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“The unwarranted seizure of Batumelebi and Netgazeti’s bank accounts confirms what has been clear from the start of Mzia Amaglobeli’s trumped-up trial – that authorities’ goal is to silence two of Georgia’s most respected news outlets and the courageous woman who runs them,” said CPJ Chief Global Affairs Officer Gypsy Guillén Kaiser. “Georgian authorities should lift all undue restrictions on media outlets’ accounts, release Amaglobeli, and end their campaign against the independent press.”

Batumelebi reported that Georgia’s Revenue Service seized the accounts of the outlets’ legal entity, Gazeti Batumelebi, on July 17, after previously giving it just five days to pay accumulated tax debts, interest, and penalties totaling around US$100,000.

CPJ and international partners monitored the July 14 trial of Amaglobeli, who was jailed over an altercation with a local police chief, and denounced the charges against her as “disproportionate and politicized.” A verdict is expected on August 1, with the prominent media manager facing between four and seven years in prison and declining health.

The measures “appear aimed at breaking [Amaglobeli] personally and, ultimately, destroying the media organization she founded,” Batumelebi said in its statement.

The outlet, which is known for its coverage of human rights issues and scrutiny of authorities, said it had been paying off the debt and pointed to the much higher arrears of pro-government media as a “telling example” of “the selectivity of this pressure.”

The Revenue Service said in a July 22 Facebook post that the seizure of Gazeti Batumelebi’s accounts was carried out “automatically” and it was ready to lift the measure and allow the company to cover its debts “in the event of a tax agreement.” 

Batumelebi said the Revenue Service repeatedly declined its proposed payment plans both before and after the seizure.

In recent weeks, two independent broadcasters have reported similar account seizures over tax arrears, alleging political pressure. The moves come amid an unprecedented media crackdown and authoritarian turn by the ruling Georgian Dream party, with a series of repressive new laws on the press and extensive police violence against journalists. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On July 16, United Media Services (UMS), a company owned and closely linked to Egypt’s General Intelligence Service, terminated its contract with veteran journalist Lamis El Hadidy. Her ON TV talk show, Kelma Akheera (“Final Word”), had been off the air since early July. Independent Egyptian outlets El-Manassa and Saheeh Masr reported that the firing and cancellation were due to El Hadidy’s violation of editorial red lines by mentioning military companies and government responsibility for a road crash that killed 19 people, mostly teenage girls.

Separately, on July 6, journalist Khairy Ramadan’s show, Ma’a Khairy (“With Khairy”), on Al-Mehwar TV, which is part of a media coalition led by UMS, was abruptly cut off mid-episode, also because he reported on the road accident. The program featured truck drivers blaming poor road conditions for frequent accidents. Ramadan was ordered to cut to an unscheduled commercial break, and the show has not aired since. 

In another case of apparent retaliation, sources told London-based newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed that Cairo-based channel Al-Qahera Wal Nas — also part of the UMS coalition — recently decided to terminate TV host Ibrahim Eissa’s contract after he launched a YouTube channel featuring indirect criticism of the government. 

“These suspensions reveal the Egyptian government’s intolerance of journalism that crosses political red lines or questions state performance,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s Middle East and North Africa regional director. “Journalists must be able to hold officials accountable without fear of censorship or retaliation.”

Toronto-based exiled Egyptian journalist and media commentator Mostafa Al-A’sar told CPJ: “Egypt’s media is tightly controlled by the security apparatus. Journalists who stray from the official narrative face sanctions — even if they work for security-owned outlets.”

CPJ emailed UMS for comment but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

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The bill, which passed its second reading on July 17, 2025, is the “most serious step in censorship and the fight against dissent since 2022,” when lawmakers introduced penalties of up to 15 years in prison for disseminating “fake” news about the Russian army, according to the online independent news outlet The Bell. If lawmakers pass the bill and President Vladimir Putin signs it into law, it would take effect on September 1.

“Punishing people for seeking information online is a direct barrier to the free flow of information and an assault on access to independent news,” said CPJ Europe and Central Asia Senior Researcher Anna Brakha. “This vaguely worded, fast-tracked bill shows a clear disregard for open debate and create an even more repressive environment for the media and the public.” 

The bill provides for fines from 3,000 to 5,000 rubles (USD$38 to USD$64) for accessing or searching content that is either included in Russia’s federal list of extremist materials or that calls for or justifies extremist activities.

Russian authorities maintain a list of over 5,400 banned “extremist” materials, including books, religious texts, songs, and films. To date, while independent media have been widely branded as undesirable and foreign agents, none have been labeled as extremist.

“Nothing prevents the authorities from declaring media outlets ‘extremists’ — which will allow them to effectively ban reading such publications,” independent media outlet Meduza said, calling the bill a step toward the “criminalization of reading.” 

A representative from digital rights group Setevye Svobody, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal, told CPJ he expects “the most massive example of chilling effect in the history” of the Russian internet. 

Fines for reading online articles featuring so-called extremist content “will make tens of millions of users prefer to unsubscribe from the channels and stop visiting sites with information of any unofficial nature,” the representative said. 

CPJ emailed the State Duma’s press service but did not immediately receive a reply. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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“This incident once again underscores the serious lack of transparency and accountability in how the Indian government issues and enforces orders for the removal of social media content and the blocking of accounts,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India representative. “Any action affecting journalists or news organizations must be based on clear legal grounds, be subject to independent judicial oversight, and not infringe on press freedom. India still lacks a credible mechanism to review or challenge these opaque and arbitrary orders.”

On July 5, two of Reuters’ handles, @Reuters and @ReutersWorld, were blocked, with X saying the accounts were obstructed “due to legal demands.” Several reports also suggest that accounts of Turkish broadcaster TRT World and the Chinese state media outlet Global Times were censored. The accounts were restored the next day. A government official speaking on condition of anonymity told CPJ that the authorities had not issued any orders to block the accounts and that they were engaging with X to get them restored. 

However, in a July 8 post, X countered the Indian claim and said that on July 3, the Indian authorities had ordered the platform to block 2,355 accounts. X also expressed concerns about “ongoing press censorship in India due to these blocking orders.” X has already sued the Indian government over a new official portal that it says grants “countless” government officials expanded powers to issue takedown orders.

The Indian government denied issuing any recent blocking order against Reuters and others and said the accounts were unintentionally restricted due to a previously issued directive that was part of broader digital enforcement measuresimplemented in the wake of heightened national security concerns. 

Authorities said they’d asked X to restore access immediately and blamed a 21-hour delay on the platform for the continued impediment.

In May 2025, X expressed concern about the Indian government’s demand to block over 8,000 accounts, and asked for such executive orders to made public.

X and the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology did not reply to CPJ’s emails seeking comment. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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“Media freedom is often a casualty of war, and Israel’s recent war with Iran is no exception. We have seen Israeli authorities use security fears to increase censorship, while extremist right-wing politicians have demonized the media, legitimizing attacks on journalists,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Despite hopes that we will see a ceasefire in Gaza this week, Israel’s government appears relentless in its determination to silence those who report critically on its military actions.”

After Haaretz newspaper published an interview with Israeli soldiers who said they were ordered to shoot at unarmed Gazans waiting for food aid, a mayor in southern Israel threatened to shut shops selling the popular liberal paper. This follows the government’s decision last year to stop advertising with Haaretz, accusing it of “incitement.”

Authorities are also pushing ahead with a bill to dismantle the public broadcaster, Kan, and shutter its news division, the country’s third-largest news channel. Meanwhile, government support has seen the right-wing Channel 14 grow in popularity.

The hostile climate fueled by Israel’s right-wing government has emboldened settler violence against journalists. On July 5, two Deutsche Welle (DW) reporters wearing press vests were attacked by Israeli settlers in Sinjil, West Bank — an incident condemned by Germany’s ambassador and the German Journalists’ Association, which called it “unacceptable that radical settlers are hunting down media professionals with impunity.” Reporters from AFP, The New York Times, and The Washington Post were also present. Palestinian journalists had to flee.

“War is a dangerous time for civil rights – rights that Netanyahu’s government is actively undermining as it moves toward dismantling democracy,” Haaretz Editor-in-Chief Aluf Benn told CPJ.

‘Broadcasts that serve the enemy’

During the Israel-Iran war of June 13 to 24, anti-press government actions included:

• A June 18 military order requiring army approval before broadcasting the aftermath of Iranian attacks on Israeli military sites. Haaretz reported that this order was illegal as it was not made public in the official government gazette or authorized by a parliamentary committee.

