correspondent. Shanna Taco is a Peruvian journalist affiliated with the Institute for Press and Society.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by John Otis.

“The only thing lacking was a light show to turn the police colonel’s office into a discotheque,” an outraged Medina told his viewers.

Medina’s full-throated fulminations against government corruption earned him a large following, local journalists told CPJ, but also made him the target of numerous threats.

After signing off from his daily program on Jan. 20, 2025, Medina, 60, was chatting with a friend outside Medina’s Ica home when a man on a motorcycle fired 11 shots at the journalist. Medina was struck in the thorax, wrist, and foot. He died at a hospital shortly afterwards.

Recalling the scene, Medina’s partner Nathalie Caico, who was also home at the time and is the mother of their 10-year-old son, told CPJ in a recent interview that the journalist always said that the only way to shut him up is “to kill me.”

Caico, who was wearing dark glasses and a black outfit in mourning for Medina, added: “Now the killers are happy because there is no one to expose all their corruption.”

Medina’s death sent shockwaves through the Peruvian press because he was the first journalist killed in Peru since 2019. Medina had received numerous death threats, and the public prosecutor in charge of the case says his killing may be related to his journalism. But so far, there has been little progress in determining why he was gunned down. So, like most journalist killings in Peru, CPJ defines the motive for Medina’s killing as unconfirmed – meaning that it was possibly work-related.

Impunity, retaliation, and fear

During a June meeting with officials from the Attorney General’s office in Lima, Carlos Lauria, executive director of the Inter American Press Association, warned that the lack of justice in such cases foments self-censorship by journalists and “sends a message to society that those who kill can continue to do so with impunity.”

The journalist community in Peru was still grieving Medina’s death when Raúl Celis López, a news show host on Radio Karibeña, was gunned down in the northwest jungle town of Iquitos on May 7. What’s more, the deadly violence came amid a growing government backlash against the press.

Peruvian President Dina Boluarte has lashed out at the media for its coverage of the country’s rising crime, democratic backsliding, and corruption scandals inside her administration. She even accused journalists of plotting against her in a speech in March. The following month, Boluarte signed a law requiring foreign-funded journalism organizations to list their activities in a government registry, a mechanism press advocacy groups fear could lead to censorship.

There have also been a slew of legislative initiatives, and lawsuits filed against journalists by public officials, along with smear campaigns by pro-government activists that aim to intimidate independent media, said Adriana León of the Institute for Press and Society (IPYS), a Lima-based press freedom group.

“All of this generates a lot of fear and concern,” León told CPJ. “The fact that two journalists have been killed in just the first half of this year is especially alarming.”

Becoming a community firebrand

Medina began his career in the 1980s as a radio DJ in Lima, then returned to his native Ica to manage a radio station. In 1995, he acquired his own station, transforming it into Cadena Sur, which now broadcasts in Ica and five outlying towns.

In addition to his two-hour morning TV program, Medina hosted a two-hour afternoon radio program and frequently posted news updates and his own biting commentary on social media. All this made him a well-known figure in Ica, so much so that supporters encouraged him to run for office. He finished third in the race for governor of the region of Ica in 2018 and was contemplating a run for congress as a populist, anti-corruption candidate at the time he was killed, Caico told CPJ.

As a journalist, Medina could be at times bombastic and unfair, colleagues said. Ica human rights activist Rosario Huayanca recalled how in the 1990s, as Peru’s army battled Shining Path guerrillas, the journalist labeled her a “terrorist” for her work defending families displaced by the fighting.

But Huayanca told CPJ that she came to respect his more recent reporting because Medina was one of the few journalists in Ica willing to publicly denounce wrongdoing.

By contrast, local authorities often pay journalists monthly stipends of 500 Peruvian sols ($140) or give jobs to their relatives in exchange for positive coverage, arrangements Medina frowned upon, said Carlos Caldas, president of Ica’s Regional Association of Peruvian Journalists.

“Gastón was very critical of this practice,” Caldas said. “He did what journalists are supposed to do: denounce corruption.”

As a result, Medina faced a near-constant backlash that point put Cadena Sur’s survival in jeopardy.

‘How can you live like this?’

After Medina accused the Ica’s governor’s wife of using state resources to run for congress, police confiscated Cadena Sur’s transmission equipment in an Oct. 27, 2020, raid on its offices, forcing the station off the air for three weeks.

Throughout 2022, Medina and Cadena Sur were targeted. A .38-caliber bullet and a hand-written note that said “Gastón Medina, you will die,” was found at the station entrance on February 23, 2022. Animal excrement was smeared on the station’s door, a dog carcass with a slit throat was left outside the office, and a man on a motorcycle threw an explosive that destroyed Cadena Sur’s entrance.

Another, anonymous, death threat came in November 2024, Caico said, but Medina did not report it because the journalist distrusted the police, who were frequent targets on his program. She added that Medina often broadcast from a home studio to avoid commuting to the station.

In an interview at the Cadena Sur office in Ica, which now has a massive front door of reinforced steel for better security, Pilar Hernández, Medina’s business partner at Cadena Sur and his wife from whom he was separated, said that in his final days, the journalist seemed tormented.

“I asked him: ‘How can you live like this?’” she said.

Trigoso told CPJ: “This was a very well-planned homicide.”

Through security camera footage, police determined that five people spied on Medina’s house and carried out the fatal January 20 attack. On May 16, agents arrested the alleged gunman, Pablo Javier Echevarría, a 28-year-old Venezuelan immigrant. But Col. Benjamin Trigoso, the Ica police investigations chief, said it was unclear who hired the hit squad.

Fighting for justice

Ányela Salazar, the public prosecutor in charge of the Medina case, told CPJ that most of the information she has gathered about the killing is confidential. But she acknowledged that, among various leads, she is investigating whether local government officials conspired to kill the journalist in retaliation for his reporting.

That may sound extreme, but in recent years, Ica’s politics have grown violent. A bodyguard for current Gov. Jorge Hurtado was shot dead at a campaign event in 2022, while the Ica state health director survived a shooting the following year.

In an interview, Deputy Governor Luz Canales told CPJ that corruption and mafia-style brutality plague the regional government, adding, “I don’t trust any of the officials here.”

Salazar has vowed to go after the masterminds in Medina’s killing. In the past, however, those who have ordered the killing of journalists in Peru have almost never faced justice, said León of IPYS. Only one of eight journalists in Peru found to have been murdered for their work has achieved full justice, CPJ data shows.

Many sources told CPJ that the journalist’s March 21, 2023, program may offer clues about why he was killed. In it, Medina spoke with Víctor Mere, an ex-convict with ties to the Ica state government. Mere claimed that he and Carlos Zegarra, the governor’s top aide, had plotted to kill the journalist – though Mere later denied it. Mere himself was shot dead on March 3, 2025.

Zegarra, whom Medina had often accused of corruption, told CPJ that he was not involved in killing the journalist and said authorities have not questioned him.

With Cadena Sur journalists no longer willing to scrutinize politicians out of fear, Medina’s death has left a gaping hole in the outlet’s coverage, said Hernández, the journalist’s business partner.

“No one calls out corruption out like Gastón did,” Hernández said as she stared at Medina’s vacant desk and dusty microphone. “With his death, they have silenced everyone.”  

John Otis is CPJ’s Andes correspondent. Shanna Taco is a Peruvian journalist affiliated with the Institute for Press and Society.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by John Otis.

The arrest followed an incident on July 5 in which a member of the same group allegedly shot at Yaqoub after he refused to surrender a Starlink device, which is essential for internet connectivity in the region, according to a Facebook post by Nazar, where he confirmed that Yaqoub was uninjured.

Yaqoub and Nazar were not covering an event during the arrest, but used the Starlink device to connect to the internet and cover the war on Facebook for 5,000 followers on Yaqoub’s page and almost 10,000 followers on Nazar’s page, according to a local journalist following the case who spoke with CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal.

“The July 7 arrest of freelance journalists Nasr Yaqoub and Mohamed Ahmed Nazar is a clear attack on the public’s right to know what is happening in Darfur,” said CPJ Middle East and North Africa Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Sudanese authorities must immediately release Yaqoub and Nazar and hold those responsible for firing at Yaqoub on July 5 to account.”

SLM–TC confirmed Yaqoub and Nazar’s detention to local news outlets after accusing the journalists of provocation and media incitement, according to the local journalist.

Residents in Darfur rely heavily on Starlink devices for internet access amid the collapse of war-torn Sudan’s formal communications infrastructure. Journalists using these networks face growing harassment and violence by armed groups operating with impunity, according to the journalist who spoke with CPJ.

CPJ’s email to the SLM–TC requesting comment on Yaqoub and Nazar’s arrest did not receive a response.

Since the war broke out between the SAF and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023, CPJ has documented at least fourteen killed journalists and media workers across Sudan.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On June 25, the Senegalese special cybersecurity division took Fofana into custody, according to his lawyer, Aboubacry Barro, and news reports. Barro told local media that Fofana is being prosecuted over allegations the journalist made on TV news programs about the allocation of the National Assembly contract. Fofana said the beneficiary of the contract was a businessman involved in a corruption case related to a former minister. During the trial, which began on July 2, the prosecutor requested a three-month prison sentence and a fine of 200,000 CFA francs (US$359).

The offense of spreading false news is punishable by a prison sentence of up to three years and a fine of 1,500,000 CFA francs (US$2,680). 

“It is alarming that the Senegalese state is once again resorting to the criminalization of journalism,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. Fofana is the second commentator to have been detained in the past three months on false news charges, with Abdou Nguer having been taken into custody in April. “Senegalese authorities must release both journalists immediately and ensure that media professionals do not have to fear reprisals for their work.”

CPJ has previously called for the release and the dropping of charges against Nguer, who has been held since April 14, pending a judicial investigation into whether he spread false news about the death of a local official. New charges of causing offense to the head of state and undermining the functioning of public institutions were added on May 20.

CPJ’s calls to Senegal’s ministry of justice and to Malick Ndiaye, president of the National Assembly, went unanswered. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Telemundo Atlanta reported on Monday morning that the activist group Indivisible had scheduled a protest for 6 p.m. that day at the jail.

“We are dismayed that immigration officials have decided to ignore a federal immigration court order last week granting bail to journalist Mario Guevara,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Guevara is currently the only jailed journalist in the United States who was arrested in relation to his work. Immigration authorities must respect the law and release him on bail instead of bouncing him from one jurisdiction to another.”

The journalist, who was initially arrested while covering a June 14 “No Kings” protest in the Atlanta metro area and charged with three misdemeanors, which local officials declined to prosecute due to insufficient evidence. A local judge ordered Guevara to be released on bond, but he remained in custody after ICE opened a detainer against him.

The Department of Homeland Security headquarters and the department’s Atlanta field office did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Guevara arrived legally in the United States from El Salvador in April 2004, and applied for asylum in 2005 due to the dangers he faced as a journalist in El Salvador. Over the next twenty years, Guevara developed a large following in the Atlanta area, as well as national recognition, for his reporting on immigration issues.

Below is a timeline of events in Guevara’s case.  

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On Saturday, July 5, Chicangana, news director of radio station Guaviare Estéreo, and Torres were leaving their home in the southern town of San José del Guaviare when a man shot them. Chicangana was wounded in the throat, thorax, and shoulder and was in stable condition at a Bogotá hospital, while Torres, who was wounded in the throat and chin, is recovering in a San José del Guaviare hospital also in stable condition, Erica Londoño, Guaviare Estéreo’s director, told CPJ.

“We strongly condemn the shooting of Colombian journalist Gustavo Chicangana and his wife,” said CPJ Latin America Program Coordinator Cristina Zahar, in São Paulo. “This is a heinous attack on press freedom and the safety of those who work to inform the public. We urge Colombian authorities to immediately investigate it and ensure that journalists can do their work without fear of violence or intimidation.”

Chicangana, 62, who also works for Caracol Radio Guaviare and the Bogotá-based Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), has received numerous threats for his reporting and had been assigned a bodyguard by the Colombian government’s National Protection Unit but he was off-duty and not with the journalist at the time of the shooting.

The most recent threat against him came from the Renacer de Erpac, one of several drug-trafficking groups operating in south-central Colombia’s violence-plagued Guaviare department. A week before the attack on Chicangana and Torres, the group had demanded that Guaviare Estéreo broadcast a statement announcing Renacer de Erpac’s presence in the area. When the station refused, the group declared its journalists “military objectives,” Londoño said.

In a statement Monday, the Colombia attorney general’s office announced that the suspected gunman, William Alexander Perea, 21, had been arrested and charged with aggravated attempted homicide. A second man was also arrested in connection with the shooting, but the statement provided no further details. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Criminalizing vague and undefined forms of ‘fake news’ without proper judicial oversight risks silencing critical journalism and creates a chilling effect among journalists,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “The Karnataka government must ensure that any legal measures to address misinformation fully safeguard press freedom and uphold journalists’ right to report without fear of reprisal.”