• On June 19, security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Israelis who see people watching “Al Jazeera broadcasts or reporters” to report their sightings to authorities. Israel shut down the Qatari-based outlet in May 2024, and six of its journalists have been killed while reporting on Israel’s war in Gaza. Many Arabs in Israel still watch Al Jazeera broadcasts, and former Israeli officials have appeared on the network since the shutdown. 

“These are broadcasts that serve the enemy,” Ben-Gvir said. 

• On June 20, Ben-Gvir and communications minister Shlomo Karhi issued a directive that broadcasting from impact sites without written permission would be a criminal offense.

When Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara demanded that the ministers explain the legal basis for their announcement, the ministers said she was “trying to thwart” their efforts to ensure that foreign media “don’t help the enemy target us.”

• On June 23, Haaretz reported that the police’s legal adviser issued an order giving officers sweeping powers to censor journalists reporting from the impact sites.

“This directive, which primarily targets foreign media and joins a wave of police and ministerial efforts to obstruct news coverage, is unlawful and infringes on basic rights,” Tal Hassin, an attorney with Israel’s biggest human rights group, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), told CPJ.

ACRI petitioned the Attorney General, arguing that the police adviser did not have the legal authority to issue such an order. It has not received a response.

Journalists censored, detained, and abused

CPJ subsequently documented at least four incidents involving journalists who were abused and blocked from reporting.

• On June 20, police stopped a live broadcast from Tel Aviv by Turkish state-owned broadcaster TRT’s correspondent Mücahit Aydemir, although he told the officers he had the required permits, including authorization from the military censor. For several days afterwards, Aydemir received “unsettling phone calls” from unknown Hebrew-speakers, he told CPJ.

• On June 21, privately owned Channel 13’s journalist Ali Mughrabi and a camera operator, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisals, were expelled from a drone crash site in Beit She’an, northern Israel, despite showing their press accreditation. During a live broadcast, Deputy Mayor Oshrat Barel questioned their credentials, shoved the cameraperson, and ordered them to leave. She later apologized.

“What we’re experiencing isn’t just about the media — it’s about citizenship,” Mughrab, an Israeli citizen of Palestinian origin, told CPJ.

• On June 22, a civilian police volunteer squad, led by far-right activist and rapper Yoav Eliasi, known as “The Shadow,” detained three Jerusalem-based, Arab Israeli journalists and one international journalist, after separating them from their non-Arab colleagues outside a building in Tel Aviv that had been damaged by an Iranian strike.

Mustafa Kharouf and Amir Abed Rabbo from the Turkish state-owned Anadolu Agency, Ahmad Gharabli, with Agence France-Presse news agency, and another journalist who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisal, were held for three hours.  

Kharouf told CPJ, the unit asked them who was “Israeli” and allowed the non-Arab journalists to leave. 

“One officer accused us of working for Al Jazeera, even though we showed official press credentials,” said Kharouf.

“When I showed my ID, they told me I wasn’t allowed to film because I’m not Israeli – even though they treat us like Israelis when it comes to taxes,” Gharabli told CPJ.

Armed volunteer squads have rapidly grown from four before the October 2023 Hamas attack to around 900 new units, an expansion that “had negative effects on Arab-Jewish relations,” Dr. Ark Rudnitzky of Tel Aviv University told CPJ in an email. Squad members “tend to suspect an Arab solely because they are Arab,” he said.

“It was clear they targeted the journalists because they were Arab,” said Israeli journalist and witness Oren Ziv, who wrote about the incident.

The Central District Police told CPJ via email that the journalists were “evacuated from the building for security reasons related to their safety and were directed to alternative reporting locations.”

• On June 24,  Channel 13 correspondent Paz Robinson and a camera operator who declined to be named were reporting on a missile strike in southern Israel’s Be’er Sheva when a woman shouted that he was a “Nazi” and “Al Jazeera” and blocked him from filming, screaming, “You came to celebrate over dead bodies.”

“After I saw the woman wasn’t backing down, I decided to leave. I’m not here to fight with my own people. I’m not a politician. I came to cover events,” Robinson told CPJ.

Earlier in the war with Iran, CPJ documented eight incidents in which 14 journalists faced harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, or forced removal by the police.

The Israel Police Spokesperson’s Unit told CPJ via email that police “made significant efforts to facilitate safe, meaningful access for journalists” during the war with Iran.  “While isolated misunderstandings may occur…case was addressed promptly and professionally.”

CPJ’s emails to the Attorney General, Israel Defense Forces’ North America Media Desk, Ben-Gvir, and Shlomo requesting comment did not receive any replies. 

Kholod Massalha is a CPJ consultant on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and a researcher with years of experience in press freedom and freedom of expression issues.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Mohamed Mandour.

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Telemundo Atlanta reported on Monday morning that the activist group Indivisible had scheduled a protest for 6 p.m. that day at the jail.

“We are dismayed that immigration officials have decided to ignore a federal immigration court order last week granting bail to journalist Mario Guevara,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Guevara is currently the only jailed journalist in the United States who was arrested in relation to his work. Immigration authorities must respect the law and release him on bail instead of bouncing him from one jurisdiction to another.”

The journalist, who was initially arrested while covering a June 14 “No Kings” protest in the Atlanta metro area and charged with three misdemeanors, which local officials declined to prosecute due to insufficient evidence. A local judge ordered Guevara to be released on bond, but he remained in custody after ICE opened a detainer against him.

The Department of Homeland Security headquarters and the department’s Atlanta field office did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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“The shutdown of Iraq AlHadath without transparent justification represents a troubling move against press freedom in Iraq,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s regional director. “We urge Iraqi authorities to reconsider this action and reaffirm their commitment to a free and independent press, in which journalists can report without intimidation or interference.”

On July 1, a joint security team consisting of interior ministry, Iraqi national security service, and communications and media commission members raided the channel’s headquarters. They ordered staff to halt their broadcast and close the office, citing a court decision ordering the closure that was shown to the outlet’s management, according to two Iraq AlHadath employees and a reporter, all of whom requested anonymity, as well as multiple news reports.

“We expect to restart the broadcast next week,” one of the outlet’s staff members said.

Two officials from Iraq AlHadath told CPJ they believe the move was politically motivated, citing the channel’s coverage of several sensitive topics, including financial and administrative corruption.

Following the shutdown, Iraq AlHadath aired an on-screen message reading, “Broadcast has been temporarily suspended” alongside its slogan, “The Platform of Free Iraq.” The channel’s website and social media accounts also ceased publishing content under the order.

Iraq AlHadath was launched earlier this year. It is owned by Sheikh Bilal Al-Maliki — a young Iraqi businessman, political activist, and tribal leader of the Bani Malik tribe. 

CPJ reached out to Haider Nadhem, spokesperson for Iraq’s communications and media commission, and Brig. Gen. Muqdad Miri, director of media and public relations at the interior ministry, but received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

The state news agency has announced a “season of traitor-killing,” with hundreds of people arrested and at least six executed since the war ended on June 25. Parliament approved a law on June 29 that mandates the death penalty for collaborating with Israel, the United States, or other “hostile” countries – a charge often used to describe media that report critically.

London-based Iran International TV spokesperson Adam Baillie said the new law would “widen the legal dragnet” against journalists and criminalizes contact with media outlets based abroad.

Journalists trying to report within Iran also face internet restrictions.

“We technically have internet, but access to the global web has been cut by half,” Hassan Abbasi, a journalist with Rokna news agency told CPJ from the capital Tehran on July 1, referring to reduced speeds and frequent disruptions.

Abbasi said internet access was selectively granted during the war. The communications ministry restricted access on June 13, the first day of the conflict, citing “special conditions.” Connectivity was largely restored after the ceasefire.

“Only large media outlets aligned with the government’s narrative were allowed to stay online,” Abbasi said. “Independent and local journalists like us couldn’t report – many agencies were effectively silenced, he said. “They wanted to cut off access to outside news and stop reports from inside.”

The June 29 law also banned the use or import of unauthorized internet communication tools like Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite internet service, punishable by up to two years in prison.

‘Journalists are not enemies of the state’

“The arrests, internet disruptions, and intimidation of journalists during and after the Iran-Israel war reflect a troubling continuation of Iran’s ongoing efforts to control the media,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “These acts of censorship undermine press freedom and create fear among those trying to report the truth. Journalists are not enemies of the state.”

Since the war began, CPJ has documented the following incidents:

• On June 15, journalist Saleh Bayrami was killed by an Israel airstrike on Tehran.

• On June 16, journalist Nima Rajabpour and media worker Masoumeh Azimi were hit by an Israeli airstrike on state-owned broadcaster IRIB’s headquarters and died the following day.

• On June 16, Shargh journalist Ali Pakzad was detained while covering airstrike damage in Tehran and released two days later.