According to several media reports, the draft bill, parts of which were reportedly leaked, proposes penalties of up to seven years in prison and fines of 1 million rupees  (US$12,000) for those found guilty of spreading “fake news” online. It also outlines broad categories of prohibited content, including material deemed “anti-feminist” or “disrespectful of Sanatan (Hindu) symbols.” The bill proposes a state-appointed authority, led by politicians and government officials, to determine what qualifies as misinformation. It stipulates the creation of special courts and limits anticipatory bail for those accused.

State Information Technology Minister Priyank Kharge said the bill’s current version is an early internal draft, and that broader consultation will occur before any formal introduction. Kharge claimed that the law aims to counter harmful misinformation, especially during elections, and invited input from journalism groups.

Despite these assurances, the proposed law has drawn strong criticism from civil society groups. 

“The bill provides no clear methodology or standards for how the authority or special courts will fact-check and discern false content,” Apar Gupta, founder and director of the Internet Freedom Foundation, an Indian digital rights nonprofit, wrote in an op-ed for the Karnataka-based Deccan Herald newspaper. 

The state government’s proposed law has drawn comparisons to the Indian federal government’s controversial Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules of 2021, particularly provisions that allow government authorities to unilaterally label online content as “fake” and compel its removal. These rules were partly struck down by the Bombay High Court in January 2024, and later stayed by the Supreme Court that March. 

Kharge did not respond to CPJ’s email and text message requesting comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

For Ahmad Primo, who was arrested by the government for reporting that the 2011 protests were a revolution and then jailed by Islamic State, the idea was tantalizing.

“If I were single, I would go back and join those fighting for the future of Syria,” said Primo, who lives in Norway with his wife and children. “But I have a family and I cannot gamble with their future.”

Primo said his Norwegian passport bars him from returning to Syria, so he will continue working as a researcher for a Norwegian news platform, in addition to running his own Arabic fact-checking platform Verify-Sy.

“It’s not about where we are, it’s about what we’re doing,” he said.

After 54 years of al-Assad family rule, renewed energy has emerged among exiled Syrian journalists to use their skills to support media development and truth-telling back home.

Complex legal and family obligations, security concerns, and sectarian tensions mean permanent return is rarely an option. Some make irregular trips to report and train other journalists, but risk burning their ticket back to Europe without European citizenship.

A few have taken the plunge.

In a Facebook video, Syrian reporter Besher Kanakri stood in front of an airport arrivals sign in Damascus and announced, “I am returning to my homeland after seven years of forced absence.”

After years working for Istanbul-based Syria TV from Germany, he was pleased to be transferred to the Syrian capital.  

“Our country needs us and we must go back to contribute to rebuilding it,” Kanakri told CPJ. “The risks are significant but I still want to return.”

Syria has long been among the world’s deadliest countries for journalists with at least 145 killed since 2011, when al-Assad began to crack down on protesters. CPJ is investigating the cases of hundreds of other missing and killed journalists.

Syria topped CPJ’s 2023 Global Impunity Index, which measures where murderers of journalists are most likely to go free.

Tired of being a refugee reporter

Others are staying put, for now.

Journalist Yahya Alaous, 52, arrived in the German capital Berlin, a renowned hub for Arab intelligentsia, a decade ago and found work reporting on refugee life for German outlets.

But he soon got tired of being stereotyped, particularly after 2017, when the anti-immigrant and far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) rose to prominence as the third-largest party in parliament.

“Every time there was a terrorist attack, I felt I had to defend myself – to explain that we’re not all the same, since many assumed that refugees were the ones coming to Europe and carrying out these attacks,” said Alaous.

“You start to lose patience. I didn’t want to spend my life constantly defending myself for something I had nothing to do with,” he said.

Despite his disillusionment with Berlin, Alaous has prioritized his children’s future and chosen to stay. He mainly writes for Arabic-language media, using contacts back home to report on Syria.

‘Afraid of what might come next’

Security concerns make relocation difficult for many journalists, especially minorities. About 70% of Syrians in the country are Sunni and the remainder are mostly Shia and Ismaili Muslims, Christians, Druze, and Alawites — the community of the al-Assad family.

The new government, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), is a Sunni Islamist group with roots in al-Qaeda. HTS has said it supports “Syria for all Syrians” and pledged not to prosecute journalists, but some have reported arrests, assaults, and intimidation in areas like northwest Syria, where the rebels-turned-rulers have been in power since 2017.

Minorities, like Amloud Alamir, are cautious.

“It was an astonishing moment when I woke up and realized the Assad regime had fallen,” said Alamir, who fled to Germany from Syria with her husband after he was imprisoned for his political views.

“I was also afraid of what might come next. I thought there would be chaos, or that radical Islamist militias might take over,” Alamir told CPJ. “We were scared. But we also knew it was a moment to be acknowledged, even if it was too early to celebrate.” 

In April, Alamir visited Syria for the first time in 14 years, on a reporting trip. She found a deeply divided country.

“No one sees me as Amloud,” she said, explaining how she was labeled according to her sectarian identity, even though she doesn’t practice the faith. “It’s not easy.”

Despite her deep longing to return, Alamir believes some painful truths cannot be ignored.

“Stay in Damascus if you want to be happy,” she said. “But if you want to see the reality, you have to go elsewhere, like Latakia,” she said, referring to the coastal province where some 1,300 people were massacred in March.

In Latakia’s al-Sanawbar village, where Alawite civilians were executed in revenge killings against al-Assad’s community and buried in mass graves, she found devastation.

“All the women were in black,” she said. “Everyone had lost someone.”

She visited a church where the faithful said they regarded themselves as Syrians first, rather than Christians. While hoping the new government would treat all citizens equally, they also felt hopeless and were quietly looking for ways to leave, Alamir said.

´We didn’t choose to leave´

Divisions between exiles and those who stayed in Syria add further complications.

“We are no longer seen as Syrian journalists by those inside the country,” said Alaous in Berlin. “They believe we didn’t suffer like they did … Some even see us as traitors because we live abroad, while they endured the hardships.”

“But leaving wasn’t our choice, we were forced to flee,” he insisted.

Carola Richter, a communications professor at the Free University of Berlin, believes the development of domestic Syrian media is critical.

“People want transparency about who’s behind the information to decide whether they can trust it,” she said. “Exiled media targeting Syrians is not the ideal solution.”

The fractured nature of exiled media reflects mistrust among Syrians, divided by social and ideological backgrounds, she said, describing a mix of “hope, enthusiasm, fear, and fatigue” among those considering return.

“Many feel disillusioned with journalism in exile, yet unsure if going back would allow them to truly serve their community or put them at risk. This mix of emotions and conflicting thoughts is intense and still needs to be channeled into a clear direction,” she said.

Summer school in Syria

The online outlet Amal Berlin, staffed by a dozen Syrian exiles, plans to harness some of that energy to train young journalists in reporting and fact-checking at a summer school in Syria.

“The fall of the Assad regime created a necessity for Syrians in exile to do something in Syria,” said Julia Gerlach, a German journalist who set up the Arabic-language platform in 2016 to provide practical information to help Syrians settle in Germany.

Another Syrian journalist, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisals, told CPJ that he went to Damascus in December to work as a fixer for international media and to run free training workshops, hosted by visiting exiles, for “a new generation of journalists.”

“The lucky Syrians were able to flee and have better life and education, and now it’s time for them to give back,” he said, describing it as his duty to improve journalism standards in Syria.

“We have been struggling with propaganda and disinformation during war and it’s always been hard to get verified news … I’m trying to transfer what I’ve learned from the last decade working with international media outlets to my people,” he said.

“I would love to travel around Syria and give workshops nonstop. It means a lot to me to give to anyone, so imagine how it feels when it’s my people who are receiving.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lamiya Adilgizi.

The warrant, reviewed by CPJ, was issued by a Specialized Criminal Court and violates Article 13 of Yemen’s Press and Publications Law, which protects journalists from punishment for publishing their opinions unless they violate the law.

“Bajaber’s arrest is the latest example of the deteriorating press freedom situation in areas controlled by the Internationally Recognized Government (IRG),” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “We call on the IRG to immediately release Bajaber and to allow journalists to do their job without fear of reprisal.”

Yemen has been mired in civil war since 2014, when Houthi rebels seized the capital, Sanaa, and ousted the government. The Saudi-backed IRG intervened in 2015 in an effort to restore the government to power.

Journalists face grave threats in areas controlled by the Houthi, IRG, and Southern Transitional Council (STC). Violations—including arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, and unfair trials—are carried out with near-total impunity.

Bajaber, publisher and editor-in-chief of the independent, Hadramout-based media outlet, Al-Ahqaf Media Platform, was arrested by security forces in the IRG-controlled city of Al-Mukalla. 

In a separate incident, journalist Ahmed Maher—who was detained in August 2022 by security forces affiliated with the STC and released in January 2025—has recently over the last month been subjected to online incitement and threats, according to Yemeni press freedom and human rights organizations, as well as messages sent directly from the journalist to CPJ. 

CPJ emailed the Ministry of Human Rights in the IRG for comment on the arrest of Bajaber,      but did not receive an immediate response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“This case sends the message that Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his administration are so fragile that they are easily threatened by a critical column,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “It’s also a reminder of this government’s willingness to waste public resources by throwing journalists behind bars. Authorities in Zimbabwe must release Faith Zaba unconditionally and without delay.”

Police summoned Zaba to appear at the central police station in the capital, Harare, on July 1, where they charged her over the June 27 satirical column about Mnangagwa’s government published in her newspaper, the business weekly Zimbabwe Independent, according to her lawyer, Chris Mhike. Mhike told CPJ that Zaba has been unwell and was “severely ill” at the time of her arrest.

On July 2, Zaba appeared at the magistrate’s court in Harare, where her bail hearing was deferred to July 3 after the state requested more time to verify her medical history, according to multiple local news reports.

The “Muckracker” column linked to Zaba’s arrest said that Zimbabwe was a “mafia state,” citing the administration’s alleged interference in the politics of neighboring countries, and said that the current government was “obsessed with keeping itself in power.” Under Zimbabwe’s  Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, Zaba could face a $300 fine or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, if convicted.

CPJ has documented an ongoing crackdown on dissent in Zimbabwe, amid political tension. In February, authorities arrested Blessed Mhlanga, a journalist with Alpha Media Holdings, and held him for over 10 weeks on baseless charges of incitement in connection with his coverage of war veterans who demanded Mnangagwa’s resignation. The Zimbabwe Independent is a subsidiary of Alpha Media Holdings.

A spokesperson for the Zimbabwe Republic Police, Paul Nyathi, did not answer CPJ’s calls and a query sent via messaging app requesting comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

“The shutdown of Iraq AlHadath without transparent justification represents a troubling move against press freedom in Iraq,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s regional director. “We urge Iraqi authorities to reconsider this action and reaffirm their commitment to a free and independent press, in which journalists can report without intimidation or interference.”

On July 1, a joint security team consisting of interior ministry, Iraqi national security service, and communications and media commission members raided the channel’s headquarters. They ordered staff to halt their broadcast and close the office, citing a court decision ordering the closure that was shown to the outlet’s management, according to two Iraq AlHadath employees and a reporter, all of whom requested anonymity, as well as multiple news reports.

“We expect to restart the broadcast next week,” one of the outlet’s staff members said.

Two officials from Iraq AlHadath told CPJ they believe the move was politically motivated, citing the channel’s coverage of several sensitive topics, including financial and administrative corruption.

Following the shutdown, Iraq AlHadath aired an on-screen message reading, “Broadcast has been temporarily suspended” alongside its slogan, “The Platform of Free Iraq.” The channel’s website and social media accounts also ceased publishing content under the order.

Iraq AlHadath was launched earlier this year. It is owned by Sheikh Bilal Al-Maliki — a young Iraqi businessman, political activist, and tribal leader of the Bani Malik tribe. 

CPJ reached out to Haider Nadhem, spokesperson for Iraq’s communications and media commission, and Brig. Gen. Muqdad Miri, director of media and public relations at the interior ministry, but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Guevara’s immigration attorney, Giovanni Diaz, told CPJ that ICE has not allowed Guevara’s family to post bond and has not been given a clear explanation as to why.  

The Spanish-language reporter is currently the only journalist in custody in the U.S. whose arrest was in relation to their work. 

“We are outraged that immigration authorities refused to free journalist Mario Guevara on bond after a judge ordered that he could be released yesterday,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean program coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “By continuing to hold Guevara, officials are effectively silencing a reporter who was in the United States legally and had covered immigration stories in his Atlanta metro community for nearly 20 years. He must be released.” 

A federal immigration judge ruled on July 1 that Guevara could be released on $7,500 bond, though stated that, if he were to face additional charges or be convicted, the court could reconsider his release. 

At the bail hearing, the government argued that livestreaming, a reporting method favored by Guevara, presented a danger to the public by compromising the integrity and safety of law enforcement activities. “This should alarm all journalists working in the United States,” said Jacobsen. 

Guevara faces three misdemeanor charges related to traffic violations. The charges were filed after an ICE detainer was issued and nearly one month after the violations allegedly occurred.  

The journalist was initially arrested on June 14 while covering a protest in the Atlanta metro area. He was denied bond and transferred to ICE custody. At the time of publication, he was in custody at the Folkston ICE Processing Center in southeastern Georgia. 

CPJ did not receive an immediate reply to a request for comment from the regional ICE office in Atlanta or ICE headquarters in Washington, D.C.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Parliament passed the bill, which would allow an authorized state body to decide which media outlets can operate, on June 25, rejecting a compromise draft of the bill that had been the product of two years of negotiations with a working group that included journalists.

“Considering Kyrgyzstan’s unprecedented media crackdown, Parliament’s last-minute reintroduction of repressive clauses into the new media law bill is dangerous and rightly sparks deep concern for the press,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “We call on President Japarov to give substance to his verbal commitments to press freedom by vetoing this version of the bill and returning it to Parliament so it can pass a version supported by the country’s journalists.”

The compromise draft was passed in a first reading by parliament in April; in mid-June, deputies reintroduced the disputed clauses before rushing the bill through in two readings on June 25.

Several journalists and media experts who worked on the compromise draft have asked the government to revert to a version based on the draft.

If the current version is ratified, “those who will print any criticism or alternative views, will simply not be registered and won’t be able to publish,” Semetey Amanbekov, a member of local advocacy group Media Action Platform, told RFE/RL, adding that it will mean journalism in Kyrgyzstan will come to an end.

Japarov withdrew a similar draft media law in March 2024 following criticism from journalists and international human rights bodies. 

Kyrgyzstan’s new media law comes amid a sustained assault on independent reporting in a country previously regarded as a regional beacon for the free press.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The state news agency has announced a “season of traitor-killing,” with hundreds of people arrested and at least six executed since the war ended on June 25. Parliament approved a law on June 29 that mandates the death penalty for collaborating with Israel, the United States, or other “hostile” countries – a charge often used to describe media that report critically.

London-based Iran International TV spokesperson Adam Baillie said the new law would “widen the legal dragnet” against journalists and criminalizes contact with media outlets based abroad.

Journalists trying to report within Iran also face internet restrictions.

“We technically have internet, but access to the global web has been cut by half,” Hassan Abbasi, a journalist with Rokna news agency told CPJ from the capital Tehran on July 1, referring to reduced speeds and frequent disruptions.

Abbasi said internet access was selectively granted during the war. The communications ministry restricted access on June 13, the first day of the conflict, citing “special conditions.” Connectivity was largely restored after the ceasefire.

“Only large media outlets aligned with the government’s narrative were allowed to stay online,” Abbasi said. “Independent and local journalists like us couldn’t report – many agencies were effectively silenced, he said. “They wanted to cut off access to outside news and stop reports from inside.”

The June 29 law also banned the use or import of unauthorized internet communication tools like Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite internet service, punishable by up to two years in prison.

‘Journalists are not enemies of the state’

“The arrests, internet disruptions, and intimidation of journalists during and after the Iran-Israel war reflect a troubling continuation of Iran’s ongoing efforts to control the media,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “These acts of censorship undermine press freedom and create fear among those trying to report the truth. Journalists are not enemies of the state.”

Since the war began, CPJ has documented the following incidents:

• On June 15, journalist Saleh Bayrami was killed by an Israel airstrike on Tehran.

• On June 16, journalist Nima Rajabpour and media worker Masoumeh Azimi were hit by an Israeli airstrike on state-owned broadcaster IRIB’s headquarters and died the following day.

• On June 16, Shargh journalist Ali Pakzad was detained while covering airstrike damage in Tehran and released two days later.

• On June 17, freelance photojournalist Majid Saeedi was arrested in Tehran while photographing the aftermath of an Israeli airstrike on IRIB’s headquarters. He told CPJ he climbed to a high point to capture images of smoke when police detained him and later transferred him to Evin prison.

“The next day, a judge reviewed my case in the prison courtyard, where officials brought over a chair for him to sit on,” Saeedi added. “He said that because I had a valid press ID and authorization, there was no issue, and he ordered my release.”

• On June 21, Iran International TV reported that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had detained the mother, father, and younger brother of one of its presenters to pressure her into resigning.

In a June 27 email to CPJ, spokesperson Baillie confirmed that the family members had been released but described the incident as “a profoundly worrying turning point in the type of action taken by the IRGC and security forces against the families of Iranian journalists abroad.”

• On June 21, photographer and designer Reza Daryakenari was arrested in a Tehran café. His Instagram account went offline after June 26. As of July 1, he remained in detention on unknown charges.

• On June 23, Israeli forces bombed Evin prison, which houses at least six journalists, including Iranian-American Reza Valizadeh. Authorities reported 71 deaths, including prisoners, but did not release names. One person with knowledge of Evin prison told CPJ that all the detained journalists were safe and had been transferred to other prisons.

• On June 24, the online outlet Entekhab News was blocked for “disruptive wartime reporting.” The judiciary said the outlet was undermining public security through its critical coverage. On June 30, it was unblocked.

CPJ’s emails requesting comment from Iran’s foreign affairs and information ministries did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Soran Rashid.

“This is a major blow for press freedom in the United States: A network news outlet has just caved to groundless threats from the president over its coverage,” said CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg in New York. “This signals that the current administration–as well as any future administrations–can interfere with, or influence, editorial decisions.” 

In a lawsuit filed last year, Trump accused CBS, whose parent company is Paramount Global, of deceptively editing a ’60 Minutes’ interview with former Vice President Kamala Harris to interfere with the election. Paramount Global will pay the settlement amount, including legal fees, to Trump’s future presidential library, according to news reports.

Last month, CPJ wrote to the chair of Paramount Global, Shari Redstone, warning her that a settlement would signal that political figures can pressure news organizations into altering or censoring editorial decisions.

The FCC is investigating a merger deal between CBS parent company Paramount and Skydance, a deal that could have been endangered by the possibility of litigation from Trump. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) earlier this year re-opened a news distortion investigation into CBS.

CPJ’s request to Paramount Global for comment on the settlement’s editorial implications did not receive an immediate reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Details on the depth of administration’s surveillance of journalists came to light after Brazil’s Federal Supreme Court unsealed a final investigative report filed by the Federal Police, which included names of media outlets and journalists targeted.

CDJor calls for all information about the monitoring be disclosed and that those responsible are held accountable swiftly, transparently, and independently.

Read the full statement in English here and Portuguese here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Dahmani’s lawyers withdrew from Monday’s trial to protest that the court was illegally trying her twice for the same act, the journalist’s sister, Ramla Dahmani, told CPJ, referring to the legal principle of double jeopardy.

“Handing Tunisian lawyer and media commentator Sonia Dahmani an additional two-year sentence, on top of her existing term for the same media commentary, is not only harsh, but appears to be a targeted effort to silence her personally,” said CPJ Chief Programs Officer Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Tunisian authorities must drop all charges against Dahmani and ensure that journalists can make political commentary without being targeted.”

In October 2024, Dahman, who is also a prominent lawyer, received a two-year sentence under Decree 54 on cybercrime on charges of spreading “false” news for commenting on the local independent radio station IFM about the mistreatment of sub-Saharan Africans in Tunisia.

The court said that the second sentence on June 30 was for her comments to a second outlet, the television channel Carthage Plus.

In September 2024, Dahmani was given an eight-month sentence following her May arrest over separate comments she made on Carthage Plus, where she criticized Tunisia’s living conditions and discussed immigration.

Her case is widely seen as part of a broader crackdown on journalists, opposition figures, and government critics that has intensified since President Kais Saied suspended parliament in 2021 and introduced a new constitution, giving himself nearly unchecked power.

According to CPJ’s latest annual prison census, at least five journalists were behind bars in Tunisia on December 1, 2024, the highest number since 1992.

CPJ’s email to the Presidency requesting comment did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Police raided the Istanbul offices of LeMan Monday evening and detained the staff members after the publication of what officials claimed was a cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad, a depiction that is forbidden in the Muslim world. At the same time, a mob laid siege to the building and the surrounding area in Beyoğlu District, chanting pro-shariah law slogans. 

Istanbul prosecutors are investigating six people from the LeMan staff for “publicly demeaning religious values.” Four of the staffers are in custody and two others are wanted but are reportedly not in the country. 

The cartoon, published in the latest edition of the weekly, depicts two men with wings on their backs meeting over the skies of a city being bombed. They greet each other by saying “Assalamu alaikum, I’m Muhammad,” and “Aleichem shalom, I’m Moses,” as they shake hands. LeMan said on X that the man in the cartoon is not the prophet but instead a Muslim man named Muhammad. 

“Turkish authorities shouldn’t fan the flames of religious backlash over a cartoon that LeMan magazine said was not portraying the Islamic prophet,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “The authorities should release the four LeMan staff in custody, cancel the warrants for those abroad, and focus on ensuring their safety.”

Prior depictions of the Prophet Muhammad in cartoons have led to lethal violence and death threats against journalists.

The detained include Doğan Pehlivan, the cartoonist; Cebrail Okçu, graphic designer; Zafer Aknar, news editor; and Ali Yavuz, institutional manager. Tuncay Akgün, the chief editor and publisher, and news editor Aslan Özdemir were also wanted by the authorities. 

Turkish authorities banned the distribution of the latest edition of LeMan and ordered copies to be pulled from newsstands. A court ordered that LeMan’s website and X account be blocked within Turkey.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey’s cabinet members welcomed the operation in public comments. Some opposition leaders also criticized the cartoon. 

CPJ’s emailed request for comment from the chief prosecutor’s office in Istanbul did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Alongside an ever more restrictive environment for local journalists, increasingly, Georgia has been denying entry to Western journalists, all freelancers. This crackdown comes as the ruling conservative Georgian Dream party clamps down on mass protests and political opposition following allegations of fraud in the country’s October 2024 parliamentary elections.     

Media repression had already intensified on the heels of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, since which Georgia has denied entry to at least eight Russian journalists associated with Kremlin-critical outlets, as well as two journalists from other post-Soviet countries with critical or pro-Western views. 

Neal’s denial of entry “was clearly intended to dissuade me from further reporting on the vested interests behind the ruling party’s ongoing abuse of power,” he told CPJ. 

Before leaving Georgia in April, Neal had been the target of a sustained smear campaign by Georgian Dream officials and the pro-government press. His investigation in the British news outlet Byline Times revealed cooperation between a U.K.-registered private equity firm with reported close ties to Georgia’s alleged de facto ruler, Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, and Russian oligarch Roman Abramovich. Georgian Dream leaders accused Neal of being part of an international “deep state” anti-Georgia conspiracy. 

“The story clearly hit a nerve,” Neal told CPJ. 

An unprecedented wave

Mamuka Andguladze, chair of the local Media Advocacy Coalition, told CPJ that the recent blocking of Western journalists is “unprecedented” and a “very deliberate policy” by Georgian Dream “to limit critical coverage.” 

CPJ knows of at least five other instances in the past eight months in which Western journalists have been denied entry:

• On October 22, 2024, four days before the elections, border guards at Tbilisi airport blocked the entry of Czech freelance reporter Ray Baseley and held him for 34 hours before placing him on a plane to Poland, Basely wrote on X. He previously had reported on mass protests against Georgian Dream’s introduction of a “foreign agent” law in May 2024 and told the International Press Institute that he believes this was the reason for his denial. The law requires nonprofits and media outlets receiving more than 20% of their funding from abroad to register as “organizations pursuing the interests of a foreign power.” An even harsher law, passed in April 2025, carries prison terms of up to five years.
• On election day, October 26, 2024, border guards refused entry to Swiss photojournalist Stephan Goss, who had covered protests against the “foreign agent” law. Guards confiscated his phone and held him for 12 hours before placing him on a flight to Dubai. 
• On February 12, 2025, French freelance journalist Clément Girardot was denied entry. Authorities also revoked Girardot’s residence permit after he reported on Georgian Dream’s growing authoritarianism for publications like France’s Le Monde and Belgium’s Le Soir.
• On March 30, 2025, officials denied entry to Jérôme Chobeaux, a freelance photojournalist with the Italian agency NurPhoto. Chobeaux, who had covered the anti-government protests, was held for six hours without access to his phone before boarding a plane to Greece.
• On June 11, 2025, border guards at Kutaisi International Airport refused entry to French documentary photographer Marylise Vigneaux. Vigneaux told CPJ that she believed she most likely had been targeted over a collection of her protest photos exhibited at a photo festival in Tbilisi in May.