• On June 17, freelance photojournalist Majid Saeedi was arrested in Tehran while photographing the aftermath of an Israeli airstrike on IRIB’s headquarters. He told CPJ he climbed to a high point to capture images of smoke when police detained him and later transferred him to Evin prison.

“The next day, a judge reviewed my case in the prison courtyard, where officials brought over a chair for him to sit on,” Saeedi added. “He said that because I had a valid press ID and authorization, there was no issue, and he ordered my release.”

• On June 21, Iran International TV reported that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had detained the mother, father, and younger brother of one of its presenters to pressure her into resigning.

In a June 27 email to CPJ, spokesperson Baillie confirmed that the family members had been released but described the incident as “a profoundly worrying turning point in the type of action taken by the IRGC and security forces against the families of Iranian journalists abroad.”

• On June 21, photographer and designer Reza Daryakenari was arrested in a Tehran café. His Instagram account went offline after June 26. As of July 1, he remained in detention on unknown charges.

• On June 23, Israeli forces bombed Evin prison, which houses at least six journalists, including Iranian-American Reza Valizadeh. Authorities reported 71 deaths, including prisoners, but did not release names. One person with knowledge of Evin prison told CPJ that all the detained journalists were safe and had been transferred to other prisons.

• On June 24, the online outlet Entekhab News was blocked for “disruptive wartime reporting.” The judiciary said the outlet was undermining public security through its critical coverage. On June 30, it was unblocked.

CPJ’s emails requesting comment from Iran’s foreign affairs and information ministries did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Soran Rashid.

The Izzy awards are named after the famous and indeed infamous and intrepid muckraker I.F. ‘Izzy’ Stone…

So this week, we’re featuring remarks by presenters, journalists and media scholars as well as remarks by this year’s winners. Project Censored director and radio show host Mickey Huff was the host of the awards show. He is also the distinguished director of the Park Center for Independent Media. 

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The Izzy awards are named after the famous and indeed infamous and intrepid muckraker I.F. ‘Izzy’ Stone…

So this week, we’re featuring remarks by presenters, journalists and media scholars as well as remarks by this year’s winners. Project Censored director and radio show host Mickey Huff was the host of the awards show. He is also the distinguished director of the Park Center for Independent Media. 

The post The Right to Criticize: Honoring Independent Journalism at the Izzy Awards appeared first on Project Censored.

This content originally appeared on Project Censored and was authored by Kate Horgan.

Scale AI is credibly accused of cheating and exploiting human coders who hand-label billions of images and texts used for training generative AIs.

Scale AI is backed by massive military contractor Amazon and the ubiquitous military AI investor Peter Thiel.

Born in Los Alamos, New Mexico, Wang is a vocal AI war hawk who posits that China poses an existential threat to US dominance in artificial intelligence.

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Protesters took to the streets in most of Kenya’s 47 counties to mark the one-year anniversary of anti-tax demonstrations, in which at least 60 people were killed.

Several people were killed in Wednesday’s violence.

“Restricting protest coverage sends a clear message that President William Ruto’s government is not committed to democratic values or the constitutional freedoms he has vowed to protect,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “Authorities must investigate attacks on journalists, ensuring accountability, rescind the ban on live coverage, and desist from further censorship.”

In a directive, reviewed by CPJ, the Communications Authority of Kenya ordered “all television and radio stations to stop any live coverage of the demonstrations” or face unspecified “regulatory action.” The information technology regulator cited constitutional provisions that prevent freedom of expression involving “propaganda for war” and “incitement to violence.”

Police and Authority officials then switched off the broadcast signal of several privately owned media houses, including NTV, K24, and KTN, which continued to share content online and on social media.

Civil society organizations including the Kenya Editors’ Guild challenged the ban, citing a November High Court ruling that the Authority did not have the constitutional mandate to set or enforce media standards.

Late Wednesday, the Law Society of Kenya secured High Court orders, reviewed by CPJ, directing broadcast signals to be restored immediately.

NTV reporter Ruth Sarmwei was treated in hospital after being hit on the leg by an unknown projectile while interviewing protestors in the city of Nakuru, Joseph Openda, chairperson of the Nakuru Journalists Association, told CPJ. Standard Media Group said its photojournalist David Gichuru was “struck by a stone hurled by a protestor” in the capital Nairobi. 

CPJ’s requests for comment via email to the Communications Authority of Kenya and via messaging app to its director general David Mugonyi did not receive replies.

Police spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga declined to comment by phone. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi and Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir announced Friday that broadcasting from those locations without advance, written permission, would be a criminal offense, as Israel seeks to control reporting about its week-old conflict with Iran.

“We are deeply concerned by the Israeli authorities’ escalating efforts to suppress press freedom through censorship and intimidation,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Journalists must be allowed to report on the Iran-Israel conflict without obstruction or fear of retaliation. Silencing the press deprives the world of a clear, unfiltered view of the reality unfolding in the region.”

On Thursday, Israeli police said they stopped international media transmitting live broadcasts from missile landing sites, which revealed their exact locations, including “news agencies through which Al Jazeera was illegally broadcasting.” That same day, the Government Press Office banned live broadcasts from crash sites.

The Union of Journalists in Israel denounced the move and said there were no teams filming in Israel for Al Jazeera, which purchases live broadcasts from other international networks operating legally in Israel. Israel banned Al Jazeera’s operations in the country in May, citing security concerns.

On June 18, IDF military censors issued an order, which CPJ reviewed, requiring anyone seeking to broadcast, including via social media, the aftermath of Iranian rocket and drone attacks on Israel’s military sites to obtain prior approval from the army.

On June 16, Israeli police raided a hotel in the northern port city of Haifa where Palestinian journalists were covering the attacks, confiscated their equipment, and launched an investigation.

CPJ emailed the police, the IDF’s North America Media Desk, and the government spokesperson requesting comment but did not immediately receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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Two Iranian journalists, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation, said they were issued warnings hours after Israel’s first strike on Iran on Friday.

“We were summoned to an emergency meeting by the founder and director of our newspaper,” a journalist at a private Tehran-based newspaper told CPJ. “We were told that any personal commentary or reporting on our social media accounts would result in immediate dismissal.”

On Tuesday, the journalist told CPJ that she was leaving Tehran following U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to vacate the capital, but would continue to work, although her reports largely involved rewriting government statements. 

“We cannot report anything at all,” she told CPJ. “We are journalists who, in this situation, are unable to practice journalism.” 

An exiled freelance journalist who had been commenting on the war on social media told CPJ that they were threatened by an intelligence agent on Friday.

“My interrogator contacted me on WhatsApp and warned that if I report anything or give voice to the people, my family in Iran will be arrested,” said the journalist, who fled Iran three weeks ago after repeated arrests for their journalism. The journalist stopped posting under their real name on social media after this. 

Internet access restricted

All broadcasting in Iran is controlled by the state and many people use virtual private networks (VPNs) to access independent news via social media — although these are also being disrupted. 

It has become difficult for Iranians to access the internet since the communications ministry restricted access on Friday, citing “special conditions.” WhatsApp has also been blocked. 

“CPJ is deeply concerned by the ongoing intimidation of Iranian journalists, particularly during such a sensitive time,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “By targeting the press and restricting access to independent reporting, Iranian authorities are not only suppressing critical information at home but also isolating its citizens from the global flow of news. This reflects a longstanding pattern of media repression in the country.”

Iran was tied for seventh place as one of the world’s worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s most recent annual prison census, with 16 behind bars on December 1, 2024.

Since Iran’s 1979 revolution, which ousted the U.S.-backed Shah, the Islamic Republic has called for the destructionof Israel, which it calls the Zionist regime, and backed anti-Israeli militant groups across the region. Meanwhile, Western countries have sought to block Iran’s nuclear program.

Specialized prosecutions

Iran’s Attorney General’s Office said on Friday that people who “misuse cyberspace to undermine the psychological security of society … by publishing untrue content” would be dealt with “in accordance with the regulations.”

On Tuesday, the judiciary announced that a “special task force has been established within the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office to monitor cyberspace, social media users, official news agencies, and media outlets” to identify those who violated the attorney general’s order and refer them to “specialized prosecution branches.”

Local media reported multiple arrests for the crime of supporting Israel online. 

On Saturday, 16 people in the central city of Isfahan were arrested, privately owned Etemad newspaper reported. On Sunday, one person was arrested in the central city of Rafsanjan and had their phone confiscated, and social media accounts and communication apps suspended, according to the privately owned Shargh Daily newspaper.

Iranians have previously been executed on charges of spying for Israel.

In May, six media directors and founders were convicted on charges that included publishing falsehoods. In June, Britain’s BBC said that its Iranian journalists’ families had been harassed in the Islamic Republic because of their news reports.  