CPJ emailed the Georgian Dream party and Georgian border police for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Alongside an ever more restrictive environment for local journalists, increasingly, Georgia has been denying entry to Western journalists, all freelancers. This crackdown comes as the ruling conservative Georgian Dream party clamps down on mass protests and political opposition following allegations of fraud in the country’s October 2024 parliamentary elections.     

Media repression had already intensified on the heels of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, since which Georgia has denied entry to at least eight Russian journalists associated with Kremlin-critical outlets, as well as two journalists from other post-Soviet countries with critical or pro-Western views. 

Neal’s denial of entry “was clearly intended to dissuade me from further reporting on the vested interests behind the ruling party’s ongoing abuse of power,” he told CPJ. 

Before leaving Georgia in April, Neal had been the target of a sustained smear campaign by Georgian Dream officials and the pro-government press. His investigation in the British news outlet Byline Times revealed cooperation between a U.K.-registered private equity firm with reported close ties to Georgia’s alleged de facto ruler, Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, and Russian oligarch Roman Abramovich. Georgian Dream leaders accused Neal of being part of an international “deep state” anti-Georgia conspiracy. 

“The story clearly hit a nerve,” Neal told CPJ. 

An unprecedented wave

Mamuka Andguladze, chair of the local Media Advocacy Coalition, told CPJ that the recent blocking of Western journalists is “unprecedented” and a “very deliberate policy” by Georgian Dream “to limit critical coverage.” 

CPJ knows of at least five other instances in the past eight months in which Western journalists have been denied entry:

• On October 22, 2024, four days before the elections, border guards at Tbilisi airport blocked the entry of Czech freelance reporter Ray Baseley and held him for 34 hours before placing him on a plane to Poland, Basely wrote on X. He previously had reported on mass protests against Georgian Dream’s introduction of a “foreign agent” law in May 2024 and told the International Press Institute that he believes this was the reason for his denial. The law requires nonprofits and media outlets receiving more than 20% of their funding from abroad to register as “organizations pursuing the interests of a foreign power.” An even harsher law, passed in April 2025, carries prison terms of up to five years.
• On election day, October 26, 2024, border guards refused entry to Swiss photojournalist Stephan Goss, who had covered protests against the “foreign agent” law. Guards confiscated his phone and held him for 12 hours before placing him on a flight to Dubai. 
• On February 12, 2025, French freelance journalist Clément Girardot was denied entry. Authorities also revoked Girardot’s residence permit after he reported on Georgian Dream’s growing authoritarianism for publications like France’s Le Monde and Belgium’s Le Soir.
• On March 30, 2025, officials denied entry to Jérôme Chobeaux, a freelance photojournalist with the Italian agency NurPhoto. Chobeaux, who had covered the anti-government protests, was held for six hours without access to his phone before boarding a plane to Greece.
• On June 11, 2025, border guards at Kutaisi International Airport refused entry to French documentary photographer Marylise Vigneaux. Vigneaux told CPJ that she believed she most likely had been targeted over a collection of her protest photos exhibited at a photo festival in Tbilisi in May.

CPJ emailed the Georgian Dream party and Georgian border police for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Gleizes was arrested on May 28, 2024, in the town of Tizi Ouzou, about 60 miles east of the capital, Algiers, following an interview with a football club president who is allegedly affiliated with the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylie, an opposition group founded in 2003 that supports autonomy for the northern Kabylie region. Algerian authorities have classified the group as a terrorist organization since 2021. 

“Sentencing French journalist Christophe Gleizes to seven years in prison on terrorism charges over an interview is a clear indication of the government’s intolerance of press freedom,” said CPJ Middle East and North Africa Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Algerian authorities must immediately and unconditionally release Gleizes, and drop all charges against him.”

Gleizes, who has contributed to French sports magazines So Foot and Society, traveled to Algeria in 2023 to report on JS Kabylie, a prominent football team in the Kabylie region. His detention was not revealed until his sentencing was announced on Sunday.

In a statement, France’s foreign affairs ministry called the sentence “harsh,” said it had requested consular access to Gleizes in prison, and said Gleizes will appeal the sentence.

Gleizes’ conviction comes amid escalating tensions between France and Algeria over migration, extradition, and France’s position on Western Sahara, which is that the area should be under Moroccan, not Algerian, sovereignty.

CPJ’s email to the Algerian Ministry of the Interior seeking comment on Gleizes’ sentencing did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Palestinian filmmaker Ismail Abu Hatab’s death in an Israeli strike on Al-Baqa Café is yet another grim reminder of the unfettered violence facing Gazan journalists, with more than 180 journalists  and media workers killed in the war so far,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “The world must not ignore these deliberate assaults, and the targeting of the popular café must be independently investigated.”

Freelance photographer Majdi Fathi, who was in the area during the attack, told CPJ that an Israeli warplane struck the café around 2:48 p.m. He added that the café was popular gathering place for both journalists and local residents in Gaza due to its internet access.

The blast killed Abu Hatab, more than 20 other civilians inside, and injured Abusultan, who was struck by shrapnel in the chest and head Fathi said. Her condition is unknown.

Hatab, founder of the Clight TV production company, worked with a range of media outlets and organized photo exhibitions highlighting life in Gaza. On November 2, 2023, he was seriously injured in an Israeli airstrike that targeted his office on the 16th floor of Al-Ghifari Tower in Gaza City.

Hatab’s death adds to a growing toll of at least 185 other killings, the vast majority of those Palestinian, documented by CPJ since the start of the Israel-Gaza war. In addition to those killed, 114 journalists have been reported injured. 

CPJ emailed the Israeli Defense Forces’ North America Media Desk to ask whether the journalists were targeted but did not immediately receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Despite the court order for Guevara’s release, CPJ is concerned by the government lawyer’s argument that livestreaming presented a danger to the public by compromising the integrity and safety of law enforcement activities.

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language journalist, born in El Salvador, who has lawfully resided in the U.S. for nearly 20 years, was placed in ICE custody on June 18, according to public records and Guevara’s lawyer. 

On Tuesday, the journalist was ordered released on $7,500 bond. 

“We are heartened to see that Mario Guevara was ordered to be released from Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody at his bond hearing, though we remain concerned about the arguments the prosecution made that Guevara’s work as a reporter presented a danger to the community,” said CPJ U.S., Canada, and Caribbean Program CoordinatorKatherine Jacobsen. “The fact that Guevara was arrested while exercising his First Amendment rights as a journalist and was subsequently held for over two weeks by various law enforcement bodies sends an alarming message to the media and has effectively silenced Guevara’s coverage of his community. We urge law enforcement to thoroughly investigate why Guevara was arrested in the first place.”

The judge said that there was a gray area between constitutionally protected speech and obstructive behavior. He noted that it was not for an immigration court to rule on that matter, but that if Guevara were to face additional charges or be convicted the court could reconsider his release.  

Guevara, who has authorization to work in the United States was wearing a vest marked “Press” at the time of his arrest. He covers immigration on his “MGNews” Facebook page, which has 112,000 followers, and other digital platforms. 

Guevara was arrested on three misdemeanor charges related to his First Amendment rights, guaranteeing freedom of the press. Those charges were dropped on June 25 due to insufficient evidence.

During the hearing, prosecutors relied on a 2015 Facebook post in which Guevara posed with a firearm to argue that he was a danger to the public and should remain in detention. Guevara’s lawyer objected to the claimed post, as it was not presented as evidence. 

Guevara appeared virtually at the hearing from the Folkston ICE Processing Center in southeast Georgia.

CPJ wrote to Gwinnett County Solicitor-General Lisamarie N. Bristol to express concerns about the misdemeanor charges levied against Guevara approximately one month after the alleged incidents occurred, and after ICE had issued a detainer.

“At this time, this matter does not fall under the jurisdiction of the Solicitor-General’s Office,” the solicitor-general told CPJ in an emailed response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The lethal attack that took Salomón Ordóñez’s life is a stark reminder of how little President Claudia Sheinbaum has done since assuming office late last year to change the cycle of violence and impunity that plagues journalists,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “Mexican authorities can break this cycle by bringing the culprits of this devastating attack to justice.”

Ordóñez, the founder and editor of the Facebook-based Shalom Cuetzalan Produccions, was attacked by unknown assailants at approximately 8 p.m. in Cuetzalan, a town 110 miles northeast of Mexico City,  according to news reports. Witnesses found Ordóñez, 40, with at least two gunshot wounds, the reports added. The journalist died of his injuries at a nearby hospital.

Ordóñez mostly covered cultural news and political events related to local culture, which he shared to his news site’s over 75,000 followers—a significant number in Cuetzalan, which has 50,000 inhabitants. His coverage made him a popular figure in the community, according to a SPD Noticias report.

One journalist from the region, who asked to remain anonymous out of fear of reprisal, told CPJ via messaging app that Ordóñez did not cover sensitive political topics, corruption or organized crime in the area.

The Puebla state government, in a short statement released June 24 on Facebook, said the office of the state prosecutor (FGE) is investigating the attack. Several calls by CPJ to the FGE went unanswered.

It is unclear whether Ordóñez had received threats. CPJ was unable to retrieve contact information for his family.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The secret detention of journalist Hassan Zaza, without any explanation from Syrian officials, reflects a nationwide pattern of press intimidation,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s regional director. “Syrian authorities must immediately disclose Zaza’s whereabouts, ensure his safety, and drop any charges related to his journalistic activities.”

Mohammad Al-Saleh, Director of Press Relations at Syria’s Ministry of Information, confirmed Zaza’s arrest in the capital Damascus. He told CPJ that it was “related to security concerns and not connected to his journalistic work,” but he was not authorized to share further details as the matter was under investigation.

 “If nothing is found, he will likely be released this week,” Al-Saleh said via messaging app.

Zaza is the owner and editor-in-chief of Noos Social news site, a senior member of Syria’s Free Media Union, and the Syrian representative of the International Federation of Arab Journalists.

After December’s overthrow of long-ruling President Bashar al-Assad, Zaza returned to Damascus from northeast Syria, which is under the control of Kurdish-led, U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces. The group has since agreed to integrate with Syria’s new government. 

Zaza also worked with the Ronahi TV, which supports the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), outlawed by Turkey as a terrorist organization.

“We still have no information about his whereabouts or the reason for his arrest,” Avin Ibrahim, co-chair of the Free Media Union in northeast Syria, told CPJ. “The Syrian government bears full responsibility for the safety of our detained colleague Hassan Zaza, as well as any journalist who may be at risk in the future. These ongoing violations against journalists must end.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Three journalists told CPJ that investigative reporting on major economic events, a cornerstone of Hong Kong’s financial transparency, has nearly disappeared amid government pressure and the departure of major outlets. 

The sharp decline in press freedom, the journalists said, is a direct result of the National Security Law. This law, enacted on June 30, 2020, was imposed directly by Beijing, bypassing Hong Kong’s local legislature, and included offenses for secession, subversion, terrorist activities, and collusion with foreign forces, with penalties ranging from a three years to life imprisonment.  

In the five years since it was enacted, authorities have shut down media outlets and arrested several journalists, including Jimmy Lai, the founder of one of Hong Kong’s largest newspapers, the pro-democracy Apple Daily. Several major international news organizations have either relocated or downsized their operations in Hong Kong, leading to a decline in reporting on the city and its financial hub.

“Hong Kong’s economic boom happened because journalists could work without interference,” said a veteran reporter with 11 years’ experience in television, newspapers, and digital platforms in Hong Kong, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity due to security concerns.

While markets still function, at least three media professionals told CPJ that the erosion of press freedom — often overlooked — is a key factor behind Hong Kong’s fading financial appeal to market participants. One reporter described the media as “paralyzed.” 

Another hastily passed security law enacted in March 2024 in Hong Kong further deepened fears that it would be used to suppress press freedom and prosecute journalists.

“There has never been an international financial center in history that operates with restrictions on information,” Simon Lee, an economic commentator and former assistant CEO of Next Digital Group, the parent company of Apple Daily, told CPJ.

Hong Kong long served as a base for reporting on China’s economy and power structures, said a former financial journalist on the condition of anonymity, citing safety concerns.

“Most Hong Kong-listed companies come from the mainland [China]. Foreign media used Hong Kong to observe China’s economic operations or wealth transfers,” the former financial journalist told CPJ. “Now the risks feel similar to reporting from inside China.”

Crackdowns, shutdowns, and an exodus of major media

Since the introduction of the National Security Law in 2020, at least eight media outlets have shut. These included Apple Daily, news and lifestyle magazine Next Magazine, both published by Lai’s Next Digital group, and the online outlet Stand News, after they were raided by authorities.

At least four other media organizations — Post852, DB channel, Citizen News, and FactWire — ceased operations voluntarily, citing concerns over the deteriorating political environment.

Reporting was also criminalized in several cases, with journalists prosecuted for “inciting subversion” or “colluding with foreign forces.”  

China had the world’s highest number of imprisoned journalists in CPJ’s latest prison census — 50 in total, including eight in Hong Kong.

The New York Times moved part of its newsroom to Seoul in 2020. In March 2024, Radio Free Asia closed its Hong Kong office, and in May, The Wall Street Journal relocated its Asia headquarters to Singapore.

 “With fewer foreign correspondents based in the city, there’s simply less reporting on Hong Kong,” the former financial journalist told CPJ. “As a result, the city’s economy may receive less objective attention on the global stage.”

The former financial journalist said that one of the biggest losses after the security law was the disappearance of Apple Daily. Unlike most local media, which focused on routine market updates, Apple Daily connected business to politics and mapped interest networks — an increasingly rare practice.

Next Digital, through Apple Daily, built a reputation for investigative financial reporting. A former staff member told the BBC that the company once spent over 100,000 yuan (US$14,000) tracing dozens of property owners to uncover a developer’s hidden ties with a bank.

“From a financial news perspective, one of our biggest problems is losing Apple Daily,” the former financial journalist told CPJ.

Local business reporting also fades away

As Hong Kong’s financial hub reputation comes under question, stories on high unemployment rates, struggling small businesses, and store closures are increasingly out of sight.

“One direct effect is feeling increasingly unable to grasp what’s happening in the city; important information no longer seems easy to access,” Lee said. “Previously, competition among professional outlets encouraged source sharing and helped maintain a power balance. Now, one-way government-controlled information faces little resistance.”

Lee told CPJ that changes in Hong Kong’s media landscape are particularly evident in major financial events, pointing to the coverage of the 2024 sale of Li Ka-shing’s port assets, in which local outlets failed to question the deal’s structure, rationale, or political implications.

“Beijing called it a national security matter, and the other side of the story disappeared,” Lee told CPJ. “Many focus on the judicial system when discussing fairness, but true fairness also depends on the free flow of information … Without information freedom, public oversight fades, and the market’s system of checks and balances collapses.”

Lee also cited the case of Alvin Chau, a casino tycoon in Macao who was sentenced in 2023 to 18 years for illegal gambling. While foreign media uncovered his alleged links to oil smuggling operations to North Korea, local media offered little follow-up.

“These investigations and reports simply no longer exist,” Lee said.

Sources can’t speak freely

Two journalists told CPJ they have noticed increasing reluctance from interviewees. 

During previous years of the Annual Budget Speech, Hong Kong’s yearly announcement of its public spending and economic plans, the media would host analysis shows with economists debating government spending and policies. 

“We would ask about the fiscal surplus, support for the poor, and whether measures were targeted,” the veteran reporter told CPJ, adding that now, “only one professor is willing to speak openly.”

Lee told CPJ that the atmosphere of “not being allowed to criticize” the broader structure or government policy has also extended to the reporting on how financial markets operate.

Market participants should be free to take either optimistic or pessimistic views of the economic outlook, Lee told CPJ, adding that today in Hong Kong, it is discouraged to express pessimism, and even silently shifting toward defensive investment strategies or risk-averse behavior may be interpreted as making a political statement.

“It’s hard for any place with such high information costs to remain a global financial hub,” Lee said. “Because even pulling back on investment can send a signal. If investors are accused of intentionally dragging down the market just because they try to hedge or take a cautious view, they may decide it’s safer to avoid the market altogether.”

In response to CPJ’s request for comment, a Hong Kong government spokesperson referred CPJ to a statement that said the security law has enabled the city to “make a major transition from chaos to order” and “the business environment has continuously improved,” while press freedom is protected under the law.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ's Asia-Pacific program staff.

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page and other social media platforms, was arrested on June 14 while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest against the actions of the Trump administration in an Atlanta suburb. According to video footage of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement.

The initial charges that led to Guevara’s arrest were dropped by the DeKalb County solicitor-general on June 25 due to insufficient evidence. 

Guevara was transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody after the immigration authority issued a detainer against the journalist, who has authorization to work in the United States. At the time of the letter’s publication, Guevara was being held in the Folkston ICE Processing Center, his lawyer told CPJ.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

It was the first time that Cumpio’s words have been heard outside her prison cell in Tacloban City in the eastern Philippines. Cumpio was arrested in February 2020 and later charged over illegal possession of firearms and terrorism financing.

She faces up to 40 years in prison if found guilty.

“How do we even combat a well-orchestrated lie? A story that’s so absurd that if this was a class debate, you wouldn’t even try to rebut,” Cumpio said in her letter, which Khan read on Tuesday at a U.N. Human Rights Council side event about freedom of expression in the Philippines, co-hosted by the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Cumpio’s letter was hand-carried to Khan in Geneva from the Philippines by CPJ’s Asia-Pacific
director Beh Lih Yi. Ronalyn Olea, secretary-general of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) was also present when the letter was handed over.

Khan, the U.N. special rapporteur on freedom of expression and opinion, called for Cumpio’s release at the U.N. on Tuesday and in her report to the UNHRC last week.

In 2024, the U.N. expert made an official visit to Cumpio and her co-accused Marielle Domequil, a church lay worker, in prison.

“She has been languishing in prison for five years, waiting for a trial for five years — that to me is a travesty of justice,” Khan said on Tuesday. “We need to stand with the Frenchies of this world.”

CPJ and the NUJP are part of the international #FreeFrenchieMaeCumpio coalition which includes the media rights groups AlterMidya, Reporters Without Borders, and Free Press Unlimited. The coalition was denied a joint prison visit to Cumpio in Tacloban City on June 16, with authorities citing documentary requirements.

Below is the extract from Cumpio’s letter read out by Khan:

“A lot has happened over a year [since Khan met Cumpio]. Marielle and I have already testified in court. I was presented three times. I am pleased to tell you that our lawyers have really exerted all of their efforts for our testimony.

Despite that I have to admit that nothing can really prepare you for your own trial.

At first, it felt like I didn’t really have anything to say. How do we even combat a well-orchestrated lie? A story that’s so absurd that if this was a class debate, you wouldn’t even try to rebut.

But after my testimony, I realised I still had a lot to say. That this more than five years of detention is robbing us of so many things — time, family, dreams, plans, future.

People call us brave for holding on, although I would have to admit I sometimes feel otherwise.

The truth is that what happened to us still happens to several others. The fact that they are capable of charging us through mere lies. The fear that we still won’t be safe even when we’re out of this facility.

I am never an ‘in between’ person. I am usually sure where I stand. But today, now that we’re almost near the end, I feel uncertain. And uncertainty bothers you in bed.

Nonetheless, we hold on.

Your visit last year has made a huge impact on how people perceive our case.

Thank you for amplifying our woes. Nothing is braver than fighting for those who are uncertain – the economically challenged, those who continue to suffer from discrimination, or people like us who are locked behind bars.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Authorities in the DRC must not legitimize the detention of journalist Serge Sindani under the pretext of the ongoing war in the east of the country,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal, from New York. “Authorities must release Sindani without delay so that he can continue informing the local population about important public issues, including conflict in the region.”

The photo, taken from a distance, showed military planes at Bangoka International Airport in Kisangani, a city in northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, with the caption: “RDC-Instant Kisangani — the city is calm and under control with our Sukhoi fighter jets. Happy Sunday,” according to a statement by the outlet, reviewed by CPJ and Kis24.info journalist Steves Paluku Mbusa, who spoke with CPJ.

According to the same sources, Sindani is detained in a military intelligence cell in Kisangani, a city in the northern central Tshopo province, and was questioned by Colonel Mwambi, who accused him of having bad intentions for showing military planes in the context of the current war in the region.

“Sindani is one of ours,” Mwambi told CPJ by phone. “He easily covers military activities in the Tshopo province. We are in an operational war province; he took the liberty of filming our war planes without any authorization from the military hierarchy. We do not know his intentions. Was it to inform our enemies? We are investigating his case.”

The DRC and Rwanda are set to sign a U.S.-brokered peace deal in Washington D.C. on June 27, aimed at ending decades of conflict in the eastern DRC.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Figueredo refused to comply with a June 23 police summons, reviewed by CPJ. On that same day she received three private number phone calls warning her that a police investigation had been opened against her and Correa for “dangerousness,” the journalists told CPJ. On June 16, a local police officer parked outside the journalists’ home told them that they weren’t allowed to leave in an incident witnessed by others in the neighborhood.

“The Cuban government must halt its harassment of journalists Yunia Figueredo and Frank Correa, and allow them to continue their work with the community media outlet, Amanecer Habanero,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Reporters should not be threatened into silence with legal orders.” 

Cuba’s private media companies have come under increased scrutiny from a new communication law banning all unapproved, non-state media and prohibiting them from receiving international funding and foreign training.

Amanecer Habanero is a member of the Cuban Institute for Freedom of Expression and the Press (ICLEP), a network of six community media outlets, which has strongly condemned the actions of Cuban authorities against Figueredo, who became director of the outlet earlier this year.

In a statement, ICLEP said Figueredo has been the victim of an escalating campaign of intimidation by Cuban law enforcement, including verbal threats by state security agents; permanent police surveillance without a court order; restriction of her freedom of movement; psychological intimidation against her family; and police summonses without legal basis in connection with her work denouncing government.

Cuba’s private media companies have come under increased threat from a new communication law banning all unapproved, non-state media and prohibiting them from receiving international funding and foreign training.

Cuban authorities did not immediately reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The statement warned that the Bahraini government’s claim of abolishing prison sentences for journalists is misleading when other repressive laws—such as the Penal Code and Anti-Terrorism Law—still allow for their prosecution. This dual legal system enables authorities to arbitrarily impose fines or prison terms based on an individual’s political profile, seriously undermining press freedom, said the statement’s signatories.

The statement also raised concerns about the government’s proposed licensing requirements for online and “media-related” activities, warning that broad definitions under Article 3 could have a chilling effect on online expression, including by bloggers and content creators. While Article 67 claims there will be no prior censorship, the licensing system could be used to restrict media through delays or denials—effectively enabling censorship and violating international standards on freedom of expression.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Protesters took to the streets in most of Kenya’s 47 counties to mark the one-year anniversary of anti-tax demonstrations, in which at least 60 people were killed.

Several people were killed in Wednesday’s violence.

“Restricting protest coverage sends a clear message that President William Ruto’s government is not committed to democratic values or the constitutional freedoms he has vowed to protect,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “Authorities must investigate attacks on journalists, ensuring accountability, rescind the ban on live coverage, and desist from further censorship.”

In a directive, reviewed by CPJ, the Communications Authority of Kenya ordered “all television and radio stations to stop any live coverage of the demonstrations” or face unspecified “regulatory action.” The information technology regulator cited constitutional provisions that prevent freedom of expression involving “propaganda for war” and “incitement to violence.”

Police and Authority officials then switched off the broadcast signal of several privately owned media houses, including NTV, K24, and KTN, which continued to share content online and on social media.

Civil society organizations including the Kenya Editors’ Guild challenged the ban, citing a November High Court ruling that the Authority did not have the constitutional mandate to set or enforce media standards.

Late Wednesday, the Law Society of Kenya secured High Court orders, reviewed by CPJ, directing broadcast signals to be restored immediately.

NTV reporter Ruth Sarmwei was treated in hospital after being hit on the leg by an unknown projectile while interviewing protestors in the city of Nakuru, Joseph Openda, chairperson of the Nakuru Journalists Association, told CPJ. Standard Media Group said its photojournalist David Gichuru was “struck by a stone hurled by a protestor” in the capital Nairobi. 

CPJ’s requests for comment via email to the Communications Authority of Kenya and via messaging app to its director general David Mugonyi did not receive replies.

Police spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga declined to comment by phone. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Mostafa has faced threats, surveillance, and online gender-based violence across several countries—including Germany, Switzerland, Kenya, and Lebanon—in connection with her reporting as documented by the UN Special Rapporteurs’ report (AL EGY 6/2024).

Egypt remains one of the world’s top perpetrators of transnational repression, employing tactics such as arresting journalists’ relatives, blocking exiled media outlets, targeting journalists with spyware, and denying consular services.