CPJ’s email to Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York to request comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Asal Abasian.

Two Iranian journalists, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation, said they were issued warnings hours after Israel’s first strike on Iran on Friday.

“We were summoned to an emergency meeting by the founder and director of our newspaper,” a journalist at a private Tehran-based newspaper told CPJ. “We were told that any personal commentary or reporting on our social media accounts would result in immediate dismissal.”

On Tuesday, the journalist told CPJ that she was leaving Tehran following U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to vacate the capital, but would continue to work, although her reports largely involved rewriting government statements. 

“We cannot report anything at all,” she told CPJ. “We are journalists who, in this situation, are unable to practice journalism.” 

An exiled freelance journalist who had been commenting on the war on social media told CPJ that they were threatened by an intelligence agent on Friday.

“My interrogator contacted me on WhatsApp and warned that if I report anything or give voice to the people, my family in Iran will be arrested,” said the journalist, who fled Iran three weeks ago after repeated arrests for their journalism. The journalist stopped posting under their real name on social media after this. 

Internet access restricted

All broadcasting in Iran is controlled by the state and many people use virtual private networks (VPNs) to access independent news via social media — although these are also being disrupted. 

It has become difficult for Iranians to access the internet since the communications ministry restricted access on Friday, citing “special conditions.” WhatsApp has also been blocked. 

“CPJ is deeply concerned by the ongoing intimidation of Iranian journalists, particularly during such a sensitive time,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “By targeting the press and restricting access to independent reporting, Iranian authorities are not only suppressing critical information at home but also isolating its citizens from the global flow of news. This reflects a longstanding pattern of media repression in the country.”

Iran was tied for seventh place as one of the world’s worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s most recent annual prison census, with 16 behind bars on December 1, 2024.

Since Iran’s 1979 revolution, which ousted the U.S.-backed Shah, the Islamic Republic has called for the destructionof Israel, which it calls the Zionist regime, and backed anti-Israeli militant groups across the region. Meanwhile, Western countries have sought to block Iran’s nuclear program.

Specialized prosecutions

Iran’s Attorney General’s Office said on Friday that people who “misuse cyberspace to undermine the psychological security of society … by publishing untrue content” would be dealt with “in accordance with the regulations.”

On Tuesday, the judiciary announced that a “special task force has been established within the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office to monitor cyberspace, social media users, official news agencies, and media outlets” to identify those who violated the attorney general’s order and refer them to “specialized prosecution branches.”

Local media reported multiple arrests for the crime of supporting Israel online. 

On Saturday, 16 people in the central city of Isfahan were arrested, privately owned Etemad newspaper reported. On Sunday, one person was arrested in the central city of Rafsanjan and had their phone confiscated, and social media accounts and communication apps suspended, according to the privately owned Shargh Daily newspaper.

Iranians have previously been executed on charges of spying for Israel.

In May, six media directors and founders were convicted on charges that included publishing falsehoods. In June, Britain’s BBC said that its Iranian journalists’ families had been harassed in the Islamic Republic because of their news reports.  

CPJ’s email to Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York to request comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Asal Abasian.

The attacks and restrictions against the Palestinian journalists are part of a broader pattern of obstruction and hostility toward the press in Israel. For more than 20 months, Israeli authorities have barred foreign journalists from entering the Gaza Strip and, as of June 17, have killed 185 Palestinian journalists in Gaza, including at least 17 who were targeted for their work.

CPJ has documented at least eight separate incidents on June 14 and 15 involving the harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, and, in some cases, forced removal by Israeli police, of at least 14 journalists. Most of the journalists work for Arabic-language outlets and were reporting from sites impacted by Iranian or Israeli strikes. Despite their press credentials and lawful access, journalists were repeatedly blocked from entering sites, assaulted by civilians, and in several cases expelled from reporting sites by police or border guard forces.

“We are deeply concerned by the troubling pattern of targeting Palestinian journalists working inside Israel. On June 14 and June 15, at least 14 journalists were obstructed, incited against, or physically assaulted for simply doing their jobs,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israeli authorities must immediately investigate these violations, hold perpetrators accountable, and stop treating Palestinian journalists covering the war as threats.”

Physical attacks:

On June 14, police in Rishon LeZion prevented Sameer Abdel Hadi, a correspondent for Turkish news agency Anadolu, and Arej Hakroush, a correspondent for privately owned, London-based online news channel Al-Ghad TV, from returning to reporting sites they had legally entered and confiscated their equipment. Before police forcibly expelled them from the street where they were broadcasting, unidentified individuals called Hakroush and her camera operator, Alaa Al-Heeh, racial slurs and physically attacked them while police refused to intervene, according to Abdel Hadi and Hakroush, who spoke with CPJ. The individuals beat the journalists with their equipment and pulled Hakroush by the hair.

On June 15, in Bat Yam, Al-Ghad TV correspondent Razi Tattour and camera operator Eyad Abu Shalbak were pushed and harassed by border police officers after speaking Arabic at the site of a rocket strike. The officers forcibly cut their live transmission, confiscated their camera, and accused them of being “terrorists,” Tattour told CPJ. The camera was later returned, and Tattour filed a police complaint.

Separately that day in Bat Yam, journalists Marwan Othmanah and Mohamed Al-Sharif of Saudi broadcaster Al-Arabiya were targeted by a group of unidentified individuals, who shouted, “Get out Arabs!” and threw objects at them, injuring Othmanah in the thigh. Police did not make any arrests or protect the journalists, Othmanah told CPJ.

Incitement and threats on social media:

On June 15, in Haifa, several journalists — including Abdel Hadi of Turkish-based Anadolu; freelancers Ward Qarara and Kareen Al-Bash; reporters Saeed Khair El-Din, Israa Al-Zeer, and Abd Khader of Al-Arabiya; and Ahmed Jaradat, a reporter for independent regional broadcaster Al-Araby TV — were filming a segment on the aftermath of rocket strikes when unidentified individuals began filming them and circulating their images in posts in Israeli social media groups, accusing all them of working for “the enemy,” according to Qarara and CPJ’s review of those posts. Police were present at the scene but did not intervene or offer protection to the journalists, he told CPJ.

Censorship:

On June 14, the Israeli military censor instructed local and international media not to publish details about rocket strikes or internal security. A Fox News reporter, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal, said they were banned from entering a reporting site after they were accused of violating the instructions.

Additionally, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir announced that he had asked Israel’s General Security Services, also known as Shin Bet, to investigate foreign media broadcasters over claims they were “giving information to the enemy.”

CPJ emailed the Israeli Defense Forces’ North America Media Deskto ask about these actions against journalists but did not immediately receive a response.

Editor’s note: The fifth paragraph was updated to include the equipment confiscation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program.

The attacks and restrictions against the Palestinian journalists are part of a broader pattern of obstruction and hostility toward the press in Israel. For more than 20 months, Israeli authorities have barred foreign journalists from entering the Gaza Strip and, as of June 17, have killed 185 Palestinian journalists in Gaza, including at least 17 who were targeted for their work.

CPJ has documented at least eight separate incidents on June 14 and 15 involving the harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, and, in some cases, forced removal by Israeli police, of at least 14 journalists. Most of the journalists work for Arabic-language outlets and were reporting from sites impacted by Iranian or Israeli strikes. Despite their press credentials and lawful access, journalists were repeatedly blocked from entering sites, assaulted by civilians, and in several cases expelled from reporting sites by police or border guard forces.

“We are deeply concerned by the troubling pattern of targeting Palestinian journalists working inside Israel. On June 14 and June 15, at least 14 journalists were obstructed, incited against, or physically assaulted for simply doing their jobs,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Israeli authorities must immediately investigate these violations, hold perpetrators accountable, and stop treating Palestinian journalists covering the war as threats.”

Physical attacks:

On June 14, police in Rishon LeZion prevented Sameer Abdel Hadi, a correspondent for Turkish news agency Anadolu, and Arej Hakroush, a correspondent for privately owned, London-based online news channel Al-Ghad TV, from returning to reporting sites they had legally entered and confiscated their equipment. Before police forcibly expelled them from the street where they were broadcasting, unidentified individuals called Hakroush and her camera operator, Alaa Al-Heeh, racial slurs and physically attacked them while police refused to intervene, according to Abdel Hadi and Hakroush, who spoke with CPJ. The individuals beat the journalists with their equipment and pulled Hakroush by the hair.

On June 15, in Bat Yam, Al-Ghad TV correspondent Razi Tattour and camera operator Eyad Abu Shalbak were pushed and harassed by border police officers after speaking Arabic at the site of a rocket strike. The officers forcibly cut their live transmission, confiscated their camera, and accused them of being “terrorists,” Tattour told CPJ. The camera was later returned, and Tattour filed a police complaint.