Read the full statement in English here and Arabic here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Fatih Altaylı’s arrest is a blatant attempt to intimidate an influential commentator into self-censorship,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Authorities should immediately release Altaylı, stop targeting critical voices, and allow journalists to do their job without fear of reprisal.” 

On June 20, Altaylı—who regularly shares content to his 1.5 million YouTube subscribers and 2.8 million X followers—commented on a public poll in which 70% of Turkish voters indicated that they preferred to vote for another leader after Erdoğan, who won’t be eligible to run in the country’s 2028 elections due to a two-term limit. In his commentary, Altaylı said the Turkish people “love the ballot box” and wouldn’t want to abandon the right to determine their own future. He added, “This nation is a nation that strangled their sultan when they didn’t like things; didn’t want him. A nation that booed their sultan.”

In his testimony to the authorities, Altaylı said he didn’t threaten the president but merely voiced well known historical facts, and his comments meant to underline how the Turkish people value democracy. 

On Monday, a video of an empty chair was uploaded to Altaylı’s channel in protest of his arrest, which has been viewed more than 788,000 times. 

CPJ’s emailed request for comment on Altaylı’s arrest from the chief prosecutor’s office in Istanbul did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Sebastien Lai has sought a meeting with Starmer for more than two years to advocate for the release of his father, 77-year-old Jimmy Lai, who founded Apple Daily. His health is deteriorating and he risks dying in jail.

Lai has been imprisoned for over 1,600 days, mostly in isolation, while awaiting the outcome of a long-delayed trial for sedition and conspiring to collude with foreign forces under the Beijing-imposed National Security Law. After Lai’s arrest in 2020, Apple Daily was shuttered on June 24, 2021, following police raids and the freezing of the paper’s assets.

Read the full joint letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CP Staff.

Russia freed Yesypenko on June 20 after he served a five-year prison sentence on charges of possessing and transporting explosives, which he denied. Karnei, detained for nearly 2 years, was released along with 13 political prisoners, including opposition figure Siarhei Tsikhanouski. The 14 were freed by Belarus on June 21 following a visit to Minsk by senior U.S. official Keith Kellogg, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant general.

“CPJ celebrates that Vladislav Yesypenko and Ihar Karnei are now free and reunited with their families,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “The efforts and pressure of the international community must not stop here, as Russia and Belarus continue to hold dozens of journalists in connection with their work. They all should be released immediately.” 

Russian Federal Security Service officers detained Yesypenko, a freelance correspondent for Krym.Realii, a Crimea-focused outlet run by U.S.-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), in March 2021 in Ukraine’s Russian-occupied Crimea. He was initially sentenced to six years in prison, but the term was reduced by a year on appeal in August 2022.

Karnei, a former freelancer with RFE/RL, was detained in July 2023 and sentenced to three years in March 2024 on charges of participating in an extremist group — the Belarusian Association of Journalists, which had been the largest independent media association in the country until it was dissolved in 2021 and later labeled an extremist group. His sentence was extended by eight months in December 2024.

“RFE/RL extends its deepest gratitude to the U.S. and Ukrainian governments for working with us to ensure that Vlad’s unjust detention was not prolonged,” RFE/RL President and CEO Stephen Capus said in a statement.

Karnei and Yesypenko’s releases come after sustained international pressure, including from CPJ, and after Andrey Kuznechyk, another RFE/RL journalist, was freed from a Belarusian prison in February.

Belarus is Europe’s worst jailer of journalists, with at least 31 behind bars as of December 1, 2024. Thirteen of the 30 journalists still detained by Russia are Ukrainian. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Russia freed Yesypenko on June 20 after he served a five-year prison sentence on charges of possessing and transporting explosives, which he denied. Karnei, detained for nearly 2 years, was released along with 13 political prisoners, including opposition figure Siarhei Tsikhanouski. The 14 were freed by Belarus on June 21 following a visit to Minsk by senior U.S. official Keith Kellogg, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant general.

“CPJ celebrates that Vladislav Yesypenko and Ihar Karnei are now free and reunited with their families,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “The efforts and pressure of the international community must not stop here, as Russia and Belarus continue to hold dozens of journalists in connection with their work. They all should be released immediately.” 

Russian Federal Security Service officers detained Yesypenko, a freelance correspondent for Krym.Realii, a Crimea-focused outlet run by U.S.-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), in March 2021 in Ukraine’s Russian-occupied Crimea. He was initially sentenced to six years in prison, but the term was reduced by a year on appeal in August 2022.

Karnei, a former freelancer with RFE/RL, was detained in July 2023 and sentenced to three years in March 2024 on charges of participating in an extremist group — the Belarusian Association of Journalists, which had been the largest independent media association in the country until it was dissolved in 2021 and later labeled an extremist group. His sentence was extended by eight months in December 2024.

“RFE/RL extends its deepest gratitude to the U.S. and Ukrainian governments for working with us to ensure that Vlad’s unjust detention was not prolonged,” RFE/RL President and CEO Stephen Capus said in a statement.

Karnei and Yesypenko’s releases come after sustained international pressure, including from CPJ, and after Andrey Kuznechyk, another RFE/RL journalist, was freed from a Belarusian prison in February.

Belarus is Europe’s worst jailer of journalists, with at least 31 behind bars as of December 1, 2024. Thirteen of the 30 journalists still detained by Russia are Ukrainian. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

In a closed-door trial on Monday, columnist and peace activist Bahruz Samadov was sentenced by a court in the capital Baku to 15 years in prison for treason, after going on a hunger strike and attempting suicide the previous week.

On Friday, six journalists from Abzas Media, widely regarded as Azerbaijan’s most prominent anticorruption investigative outlet, were found guilty of acting as an organized group to commit multiple financial crimes, including currency smuggling, money laundering, and tax evasion, linked to alleged receipt of illegal Western donor funding:

• director Ulvi Hasanli, editor-in-chief Sevinj Vagifgizi (Abbasova), journalist Hafiz Babali – sentenced to 9 years
• reporters Nargiz Absalamova and Elnara Gasimova – sentenced to 8 years
• project coordinator Mahammad Kekalov – sentenced to 7 ½ years

In addition, journalist Farid Mehralizada from U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Azerbaijani service received a 9-year sentence as part of the same trial.

“The heavy sentences meted out to seven journalists in the Abzas Media case and to columnist Bahruz Samadov signal Azerbaijani authorities’ intent to wipe out what remains of independent coverage,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Reports that Samadov has attempted suicide are particularly concerning. Authorities should ensure Samadov’s wellbeing and immediately release all wrongly jailed journalists.”

Abzas Media told CPJ in a statement that the charges against their staff were “absurd and fabricated” and their “only ‘offense’ was exposing corruption, abuse of power, and informing the public of inconvenient truths.”

RFE/RL condemned Mehralizada’s sentence as a “sham” and “unnecessarily cruel.”

Treason case shrouded in secrecy

More than 20 leading Azerbaijani journalists have been jailed on charges of receiving funds from Western donors since late 2023, amid a decline in relations with the West and a surge in authoritarianism following Azerbaijan’s recapture of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, ending decades of separatist Armenian rule. 

Azerbaijan was the world’s 10th worst jailer with 13 journalists behind bars in CPJ’s latest annual prison census on December 1, 2024.

Full details of the charges against Samadov, who contributes to Georgia-based OC Media and U.S.-based Eurasianet and was detained by state security officers while visiting his family in Azerbaijan in 2024, have not been made public. Authorities classified as secret the case against Samadov, a prominent advocate for peace with neighboring Armenia and a doctoral student in the Czech Republic.

Pro-government media, which receive regular “recommendations” from authorities on what to publish, have denounced Samadov for writing “subversive” articles for the “anti-Azerbaijan” Eurasianet. His reporting, reviewed by CPJ, focuses on growing Azerbaijani militarism and authoritarianism.

‘Absurd’ charges in reprisal for corruption reporting

As the June 20 verdicts were read out, Abzas Media journalists turned their backs on the judges and held up posters of the outlet’s corruption investigations into senior officials, including the president’s family.

President Ilham Aliyev took over from his father in 2003 and won a fifth consecutive term in 2024.

Abzas Media continues to operate from exile.

Western-funded ‘spies’

Amid a major state media campaign against Western-funded “spies,” police raided Abzas Media’s office in November 2023 and said they found 40,000 euros (US$45,900), accusing U.S., French, and German embassies of funding the outlet illegally.

Police arrested the six journalists over the following three months. In 2024, Mehralizada was also detained, though he and Abzas Media denied that he worked for the outlet.

Azerbaijani law requires civil society groups to obtain state approval for foreign grants, which authorities accuse Abzas Media of failing to do.

Defense arguments, reviewed by CPJ, said that such an omission was punishable by fines, not criminal sanctions, and prosecutors did not provide evidence the journalists engaged in criminal activity. Rights advocates accuse Azerbaijan of routinely withholding permission for foreign grants and refusing to register organizations that seek them.

In February, Aziz Orujov, director of independent broadcaster Kanal 13, was sentenced to two years in prison on illegal construction charges. In December, Teymur Karimov, head of independent broadcaster Kanal 11 was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Five journalists from Toplum TV and 10 with Meydan TV face trial on similar foreign funding allegations.

Editor’s note: This text has been amended in the ninth paragraph to correct the number of journalists facing charges of receiving funds from Western donors.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi and Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir announced Friday that broadcasting from those locations without advance, written permission, would be a criminal offense, as Israel seeks to control reporting about its week-old conflict with Iran.

“We are deeply concerned by the Israeli authorities’ escalating efforts to suppress press freedom through censorship and intimidation,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Journalists must be allowed to report on the Iran-Israel conflict without obstruction or fear of retaliation. Silencing the press deprives the world of a clear, unfiltered view of the reality unfolding in the region.”

On Thursday, Israeli police said they stopped international media transmitting live broadcasts from missile landing sites, which revealed their exact locations, including “news agencies through which Al Jazeera was illegally broadcasting.” That same day, the Government Press Office banned live broadcasts from crash sites.

The Union of Journalists in Israel denounced the move and said there were no teams filming in Israel for Al Jazeera, which purchases live broadcasts from other international networks operating legally in Israel. Israel banned Al Jazeera’s operations in the country in May, citing security concerns.

On June 18, IDF military censors issued an order, which CPJ reviewed, requiring anyone seeking to broadcast, including via social media, the aftermath of Iranian rocket and drone attacks on Israel’s military sites to obtain prior approval from the army.

On June 16, Israeli police raided a hotel in the northern port city of Haifa where Palestinian journalists were covering the attacks, confiscated their equipment, and launched an investigation.

CPJ emailed the police, the IDF’s North America Media Desk, and the government spokesperson requesting comment but did not immediately receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“We are deeply concerned about the lack of transparency in the legislative process surrounding the Zambia Institute of Journalism Bill, which would place alarmingly restrictive controls on the media,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “We call on the government to ensure that this bill, which was publicly disavowed by President Hakainde Hichilema, does not become law.”

The bill would require journalists to obtain an annual license from a regulatory institute, which could be rescinded for misconduct; it has yet to be formally tabled in parliament. Those who impersonate journalists, work without a registration, or employ such individuals could face imprisonment of up to five years or fines of up to 200,000 Kwacha (US$8,000).

The justice ministry drafted the bill at the information ministry’s request, on behalf of the Media Liaison Committee, a media industry body, according to Modern Muyembe, media development director at the ministry of information. It was approved for legislative committee review in March.

The MLC’s acting chairperson, Felistus Chipako, did not respond to CPJ’s email requesting comment but was quoted by The Editor Zambia as saying that the bill sought to uphold professionalism and empower journalists.

Following an outcry from media rights and news organizations, Hichilema said he opposed the bill, saying it was not a government initiative, and that it risked undermining media independence.

Zambian media have been divided over regulation for many years. A similar bill was withdrawn in 2022 after a backlash. The High Court ruled in 1997 that compulsory registration was unconstitutional.

CPJ has recently expressed concern over the deterioration of press freedom in Zambia. In April, two cybersecurity laws giving the government broad surveillance powers were enacted amid concerns over Hichilema’s plans to amend the constitution ahead of next year’s elections.

Editor’s Note: Joan Chirwa, CPJ’s southern Africa researcher, is the founder of the Zambia Free Press Initiative, one of the organizations opposed to statutory media regulation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page and other social media platforms, was arrested on June 14 while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest against the actions of the Trump administration in an Atlanta, Georgia suburb. According to video footage of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement.