Separately that day in Bat Yam, journalists Marwan Othmanah and Mohamed Al-Sharif of Saudi broadcaster Al-Arabiya were targeted by a group of unidentified individuals, who shouted, “Get out Arabs!” and threw objects at them, injuring Othmanah in the thigh. Police did not make any arrests or protect the journalists, Othmanah told CPJ.

Incitement and threats on social media:

On June 15, in Haifa, several journalists — including Abdel Hadi of Turkish-based Anadolu; freelancers Ward Qarara and Kareen Al-Bash; reporters Saeed Khair El-Din, Israa Al-Zeer, and Abd Khader of Al-Arabiya; and Ahmed Jaradat, a reporter for independent regional broadcaster Al-Araby TV — were filming a segment on the aftermath of rocket strikes when unidentified individuals began filming them and circulating their images in posts in Israeli social media groups, accusing all them of working for “the enemy,” according to Qarara and CPJ’s review of those posts. Police were present at the scene but did not intervene or offer protection to the journalists, he told CPJ.

Censorship:

On June 14, the Israeli military censor instructed local and international media not to publish details about rocket strikes or internal security. A Fox News reporter, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal, said they were banned from entering a reporting site after they were accused of violating the instructions.

Additionally, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir announced that he had asked Israel’s General Security Services, also known as Shin Bet, to investigate foreign media broadcasters over claims they were “giving information to the enemy.”

CPJ emailed the Israeli Defense Forces’ North America Media Deskto ask about these actions against journalists but did not immediately receive a response.

Editor’s note: The fifth paragraph was updated to include the equipment confiscation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program.

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Friedman’s iconic Burning Flags travelling exhibition that launched in Barcelona in 2022 will be making its US debut at the Woody Guthrie Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma on September 18, 2025 through February 15, 2026.

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“The arrest of Flore Monteau continues a pattern of censorship through detention by Togolese law enforcement,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “Togolese authorities must put an end to such abuses and ensure safe reporting conditions for journalists during public events.” 

Monteau, a correspondent with the French public broadcaster TV5 Monde, told CPJ that gendarmes snatched her camera as she filmed their response to anti-government protests that had started the day before in Lomé, the Togolese capital. They then took her to a nearby gendarmerie station, where they deleted her footage and forced her to unlock her phone to check for images of the protest, she said.

After holding her for several hours, the gendarmes released Monteau without charge and returned her camera and phone.

The June 5-6 protests followed the arrest at the end of May of Togolese rapper Essowe Tchalla, who goes by the stage name Aamron. Tchalla had called for public demonstrations on the June 6 birthday of President Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé. Gnassingbé has ruled Togo since the death of his father, the previous president, in 2005.

In April, the police censored another journalist’s images in the same way. Officers in Lomé arrested Albert Agbeko, editor of the private online newspaper Togo Scoop, brought him to their office, and forced him to delete images from his phone taken during an operation to revise the country’s official list of people entitled to vote, according to Agbeko and news reports. Agbeko was also one of at least six journalists physically attacked in September 2024 as they covered an opposition party meeting.

CPJ emailed the Armed Forces Ministry for comment on the arrest and the forced deletion of images, but it has not yet received a response. CPJ’s calls to the Togolese police went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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“The authorities in the DRC should reverse the prohibition of coverage related to former President Joseph Kabila and his political party and cease threatening legal action for reporting on matters of public interest,” said Angela Quintal, CPJ’s Africa regional director. “Escalation of fighting in eastern DRC has brought heightened dangers for journalists, which the government should be seeking to mitigate, not enhance. The Congolese people need unfettered access to information, not censorship.”

On June 2, the Higher Council for Audiovisual and Communication (CSAC), the DRC’s media regulator, ordered the media to cease coverage on the party’s activities for 90 days. The order, which CPJ reviewed, also forbids communication channels from “offering space” to PPRD members or Kabila “under penalty of very heavy sanction in accordance with the law,” with the prosecutor general in charge of enforcement.

As justification, the order claimed that Kabila and the party financially and ideologically support the M23 and AFC rebel groups in the eastern part of the country. It follows other government efforts to curb the influence of Kabila and his party, including the suspension of its activities in April. On May 22, the DRC’s Senate lifted immunities that were previously granted to Kabila, who became a life-long senator when his presidency ended in 2019. The government has accused the former president of treason, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and participation in an insurrectionist movement for his alleged support of the M23 rebellion.

On May 23, Kabila broadcast a nationwide speech on his YouTube channel, which has since been taken down, in which he criticized current DRC President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi and proposed his own solutions for restoring peace in the east. Since late May, Kabila has been engaging in discussions with various actors in the eastern city of Goma, which is under M23 control.

CPJ’s calls and messages to Oscar Kabamba, a spokesperson for the CSAC, went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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On May 15, the Tamaulipas Electoral Institute (IETAM) ordered de Mauleón – one of Mexico’s most well-known investigative journalists – to take down his May 1 column, which mentioned corruption allegations against a relative of a candidate, Tania Contreras, in the northern state and to refrain from publishing articles linking her to criminal individuals or acts. The woman sued de Mauleón and his newspaper El Universal on May 15 for slander and political violence based on gender. De Mauleón was found guilty, but the dates of the verdict and his sentencing were not made public.

Such vexatious lawsuits are an increasingly popular tool for Mexican politicians to censor critical journalism, and CPJ has documented their use since 2016, when a court in Mexico City eliminated the maximum compensation plaintiffs could sue for in moral damages suits. Over the past five years, at least 158 journalists faced libel suits, according to the office in Mexico of Article 19, a London-based advocacy group and CPJ partner organization.

It’s a global trend. In Europe and the United States, Strategic Lawsuits against Public Participation, commonly known as SLAPPs, are widely used as retaliatory measures to intimidate journalists and suppress public interest reporting.

Political violence based on gender

The crime of political violence based on gender, introduced in 2020, was designed to protect female candidates in a country where gender violence is among the highest in the world, including against women running for or holding public office, numerous studies found.

Reporter Arturo Ángel Arrellano Camarillo of Al Calor Político news site has been found guilty of the same crime in the eastern state of Veracruz. In January of this year he was ordered to pay an unspecified fine and reparations to Mara Chama, a woman he named in a 2021 article about politicians’ relatives running for office, according to the court ruling, reviewed by CPJ.

Arellano’s name will also be added to a register of Persons Sanctioned for Political Violence against Women held by the National Electoral Institute, which organizes Mexico’s federal elections.

“The rulings against journalists Héctor de Mauleón and Arturo Arellano are clear examples of judicial harassment, with politicians abusing the law to silence critical reporting – an increasingly common phenomenon in Mexico,” said CPJ Mexico Representative Jan-Albert Hootsen. “We call on Mexican politicians to stop bringing meritless cases to court to prevent the publication of news that is in the public interest.”

In both cases, lower courts rejected the charges, but their rulings were overturned.

The charges against the two journalists appear to be baseless, as there was no evidence of political violence or of the journalists singling out the women because of their gender, human rights lawyer Jorge Ruiz del Ángel told CPJ. “There appears to be little merit in these cases”, he said. “In either one the damage the articles would have caused is not clear, nor the specific component of gender.”

At risk

De Mauleón did not withdraw the article, despite the risk of arrest. He told CPJ that retracting it would create a dangerous precedent of self-censorship for journalists in Mexico.

He is used to being harassed over his work. For the last decade, De Mauleón been threatened multiple times for his reporting on organized crime, extortion, drug trafficking, and corrupt networks involving politicians and celebrities.

But this case concerned him because the court order was handed to him at his Mexico City home.

“I was told that my personal information was given to the IETAM, which I believe places me at risk,” De Mauleón told CPJ.

Mexico is the deadliest country in the Americas for journalists, according to CPJ research. Since 2020, 40 journalists and media workers were killed in work-related, or possibly work-related incidents, according to CPJ research. Mexico ranked eighth on CPJ’s 2024 Global Impunity Index.

CPJ made several attempts to reach Tania Contreras via calls to her campaign’s office in Tamaulipas and to Mara Chama via the Teocelo municipal government in Veracruz for comment, but none of the calls were answered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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“Blocking journalist Ahmad Noorani’s YouTube channel and filing a criminal case against him is indicative of Pakistan’s relentless campaign against exiled journalists,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “It also appears that the journalist’s family is being targeted back home in Pakistan. The brutal intimidation of journalists and their families must stop, and the Pakistan government must allow the media to report freely.”

On May 12, YouTube told Noorani that it had blocked his channel, with 173,000 followers, in Pakistan based on a legal complaint from the government, according to the journalist and a copy of YouTube’s email, reviewed by CPJ.

On May 13, Pakistan’s National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency opened an investigation into Noorani, accusing him of running hate campaigns against the armed forces, under the controversial Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, for which he could face up to three years imprisonment.

The investigators cited two of Noorani’s posts on the social media platform X that criticized Pakistan’s army during last week’s conflict with India, according to a copy of the First Information Report (FIR), reviewed by CPJ.

On March 18, about two dozen individuals identifying themselves as police forcibly entered and searched Noorani’s family home in the capital Islamabad and took his two brothers to an undisclosed location for 30 days.

U.S.-based Noorani told CPJ that he believed his brothers’ forced disappearance was because of his March 17 investigative report, which said the military was misusing its influence over civilian institutions.

CPJ’s text message to information minister Attaullah Tarar requesting comment received no response.

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“CPJ urges Indian authorities to ensure that responses to national security concerns remain firmly grounded in democratic principles and constitutional protections for press freedom,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India Representative. “We call on the government to uphold transparency in content regulation, adhere to due process, and avoid using national security as a blanket justification to suppress independent journalism.”

On April 29, the Indian government ordered the blocking of the YouTube channel 4PM News Network, which has about 7.3 million subscribers, citing national security and public order. On May 1, 4PM Editor-in-Chief Sanjay Sharma filed a petition with the Supreme Court challenging the government’s order. The Supreme Court has asked the government to respond to Sharma’s petition.

Separately, on April 24, Rakesh Sharma, a senior journalist with the Dainik Jagran newspaper, was physically assaulted by supporters of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party while covering a protest in Kathua, Jammu and Kashmir, following the terrorist attack. Local police have filed a first information report (FIR), a document that opens an investigation, but there are no reports of arrests.

Meanwhile, police in Uttar Pradesh launched criminal investigations last week into political commentators and satirists Neha Singh Rathore and Madri Kakoti, who publishes under the name Dr. Medusa, for allegedly inciting unrest and threatening national unity through their online posts about the tourist attack, with potential prison sentences of three years to life if convicted.

In addition, Supreme Court lawyer Amita Sachdeva filed a complaint with the Cyber Crime South Division in New Delhi on April 29, accusing satirist Shamita Yadav, also known as “The Ranting Gola,” of anti-India propaganda after her video critiquing the government’s response to the attack was reposted by a Pakistani user.

On April 28, the Ministry of External Affairs sent a letter to Jackie Martin, the head of BBC India, expressing strong disapproval of the BBC’s use of the term “militant attack” to describe the event.

The Indian government has also blocked 16 Pakistani news, sports, and commentary YouTube channels following the attack, citing national security concerns.

These developments coincide with a Ministry of Information and Broadcasting advisory, reviewed by CPJ, that prohibits live coverage of anti-terrorist operations, citing security risks.

CPJ emailed India’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the police departments overseeing the investigations for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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A new series, Military AI Watch, reveals the dangers of developing artificial intelligence (AI) for military use. Investigative journalist Peter Byrne shows how Silicon Valley, corporate media, the Department of Defense, the banking industry, and scientific institutions all intersect in the effort to militarize AI. The public has been largely kept in the dark about these efforts, which present potentially disastrous consequences for the world, while promising a financial bonanza to wealthy investors.

Corporate media has pumped out rosy but false narratives about the potential of AI, while critical information about its military uses rarely reaches the public—until now. Byrne has spent the last two years conducting in-depth research for this series and is at work on a database of selected AI weapons companies and their investors. This collaboration between Project Censored and Peter Byrne sheds unsparing light on an issue that has profound public impact and has been under-reported for too long.

Silicon Valley’s Plan to Conquer the World With AI Weapons

The first article in the series, titled “One Ring to Rule Them All,” explores how Silicon Valley tech companies are partnering with the Department of Defense to develop AI weapons systems.

For the rest of the year, we’ll be publishing monthly installments in the series. Make sure to bookmark this page to read the rest!

For nearly fifty years, Project Censored has been at the forefront in the fight against censorship and the effort to promote news literacy. This collaboration with Peter Byrne continues our mission to expose stories that corporate media ignore. Your support makes original investigative series, like Military AI Watch, possible.

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CPJ condemns a Trump executive order issued Friday that resulted in more than 1,300 employees being put on leave at VOA alone, and contract terminations at Radio Free outlets that would effectively end operations, and access to independent news for millions of citizens around the world, creating, as RFA President and CEO Bay Fang put it, “a reward to dictators and despots.”

In reiterating its call for congressional leaders to restore support for the parent funder of these outlets, the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM), CPJ emphasized the dire consequences of Trump’s action for many journalists.

“This suffocation of independent media is already putting the lives of journalists – who have often withstood enormous challenges to bring news to millions living in censored countries – in grave danger,” said CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg. “It is really dystopian that the U.S. administration is now posing an existential threat to these historical organizations. We express our solidarity with the journalists put on administrative leave and urge congressional leaders to restore USAGM before irreparable harm is done.”

USAGM, an independent agency chartered by Congress, funds VOA, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Radio Free Asia. The networks reach an estimated 427 million people.

CPJ research shows that journalists for USAGM networks often put themselves at risk by reporting in highly censored countries and frequently face retribution for their reporting.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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“A Mississippi judge’s decision to compel The Clarksdale Press Register to remove an editorial raises serious concerns about a violation of the U.S. Constitution’s First Amendment,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean program coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “This case strikes at the very core of why local journalism is important—it keeps the public informed about what is happening in their community and holds government officials to account.”

Chancery Judge Crystal Wise Martin on Tuesday issued a temporary restraining order against the Clarksdale Press Register in connection with a February 8 editorial titled, “Secrecy and Deception Erode Public Trust,” which criticized the city for not sending the newspaper notice about a City Council meeting about proposed taxes on alcohol, marijuana, and tobacco.  

The Clarksdale Board of Mayor and Commissioners voted on February 13 to sue the newspaper for libel, alleging that the editorial “chilled and hindered” the group’s ability to lobby for its tax proposals. 

Wyatt Emmerich, the president of Emmerich Newspapers, which owns the Press Register, told The New York Times that he planned to challenge the judge’s order. 

The Chancery Court and Clarksdale’s Board of Mayor and Commissioners did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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The Ministry of Information and Culture issued a verbal directive to media executives in the capital Kabul on February 13, stating that organizations may only address political and economic issues through the group’s spokespersons, two local journalists told CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal.

“The Taliban must allow Afghan media to operate independently,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “This latest move to censor discussion, reporting, and debate of political and economic issues is yet another repressive measure that indicates the extreme measures the Taliban are taking to totally dismantle Afghanistan’s independent media.”

In September, the Taliban banned live political shows and ordered journalists to obtain their approval before broadcasting pre-recorded shows, featuring pre-approved topics and participants. Journalists wishing to interview an expert outside of the Taliban’s list of 68 approved speakers had to seek the information ministry’s permission.

CPJ’s text messages requesting comment from Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid did not receive a response.

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DRC ministers have accused journalists of supporting terrorism for reporting on rebel advances, suspended the Qatari-based Al Jazeera, withdrawn accreditation for the broadcaster’s reporters, and threatened to suspend other media outlets.

At the same time, journalists in Goma have told CPJ they are concerned for their safety; at least three reporters have received threatening messages. Rights groups have warned that civilians are at heightened risk of violence and called for their protection.

“The escalation of the long-running conflict in eastern DRC has worsened already harsh conditions for journalists trying to cover the conflict. All parties must prioritize the safety of journalists,” said Angela Quintal, head of CPJ’s Africa program. “Sadly, we are seeing death threats against journalists and Congolese authorities pursuing a strategy of censorship similar to that used by other governments to stifle public interest reporting of wars and security concerns.”

‘We will finish you’

Jonas Kasula, a reporter for the private online news site Labeur Info, and Jonathan Mupenda, a correspondent for the private channel Molière TV, told CPJ they had been living in fear since January 9, forced into hiding after they began receiving text messages threatening to kill them. The messages from unknown local numbers, reviewed by CPJ, warned the Goma-based journalists that they were under surveillance.

The messages specifically referenced their presence in Bweremana, a village about 40 kilometers (25 miles) west of Goma, where they had gone to cover the fighting. In early January, Kasula had published a report about the government-aligned Wazalendo militia’s resistance to advancing M23 and Rwandan forces. The M23 took control of Bweremana on January 21.

“On the 31st [of December], you were in Bweremana with your colleague Jonathan, we had all the possibilities to end your lives. But know that we control all your movements and once we arrive in Goma, know that your fate will be sealed,” one message said.