Guevara was transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody after the immigration authority issued a detainer against the journalist, who has authorization to work in the United States. At the time of the letter’s publication, Guevara was being held in the Folkston ICE Processing Center.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

During the June 16-20 mission, CPJ, Reporters Without Borders, and Free Press Unlimited took part in a series of high-level engagements, including meeting Justice Secretary Jesus Crispin Remulla and Jose Torres Jr., head of the Presidential Task Force on Media Security, as well as hosting discussions with local media, journalists, and their families.

CPJ, represented by Asia-Pacific Director Beh Lih Yi, and the groups raised several key cases at those meetings, including advocating for the release of journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio and for full justice to be served in the murders of broadcasters Gerry Ortega in 2011 and Percival Mabasa in 2022.

The three press freedom groups are members of the MFC’s consultative network, which advises the MFC on the coalition’s work and facilitates selection of cases that it believes require state intervention.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On June 16, Togo’s regulatory High Authority for Audiovisual and Communication (HAAC) suspended the two outlets, which are subsidiaries of the French government-owned France Médias Monde citing “repeated failures” in “impartiality, rigor and fact-checking.” It said the outlets had aired statements that were “inaccurate, biased, or even contrary to established facts, undermining the stability of republican institutions and the image of the country,” without providing further details.

“It is unfortunate that Togo is following a worrying trend across West Africa of censoring RFI and France 24 for their local reporting, depriving citizens of important sources of information,” said CPJ Francophone Africa Representative Moussa Ngom. “Togolese regulatory authorities must allow RFI and France 24 to resume broadcasting.”

In a statement, RFI and France 24 said they were “surprised” to learn of their suspension “without notice” and that their teams delivered “verified, impartial, and balanced information” in compliance with a licensing agreement between the HAAC and France Médias Monde, which is in charge of French international broadcasting.

In early June, protests erupted calling for President Faure Gnassingbé to resign, following the arrest of local musician Aamron, who had called for demonstrations. Gnassingbé has been in power since his father died in 2005 and could rule for life due to recent constitutional changes.

On June 6, Flore Monteau, a correspondent with the French public broadcaster TV5 Monde, was briefly detained and forced to delete videos of the protests.

Over the last three years, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have also suspended France 24 and RFI indefinitely.

CPJ’s calls and email to request comment from the HAAC went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

In its ruling, the court found the prosecution’s evidence “grossly insufficient” to establish any criminal liability. In 2024, the Philippine Court of Appeals had already overturned the Securities and Exchange Commission’s (SEC) order to revoke Rappler’s license, affirming that the media outlet did not violate the constitutional ban on foreign ownership.

“The Hold the Line Coalition welcomes this ruling, which, although long overdue, marks another victory for Rappler and for press freedom in the Philippines,” said the Hold The Line Coalition Steering Committee. We call on the Philippine justice system to overturn Maria Ressa’s conviction in the last case still pending against her, to put an end to the years-long campaign of legal harassment against her and her colleagues. This legal harassment began in 2018 – it’s time to end it,” the Hold the Line Coalition said

Hold The Line Coalition Steering Committee

Since 2018, Rappler, Ressa, and her colleagues have been subjected to a sustained campaign of legal persecution and online attacks. A total of 23 legal cases have been filed against them. Ressa and former Rappler researcher Reynaldo Santos still face up to six years and nine months in prison from a 2020 criminal cyber libel conviction, which remains under final appeal before the Philippine Supreme Court.

In a historic precedent, Rappler was officially issued a shutdown order in June 2022, reinforcing an earlier decision to revoke the outlet’s license to operate. The order was the first of its kind for the issuing agency and the Philippine media. The site had been able to continue operating due to the cumbersome nature of the appeal process.

Bringing together over 80 organisations worldwide, the Hold the Line Coalition urges states, international bodies, and civil society to defend press freedom in the Philippines and call on President Marcos to renew the country’s commitment to a free press.Contact #HTL Steering Committee Members for further details: Aleksandra Bielakowska (abielakowska@rsf.org); Julie Posetti (jposetti@icfj.org); and Gypsy Guillén Kaiser (gguillenkaiser@cpj.org).

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Tuan, who was arrested in 2020 and is serving an 11-year sentence for “conducting propaganda against the state” due to his journalism, has suffered from internal hemorrhoids and severe bleeding during bowel movements for the past three weeks, a family representative told CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisals.

Tuan told his family in a June 19 phone call that his condition had not improved despite receiving three antibiotic injections, the representative said. The journalist told his family that authorities had not responded to a prison nurse’s diagnosis that he was suffering from issues relating to his colon and rectum.   

“Vietnamese journalist Le Huu Minh Tuan has been experiencing serious health problems for several years now, with symptoms similar to colon cancer, according to his family,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Tuan’s pain and suffering during the last five years in prison is Vietnam’s shame and he should be freed now.”

Tuan, a member of the Independent Journalists Association of Vietnam (IJAVN), has suffered periodically since 2022 from bloody stools, abdominal pain and other gastrointestinal problems, according to his family.

In 2024, Tuan’s health declined with severe weight loss, indigestion, numbness in both calves, chest pain, breathing difficulties, and an inability to eat solid foods, among other ailments, the U.S. Congress Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission reported.

Vietnam was the world’s seventh worst jailer of journalists, with at least 16 behind bars, when CPJ conducted its latest annual prison census on December 1, 2024.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security, which oversees the country’s prison system, did not respond to CPJ’s emailed requests for comment. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Tuan, who was arrested in 2020 and is serving an 11-year sentence for “conducting propaganda against the state” due to his journalism, has suffered from internal hemorrhoids and severe bleeding during bowel movements for the past three weeks, a family representative told CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisals.

Tuan told his family in a June 19 phone call that his condition had not improved despite receiving three antibiotic injections, the representative said. The journalist told his family that authorities had not responded to a prison nurse’s diagnosis that he was suffering from issues relating to his colon and rectum.   

“Vietnamese journalist Le Huu Minh Tuan has been experiencing serious health problems for several years now, with symptoms similar to colon cancer, according to his family,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Tuan’s pain and suffering during the last five years in prison is Vietnam’s shame and he should be freed now.”

Tuan, a member of the Independent Journalists Association of Vietnam (IJAVN), has suffered periodically since 2022 from bloody stools, abdominal pain and other gastrointestinal problems, according to his family.

In 2024, Tuan’s health declined with severe weight loss, indigestion, numbness in both calves, chest pain, breathing difficulties, and an inability to eat solid foods, among other ailments, the U.S. Congress Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission reported.

Vietnam was the world’s seventh worst jailer of journalists, with at least 16 behind bars, when CPJ conducted its latest annual prison census on December 1, 2024.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security, which oversees the country’s prison system, did not respond to CPJ’s emailed requests for comment. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The statement warned that independent media in Georgia may only have months left before they are forced to close as outlets now require government approval for foreign grants, broadcasters face arbitrary fines, and journalists can be jailed for up to five years for violating the “foreign agent” law.

The group also called for the immediate release of prominent media manager Mzia Amaghlobeli, who has been in pre-trial detention since January and faces up to seven years in prison on charges widely perceived as retaliatory.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The Salvadoran Journalists Association (APES) has raised concerns of alleged watchlists and threats of arrest targeting journalists and human rights defenders.

The document calls on the Salvadoran government to “guarantee the physical integrity and freedom of all journalists and immediately cease any form of persecution, surveillance, or intimidation.”

Read the full statement in English, Spanish, and Portuguese.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In a letter sent to Paramount Global chair Shari Redstone, CPJ emphasized that the lawsuit lacks merit and that CBS journalists acted lawfully and ethically. CPJ warned that the settlement could set a harmful precedent, signaling that political figures can pressure news organizations into altering or censoring editorial decisions, and threatening freedom of the press in the U.S. and around the world.

Read the letter here:

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On May 20, the European Union committed to reviewing the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which sets out the EU’s legal and institutional framework for political dialogue and economic cooperation with Israel. Kallas is expected to present the review to EU member states at the next meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council on June 23.

CPJ’s letter calls for the EU to take “decisive action” by preparing “an immediate proposal for the full suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement” in light of the “overwhelming” evidence of abuse against the press and crimes against international law.

The full letter can be found here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

CPJ wrote a letter to DeKalb County Chief Executive Officer Lorraine Cochran-Johnson requesting that charges against Guevara be dropped and has not immediately received a reply from the office.

“We are deeply concerned by the ongoing detention of Spanish-language journalist Mario Guevara by authorities in DeKalb County, Georgia. He must be released immediately and the charges against him dropped,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Guevara was doing his job and reporting the news at the time of his arrest. It is alarming that the charges he is now facing could be a pretext to begin deportation proceedings against him.” 

Guevara, an Emmy-winning reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page, and other social media platforms was livestreaming the protest in the Embry Hills neighborhood northwest of Atlanta when he was detained by police. At the time of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement, according to video footage of his arrest.

Originally from El Salvador, Guevara has work authorization in the United States and has been in the process of obtaining a green card through his son, who is a U.S. citizen. 

Guevara was charged with improperly entering a roadway; obstruction of law enforcement officers; and unlawful assembly, according to reports. During a court appearance yesterday, a judge granted Guevara bond. However, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issued a “detainer” against the journalist, which often precedes the deportation process, his lawyer, Giovanni Díaz, told reporters. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Two Iranian journalists, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation, said they were issued warnings hours after Israel’s first strike on Iran on Friday.

“We were summoned to an emergency meeting by the founder and director of our newspaper,” a journalist at a private Tehran-based newspaper told CPJ. “We were told that any personal commentary or reporting on our social media accounts would result in immediate dismissal.”

On Tuesday, the journalist told CPJ that she was leaving Tehran following U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to vacate the capital, but would continue to work, although her reports largely involved rewriting government statements. 

“We cannot report anything at all,” she told CPJ. “We are journalists who, in this situation, are unable to practice journalism.” 

An exiled freelance journalist who had been commenting on the war on social media told CPJ that they were threatened by an intelligence agent on Friday.

“My interrogator contacted me on WhatsApp and warned that if I report anything or give voice to the people, my family in Iran will be arrested,” said the journalist, who fled Iran three weeks ago after repeated arrests for their journalism. The journalist stopped posting under their real name on social media after this. 

Internet access restricted

All broadcasting in Iran is controlled by the state and many people use virtual private networks (VPNs) to access independent news via social media — although these are also being disrupted. 

It has become difficult for Iranians to access the internet since the communications ministry restricted access on Friday, citing “special conditions.” WhatsApp has also been blocked. 

“CPJ is deeply concerned by the ongoing intimidation of Iranian journalists, particularly during such a sensitive time,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “By targeting the press and restricting access to independent reporting, Iranian authorities are not only suppressing critical information at home but also isolating its citizens from the global flow of news. This reflects a longstanding pattern of media repression in the country.”

Iran was tied for seventh place as one of the world’s worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s most recent annual prison census, with 16 behind bars on December 1, 2024.

Since Iran’s 1979 revolution, which ousted the U.S.-backed Shah, the Islamic Republic has called for the destructionof Israel, which it calls the Zionist regime, and backed anti-Israeli militant groups across the region. Meanwhile, Western countries have sought to block Iran’s nuclear program.

Specialized prosecutions

Iran’s Attorney General’s Office said on Friday that people who “misuse cyberspace to undermine the psychological security of society … by publishing untrue content” would be dealt with “in accordance with the regulations.”

On Tuesday, the judiciary announced that a “special task force has been established within the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office to monitor cyberspace, social media users, official news agencies, and media outlets” to identify those who violated the attorney general’s order and refer them to “specialized prosecution branches.”

Local media reported multiple arrests for the crime of supporting Israel online. 

On Saturday, 16 people in the central city of Isfahan were arrested, privately owned Etemad newspaper reported. On Sunday, one person was arrested in the central city of Rafsanjan and had their phone confiscated, and social media accounts and communication apps suspended, according to the privately owned Shargh Daily newspaper.

Iranians have previously been executed on charges of spying for Israel.

In May, six media directors and founders were convicted on charges that included publishing falsehoods. In June, Britain’s BBC said that its Iranian journalists’ families had been harassed in the Islamic Republic because of their news reports.  

CPJ’s email to Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York to request comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Asal Abasian.

Two Iranian journalists, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation, said they were issued warnings hours after Israel’s first strike on Iran on Friday.

“We were summoned to an emergency meeting by the founder and director of our newspaper,” a journalist at a private Tehran-based newspaper told CPJ. “We were told that any personal commentary or reporting on our social media accounts would result in immediate dismissal.”

On Tuesday, the journalist told CPJ that she was leaving Tehran following U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to vacate the capital, but would continue to work, although her reports largely involved rewriting government statements. 

“We cannot report anything at all,” she told CPJ. “We are journalists who, in this situation, are unable to practice journalism.” 