Separately, Goma-based freelance reporter Daniel Michombero posted a photo of his family on the social media platform X on January 26 and received several threatening replies accusing him of distributing “fake news” and suggesting that he may want to flee to Rwanda with other Congolese refugees or seek protection from the M23 to escape retribution. A reply to a separate post on Thursday, January 30, suggested he be arrested and traded for detained opponents of the government.

In 2021, Michombero and his wife were attacked in their home by men in military uniforms after he reported on local criticism of authorities’ response to a volcanic eruption near Goma.

‘Terrorists have no right to speak’

The DRC government has also threatened the press for reporting on the escalating conflict. 

In a January 7 post on X, Christian Bosembe, president of the regulatory Higher Council for Audiovisual and Communication (CSAC), threatened to suspend French news outlets Radio France Internationale (RFI), France 24, and TV5Monde’s Africa program for reporting the “alleged advances of terrorists.”

“We respect freedom of expression and information, but we firmly condemn any apology for terrorism. Terrorists have no right to speak in our country,” he said.

Similarly, when government forces recaptured territory a few days later, justice minister Constant Mutamba congratulated them on X, while warning that anyone, including journalists, who “relays the activities” of the M23 and Rwandan forces “will now suffer the full force of the law (DEATH PENALTY.)” The DRC lifted a 21-year moratorium on executions in 2024.

On January 9, following the airing of an Al Jazeera interview with M23 leader Bertrand Bisimwa, DRC communications minister Patrick Muyaya told a news conference that media accreditation for Al Jazeera journalists had been withdrawn because of their interview with the “head of a terrorist movement,” which he likened to an “apology for terrorism” that was “totally unacceptable.”

“We are in a context of crisis and everyone must understand because we can even consider more radical measures,” he warned the assembled journalists.

On January 13, the regulator suspended Al Jazeera for 90 days for the interview, which it said “destabilized institutions of the republic.”

Controlling the narrative

Congolese authorities’ tactics echo those used by governments across the world, from Russia to the Sahel, seeking to control information about conflict in their territory. During the Israel-Gaza war, Al Jazeera was banned in Israel and the occupied West Bank by authorities, citing incitement and security concerns.

In 2022, Mali’s military government suspended RFI and France 24 because on the grounds that they published “false allegations” of abuses by Mali’s army, while authorities in Burkina Faso have suspended several outlets over their coverage of the country’s military and security situation.

In December, Niger’s military government suspended the British public broadcaster BBC for undermining troop morale and announced its intention to file a complaint against RFI following the outlets’ reporting on jihadist attacks.

CPJ’s text message requesting comment from M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, calls to Muyaya, and message to Al Jazeera via its website did not receive any responses.  

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CPJ urges the EU to call for independent investigations into the deliberate targeting of journalists during the 15-month war in Gaza, for international journalists to be granted independent access to the territory, and for Israel to reform laws that restrict press freedom.

“The EU cannot continue to turn a blind eye to strong evidence of crimes of international law and the decimation of a generation of Palestinian journalists,” said Tom Gibson, CPJ’s EU representative. “If accountability, justice, and access demands cannot be met, EU leaders must call for a suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.” 

The agreement sets out the EU’s legal and institutional framework for political dialogue and economic cooperation with Israel, including respect for human rights as an essential element.

The Israel-Gaza war has taken an unprecedented toll on journalists since October 7, 2023, with at least 167 journalists and media workers killed, overwhelmingly in Gaza. It has been the deadliest period for journalists since CPJ began gathering data in 1992.

According to CPJ’s investigations, at least 11 journalists and two media workers were directly targeted by Israeli forces; the deliberate targeting of civilians is a war crime under international law.

CPJ has documented multiple other abuses in Gaza, the West Bank, Israel, and Lebanon, that require investigation, including assaults, threats, and allegations of torture during the war. Israel was the world’s second-worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s latest annual prison census, with 43 Palestinian journalists in Israeli custody on December 1, 2024.

At least 10 journalists are being held indefinitely without charge in the West Bank. The EU should join the repeated calls by U.N. special mandate holders for Israel to end this practice, which the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has repeatedly found unlawful.

Throughout the war, Israel has obstructed and punished media coverage and banned international reporters from Gaza, except for on rare trips with the military. Israel must revoke its censorship laws, including one used to ban Al Jazeera and retaliatory directives against domestic media. Israeli, Egyptian, and Palestinian authorities must immediately allow unconditional access for all journalists to enter and operate in Gaza.

The European Union must be true to its values and support these demands.

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In the second half of the program, Marine corps veteran Matthew Hoh comes back on the show to talk about his recent trip to occupied Palestine / Israel. Matt describes the parallel phases of ethnic cleansing in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as Israeli culture that makes entertainment out of genocide while simultaneously denying that genocide

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Later in the program, you’ll hear excerpts from an event held at Ithaca College in November, cosponsored by the Park Center for Independent Media, Project Looksharp, and Project Censored. Mickey Huff hosted co-editor of State of the Free Press 2025 Shaeleigh Voitl, and contributors Robin Andersen, and Steve Macek. You’ll get an overview of Project Censored’s State of the Free Press 2025, hear some of the top underreported news stories of the year, and much more.

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More than three years later, the two journalists run the agency from exile in the United States. To get out the news, they rely on the reporting of 15 female journalists hired in 10 provinces to replace the staff who fled. As the Taliban has become increasingly hostile to women journalists and the exile press, the newsroom takes extreme security precautions. Zoom meetings take place with a strict “cameras off” policy so that the women won’t be compromised if they recognize each other on the street.

In June, CPJ interviewed Karimi and Siddiqi in Columbia, Missouri, where they were attending a safety training for journalists in exile at the University of Missouri’s School of Journalism. During the interview, both men checked their phones often, explaining the importance of remaining available at all times for their reporters.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Can you describe the atmosphere for the press immediately after the Taliban takeover?

Karimi: When the Taliban took over, our hope collapsed overnight. We were working journalists for eight years before the takeover and we used our journalism against extremist Taliban ideology. Our work aimed to promote democratic values and human rights in our country by creating a newsroom and outlet for female journalists. Eight years of such work was evidence enough for the Taliban to attack us. 

Siddiqi: Social norms in Afghanistan regarding women’s rights are very sensitive and this was the main reason we had to flee. When you are talking about women’s rights in Afghanistan, you are not only facing danger from the Taliban, but also from others in the country who adhere to such radical beliefs.

I remember when we were working in Herat, our office was in a very safe location, but even our neighbors would question why so many women were entering the building. They assumed there was some ethical wrongdoing. Since our work highlighted women’s issues, we were in danger from the Taliban and the pervasive misogyny in the society at large.

The Afghanistan Women’s News Agency is one of just a handful of women-focused outlets covering Afghanistan, like Rukshana Media and Zan Times. What led you to found it in 2016?

Karimi: Siddiqi and I both taught at Herat University. As a professor of journalism, I witnessed my female students struggle and face a lack of resources and opportunities every day. The disparity between them and my male students was blatantly obvious. Lack of access to media equipment, gender inequality in the newsroom, harassment and discrimination was a daily reality for these women.

In light of this, I decided to create a safe environment for my female students to publish their stories, [to] access media equipment and the internet eight years before the Taliban takeover. Although the Taliban was not yet in power, the extremist ideology had already begun to spread rapidly.

Families were understandably concerned when their daughters went to school or the newsroom, but when we established this newsroom solely for women, almost all female journalists across Herat came to work there. As a professor, I had the trust of these women’s families. That’s why I, as a man, was able to set up this space and reassure the families that it was safe.

Part of your staff is in exile, but you still have many female journalists based in Afghanistan. What’s their experience like?

Karimi: All of our female reporters on the ground have to remain anonymous for their safety as per our contract. Their names are never published with their stories. There are currently 15 female journalists working with us, spread across 10 provinces. Some of them are our former interns whom we hired permanently and some of them are currently interns who receive training through Zoom, so that they can be the next generation of female reporters. All of them are actively reporting, even interns, as they learn and are simultaneously paid for their work.

Siddiqi: It’s important to add that our reporters know each other by name only. Our reporters have never met or seen each other’s faces since we require them to turn their cameras off during virtual meetings. We are extremely strict about our security protocols in order to ensure that if one of our reporters faces Taliban retaliation, their colleagues will remain safe. Our reporters know that even a minor mistake can put our whole newsroom in danger.

It is obvious that these women are well aware of the danger that comes with being journalists. Why are they still in the country and choosing to report despite these risks?

Siddiqi: From my understanding and through my conversations with them, there are two main reasons. One, these women are wholly committed to their work. When I am talking with them, I learn that they work more than eight hours a day because they love their job. They all know the impact that they are making in the current environment. Two, financial security is also a huge part of their choice to report. It is rare for women to work and receive salaries in the country under the Taliban. AWNA pays its journalists and this provides them with some level of control and financial independence.

Karimi: These female journalists know that the stakes are very high. Many times I have told them that their security is our priority. We don’t want any report or story that puts their safety at risk, but they still don’t prioritize themselves. They prioritize their reporting. Nobody can stop them from making their voices heard even in the most repressive atmosphere.

What is it like for you when your reporters are so far away while you are in exile?

Karimi: To be honest, I am not comfortable. Sometimes I think something bad has happened to a colleague. Trying to minimize their risk is one of our strategies and biggest challenges. I am very concerned every single day.

Have any of the female journalists working for AWNA had dangerous encounters with the Taliban?

Siddiqi: Just a few days ago, one of our female reporters called me from Kabul while she was attempting to report on a business exhibition. Upon entering the venue, she was detained by the Taliban. In the commotion of a large crowd, she somehow managed to hide herself and escaped without facing arrest.

I called her after that and I reiterated that this cannot be the norm. I told her that we cannot lose her and that without her, there would be no reporting. My colleague replied that she tries her best and knows all the newsroom security protocols. But even for non-political events, this is the risk and the reality for female journalists in the country.

How has reporting from exile shaped your view of the future of the media in Afghanistan? 

Karimi: In my opinion, the lack of free and independent media in the country has created a need for reliable media in exile to combat Taliban propaganda and control. There is a lack of female-run media. We have bypassed the Taliban firewall by providing information from exile to empower people within the country, especially women.

Siddiqi: There are so many Afghan women who are students, photographers, activists, and writers, as well as journalists who can no longer publicize their work on their own channels due to safety concerns. Many of them have found a place in AWNA in order to share their work and add value to the media atmosphere. These are all citizens and female journalists. There are thousands of women who have something to share, journalists by training or not, who are acting as citizen journalists. They have something to show and we are dedicated to uplifting it.

Do you both hope to return to your country if things change?

Siddiqi: I chose to leave my parents, siblings, everything in order to escape the regime.

Life is not easy for me here. I left my memories and emotions in Afghanistan. Everyday these memories disturb me. I was educated and began my career in Afghanistan and I believe I owe my country.

Karimi: Of course I hope to go back to my country. Right now, I feel that I have three lives as an exiled journalist: The first is the life I left behind in Afghanistan, which includes most of my family. Half of my mind and heart remains there. My second life is this one in exile where I am forced to rebuild my personal and professional life from scratch. My third life revolves around how to keep my colleagues safe and to honor their mission as female journalists. I am constantly navigating these three lives and it is a devastating reality.

What is your hope for Afghan women journalists in the future?

Siddiqi: There is no hope bigger than Afghan women having their basic human rights and access to education. If there is no education for women, there is no understanding of their reality and rights. If there is no understanding in a society, there is no justice. If there is no justice, we are no longer in a human society, but in a jungle. The Taliban has shut off all the doors that were once available for Afghan women and together, we are trying to pry them open.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Ananya Bhasin.

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“Scenes of journalists rushing to cover Syria’s post-Assad regime raise hope for the start of a new chapter for the country’s media workers,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “While we wait for the missing to return and the imprisoned to be released, we call on the new authorities to hold the perpetrators to account for the crimes of killing, abducting, or jailing reporters.”

CPJ is also urging Syria’s new leaders to allow journalists and media workers safe access to information and locations to cover events, without risking being detained or questioned for their work.

Syria has long been one of the world’s deadliest and riskiest areas for journalists, with CPJ documenting 141 journalists killed there between 2011 and 2024. This figure includes 23 murders and at least six deaths in government custody.

At least five journalists were imprisoned in Syria at the time of CPJ’s 2023 prison census. One of them, Tal al-Mallohi, a Syrian blogger detained since 2009, was released after the ousting of Assad and was reportedly with her family in Homs, according to media reports and the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression.

The fate of other prisoners, including U.S. journalist Austin Tice – abducted in Syria in mid-August 2012 – remains unknown. The U.S. special envoy for hostages, Roger Carstens, has traveled to Beirut to coordinate efforts to find Tice, senior U.S. officials told The Washington Post.

Syria has one of the world’s worst track records in punishing murderers of journalists, featuring prominently on CPJ’s Global Impunity Index for the last 11 years, including as the top offender in 2023. Journalists working there faced harsh conditions even before the start of the civil war, including censorship and retaliation for challenging the authorities.

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The post NOTE ON RESEARCH AND EVALUATION OF CENSORED NEWS STORIES appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #25. Israel-Linked Group Attempts to Censor Pro-Palestinian Artists on Spotify appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #24. Forced Labor Traps Adopted Children in Paraguay appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #23. Hospital School Programs Support Students’ Mental Health and Education appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #22. FBI’s Annual Crime Report Misunderstood and Misrepresented by Media appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #21. California’s Groundbreaking Investment in Education for Incarcerated Youth appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #20. Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA) Poses Serious First Amendment Concerns appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #19. Unregulated PFAS Harming Native American Communities appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #18. Constitutional Loophole Propels Xenophobic Border Policies in Texas appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post #1. Thousands Killed and Injured on the Job, with Significant Racial Disparities in Deaths and Injuries appeared first on Project Censored.

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The press freedom groups work in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Nicaragua. 

The report named three types of indirect censorship that are evident in the region and are being used to stifle freedom of expression: stigmatization; forms of social control facilitated by new technologies with surveillance capacity; and the judicialization of freedom of expression on matters of public interest.

The report made several recommendations, including developing a model protocol that addresses the standards established by the Inter-American system regarding the freedom of expression ofpublic officials, the rights and obligations involved, and their impact on state communications and the digital world.

Read the full report here. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

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In the first segment, Mischa talks with Maria Armoudian—senior lecturer at the University of Auckland in New Zealand, and co-director of the Center for Climate Biodiversity and Society—about the need to rethink traditional news values in the 21st century. Focusing on issues around the climate crisis, Armoudian argues that because the media too often report climate issues as news items, they fail to communicate the urgency of these issues while normalizing a perpetual economic growth-expansion model that exacerbates these challenges.

In the second segment, media critic, award-winning documentary filmmaker, and author Jen Senko joins the program. Senko is best known for her film The Brainwashing of My Dad. Senko's work tracks the history of media in the United States, particularly the rise of hyper-partisan media, and its ongoing effects on society. Highlighting some of that history, she illuminates the calculated moves made by politicians and billionaires that have brought us to where we are today.

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The post Silenced Voices: Kashmir, Palestine, and BRICS Uncovered appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post Empowering Students To Examine How Historical Redlining Impacts Contemporary Communities appeared first on Project Censored.

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The post Let’s Start a Revolution; Usurping the Titans of Capital appeared first on Project Censored.

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“Togolese authorities must allow Tampa Express to resume publication without delay,” said Angela Quintal, head of CPJ’s Africa program, in Durban. “Media regulations should be used to encourage good practice, not to deploy disproportionate punishments or censorship.”

The regulatory High Authority for Audiovisual and Communication (HAAC) said in its November 4 statement, reviewed by CPJ, that it had suspended the privately owned Tampa Express for the publication of false information “without evidence” and repeated violations of ethical conduct.

The HAAC said that Tampa Express’ October 30 report criticized the political influence of Sandra Ablamba Ahoéfavi Johnson, who is Minister, Secretary General of the Presidency and Togo’s Governor at the World Bank. The article also alleged that she blocked the appointment of three people to the HAAC.

Tampa Express publishing director Francisco Napo-Koura told CPJ that the regulator had taken issue with the headline, which described Johnson as the “rising star of the ‘whores’ of the republic.” Napo-Koura said the phrase was a reference to France’s Christine Deviers-Joncour, who had an affair with the country’s foreign minister and wrote a book called “Whore of the Republic.” Both women had significant influence over government policies, he said.

The HAAC said it was the fourth time since 2022 that it had summoned Tampa Express publishing director Francisco Napo-Koura for violating the “professional rules of journalism.”

In 2023, the regulator suspended Tampa Express for three months over a report about alleged corporate mismanagement, following a complaint from the firm’s former general manager.

Napo-Koura told CPJ that he is awaiting a trial date in a defamation case related to the same report, after the trial was postponed on October 9.

HAAC spokesman Patrick Adom referred CPJ to the regulator’s existing decision.

CPJ’s request for comment to the Presidency via its website did not immediately receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

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The post Missoula Child Care Advantage Program Works to Solve “Childcare Desert” Crisis appeared first on Project Censored.

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