An exiled freelance journalist who had been commenting on the war on social media told CPJ that they were threatened by an intelligence agent on Friday.

“My interrogator contacted me on WhatsApp and warned that if I report anything or give voice to the people, my family in Iran will be arrested,” said the journalist, who fled Iran three weeks ago after repeated arrests for their journalism. The journalist stopped posting under their real name on social media after this. 

Internet access restricted

All broadcasting in Iran is controlled by the state and many people use virtual private networks (VPNs) to access independent news via social media — although these are also being disrupted. 

It has become difficult for Iranians to access the internet since the communications ministry restricted access on Friday, citing “special conditions.” WhatsApp has also been blocked. 

“CPJ is deeply concerned by the ongoing intimidation of Iranian journalists, particularly during such a sensitive time,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “By targeting the press and restricting access to independent reporting, Iranian authorities are not only suppressing critical information at home but also isolating its citizens from the global flow of news. This reflects a longstanding pattern of media repression in the country.”

Iran was tied for seventh place as one of the world’s worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s most recent annual prison census, with 16 behind bars on December 1, 2024.

Since Iran’s 1979 revolution, which ousted the U.S.-backed Shah, the Islamic Republic has called for the destructionof Israel, which it calls the Zionist regime, and backed anti-Israeli militant groups across the region. Meanwhile, Western countries have sought to block Iran’s nuclear program.

Specialized prosecutions

Iran’s Attorney General’s Office said on Friday that people who “misuse cyberspace to undermine the psychological security of society … by publishing untrue content” would be dealt with “in accordance with the regulations.”

On Tuesday, the judiciary announced that a “special task force has been established within the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office to monitor cyberspace, social media users, official news agencies, and media outlets” to identify those who violated the attorney general’s order and refer them to “specialized prosecution branches.”

Local media reported multiple arrests for the crime of supporting Israel online. 

On Saturday, 16 people in the central city of Isfahan were arrested, privately owned Etemad newspaper reported. On Sunday, one person was arrested in the central city of Rafsanjan and had their phone confiscated, and social media accounts and communication apps suspended, according to the privately owned Shargh Daily newspaper.

Iranians have previously been executed on charges of spying for Israel.

In May, six media directors and founders were convicted on charges that included publishing falsehoods. In June, Britain’s BBC said that its Iranian journalists’ families had been harassed in the Islamic Republic because of their news reports.  

CPJ’s email to Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York to request comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Asal Abasian.

The attacks and restrictions against the Palestinian journalists are part of a broader pattern of obstruction and hostility toward the press in Israel. For more than 20 months, Israeli authorities have barred foreign journalists from entering the Gaza Strip and, as of June 17, have killed 185 Palestinian journalists in Gaza, including at least 17 who were targeted for their work.

CPJ has documented at least eight separate incidents on June 14 and 15 involving the harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, and, in some cases, forced removal by Israeli police, of at least 14 journalists. Most of the journalists work for Arabic-language outlets and were reporting from sites impacted by Iranian or Israeli strikes. Despite their press credentials and lawful access, journalists were repeatedly blocked from entering sites, assaulted by civilians, and in several cases expelled from reporting sites by police or border guard forces.

“We are deeply concerned by the troubling pattern of targeting Palestinian journalists working inside Israel. On June 14 and June 15, at least 14 journalists were obstructed, incited against, or physically assaulted for simply doing their jobs,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israeli authorities must immediately investigate these violations, hold perpetrators accountable, and stop treating Palestinian journalists covering the war as threats.”

Physical attacks:

On June 14, police in Rishon LeZion prevented Sameer Abdel Hadi, a correspondent for Turkish news agency Anadolu, and Arej Hakroush, a correspondent for privately owned, London-based online news channel Al-Ghad TV, from returning to reporting sites they had legally entered and confiscated their equipment. Before police forcibly expelled them from the street where they were broadcasting, unidentified individuals called Hakroush and her camera operator, Alaa Al-Heeh, racial slurs and physically attacked them while police refused to intervene, according to Abdel Hadi and Hakroush, who spoke with CPJ. The individuals beat the journalists with their equipment and pulled Hakroush by the hair.

On June 15, in Bat Yam, Al-Ghad TV correspondent Razi Tattour and camera operator Eyad Abu Shalbak were pushed and harassed by border police officers after speaking Arabic at the site of a rocket strike. The officers forcibly cut their live transmission, confiscated their camera, and accused them of being “terrorists,” Tattour told CPJ. The camera was later returned, and Tattour filed a police complaint.

Separately that day in Bat Yam, journalists Marwan Othmanah and Mohamed Al-Sharif of Saudi broadcaster Al-Arabiya were targeted by a group of unidentified individuals, who shouted, “Get out Arabs!” and threw objects at them, injuring Othmanah in the thigh. Police did not make any arrests or protect the journalists, Othmanah told CPJ.

Incitement and threats on social media:

On June 15, in Haifa, several journalists — including Abdel Hadi of Turkish-based Anadolu; freelancers Ward Qarara and Kareen Al-Bash; reporters Saeed Khair El-Din, Israa Al-Zeer, and Abd Khader of Al-Arabiya; and Ahmed Jaradat, a reporter for independent regional broadcaster Al-Araby TV — were filming a segment on the aftermath of rocket strikes when unidentified individuals began filming them and circulating their images in posts in Israeli social media groups, accusing all them of working for “the enemy,” according to Qarara and CPJ’s review of those posts. Police were present at the scene but did not intervene or offer protection to the journalists, he told CPJ.

Censorship:

On June 14, the Israeli military censor instructed local and international media not to publish details about rocket strikes or internal security. A Fox News reporter, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal, said they were banned from entering a reporting site after they were accused of violating the instructions.

Additionally, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir announced that he had asked Israel’s General Security Services, also known as Shin Bet, to investigate foreign media broadcasters over claims they were “giving information to the enemy.”

CPJ emailed the Israeli Defense Forces’ North America Media Deskto ask about these actions against journalists but did not immediately receive a response.

Editor’s note: The fifth paragraph was updated to include the equipment confiscation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program.

The attacks and restrictions against the Palestinian journalists are part of a broader pattern of obstruction and hostility toward the press in Israel. For more than 20 months, Israeli authorities have barred foreign journalists from entering the Gaza Strip and, as of June 17, have killed 185 Palestinian journalists in Gaza, including at least 17 who were targeted for their work.

CPJ has documented at least eight separate incidents on June 14 and 15 involving the harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, and, in some cases, forced removal by Israeli police, of at least 14 journalists. Most of the journalists work for Arabic-language outlets and were reporting from sites impacted by Iranian or Israeli strikes. Despite their press credentials and lawful access, journalists were repeatedly blocked from entering sites, assaulted by civilians, and in several cases expelled from reporting sites by police or border guard forces.

“We are deeply concerned by the troubling pattern of targeting Palestinian journalists working inside Israel. On June 14 and June 15, at least 14 journalists were obstructed, incited against, or physically assaulted for simply doing their jobs,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israeli authorities must immediately investigate these violations, hold perpetrators accountable, and stop treating Palestinian journalists covering the war as threats.”

Physical attacks:

On June 14, police in Rishon LeZion prevented Sameer Abdel Hadi, a correspondent for Turkish news agency Anadolu, and Arej Hakroush, a correspondent for privately owned, London-based online news channel Al-Ghad TV, from returning to reporting sites they had legally entered and confiscated their equipment. Before police forcibly expelled them from the street where they were broadcasting, unidentified individuals called Hakroush and her camera operator, Alaa Al-Heeh, racial slurs and physically attacked them while police refused to intervene, according to Abdel Hadi and Hakroush, who spoke with CPJ. The individuals beat the journalists with their equipment and pulled Hakroush by the hair.

On June 15, in Bat Yam, Al-Ghad TV correspondent Razi Tattour and camera operator Eyad Abu Shalbak were pushed and harassed by border police officers after speaking Arabic at the site of a rocket strike. The officers forcibly cut their live transmission, confiscated their camera, and accused them of being “terrorists,” Tattour told CPJ. The camera was later returned, and Tattour filed a police complaint.

Separately that day in Bat Yam, journalists Marwan Othmanah and Mohamed Al-Sharif of Saudi broadcaster Al-Arabiya were targeted by a group of unidentified individuals, who shouted, “Get out Arabs!” and threw objects at them, injuring Othmanah in the thigh. Police did not make any arrests or protect the journalists, Othmanah told CPJ.

Incitement and threats on social media:

On June 15, in Haifa, several journalists — including Abdel Hadi of Turkish-based Anadolu; freelancers Ward Qarara and Kareen Al-Bash; reporters Saeed Khair El-Din, Israa Al-Zeer, and Abd Khader of Al-Arabiya; and Ahmed Jaradat, a reporter for independent regional broadcaster Al-Araby TV — were filming a segment on the aftermath of rocket strikes when unidentified individuals began filming them and circulating their images in posts in Israeli social media groups, accusing all them of working for “the enemy,” according to Qarara and CPJ’s review of those posts. Police were present at the scene but did not intervene or offer protection to the journalists, he told CPJ.

Censorship:

On June 14, the Israeli military censor instructed local and international media not to publish details about rocket strikes or internal security. A Fox News reporter, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal, said they were banned from entering a reporting site after they were accused of violating the instructions.

Additionally, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir announced that he had asked Israel’s General Security Services, also known as Shin Bet, to investigate foreign media broadcasters over claims they were “giving information to the enemy.”

CPJ emailed the Israeli Defense Forces’ North America Media Deskto ask about these actions against journalists but did not immediately receive a response.

Editor’s note: The fifth paragraph was updated to include the equipment confiscation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program.

CPJ and the groups had submitted a formal request May 5 to visit Cumpio, a 26-year-old who has been held in the Tacloban City jail since she was arrested and charged in 2020 with possessing illegal firearms and financing terrorism. Her case continues in court.

The delegation was backed by the Media Freedom Coalition, a group of more than 50 countries pledged to support press freedom at home and abroad. It released a joint press statement on Monday.

“It is indefensible and inhumane to hold journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio any longer,” said CPJ’s Asia-Pacific Director Beh Lih Yi, from Tacloban City. “She has languished behind bars for more than five years even though she has not been convicted of any crime. The Philippines must live up to its reputation as a democracy and stop silencing critical reporting.”

After lengthy discussions with prison authorities, the coalition was able briefly to see Cumpio only from a distance, separated by three layers of prison bars. Through guards, Cumpio passed a letter addressed to Irene Khan, the United Nations’ special rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, while the delegation handed over some essential items that included medication and handwritten notes.

Prison officials at the Tacloban City jail told CPJ and the international delegation that they needed to obtain approvals from the presidential office and the court before they are granted a visit. Since 2023, CPJ has made repeated attempts to visit Cumpio, all unsuccessful.

The delegation — which includes Reporters Without Borders, Free Press Unlimited, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, and the Altermidya network of independent media groups — had previously raised serious concerns over Cumpio’s pretrial detention and allegations  that authorities had planted the weapons that led to her arrest in February 2020. 

If convicted, Cumpio faces up to 40 years in prison.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Alistair Kitchen’s deportation is a clear case of retaliation in connection with his reporting, and such action sends a chilling message to journalists that they must support the administration’s narratives or face forms of retribution,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Foreign media operating on U.S. soil are covered by First Amendment protections, and it is incumbent upon U.S. officials—from Customs and Border Patrol to the White House—to allow journalists to do their jobs and travel freely without fear of reprisal.”

Kitchen said he left Melbourne for New York on June 12 and was detained for 12 hours by US Customs and Border Protection officials during a layover in Los Angeles after being pulled aside for secondary screening. Kitchen told The Guardian that he was questioned in connection with his reporting on the pro-Palestinian Columbia student protests, which he published on his personal blog, Kitchen Counter.

Kitchen, who moved back to Australia from New York in 2024, said that interrogators asked him about his views on a one-state, versus two-state solution in relation to Israel and Palestine.

Earlier this year, CPJ issued its first-ever travel advisory for journalists entering the United States, which includes warnings about searches of electronic devices.

During the first Trump administration, CPJ published a report on the press freedom challenges posed by the U.S. border agency’s stop-and-search powers at the border.  

CPJ emailed the Customs and Border Patrol office in southern California but did not immediately receive a reply. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Footage showed an explosion in the studio and Sahar Emami, a presenter for the outlet, ducking for cover as debris and smoke filled the frame. CPJ was unable to immediately verify reports of journalists killed and injured at the scene.

“CPJ is appalled by Israel’s bombing of Iran’s state television channel while reporters were live on air,” said CPJ Middle East and North Africa Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israel’s killing, with impunity, of at least 185 journalists in Gaza has emboldened it to target media elsewhere in the region. This bloodshed must end now.”