“There are already a dozen cases piling up against me,” she said. “I’m a journalist. One murder case is enough to frame me.”

Rupa, a former chief correspondent at privately owned broadcaster Ekattor TV, now faces nine murder cases. Her husband, Shakil Ahmed, the channel’s former head of news, is named in eight.  

A year ago, Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of Bangladesh’s interim government after Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country following weeks of student-led protests, during which two journalists were killed.

Yunus promised media reform and repealed the Cyber Security Act, a law used to target journalists under Hasina. But in a November 2024 interview with newspaper The Daily Star, Yunus said that murder accusations against journalists were being made hastily. He said the government had since halted such actions and that a committee had been formed to review the cases.

Still, nearly a year later, Rupa, Ahmed, Shyamal Dutta and Mozammel Haque Babu, arrested on accusations of instigating murders in separate cases, remain behind bars. The repeated use of such charges against journalists who are widely seen as sympathetic to the former regime appear to be politically motivated censorship.

In addition to such legal charges, CPJ has documented physical attacks against journalists, threats from political activists, and exile. At least 25 journalists are under investigation for genocide by Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal – a charge that has been used to target figures linked to the former Hasina government. 

“Keeping four journalists behind bars without credible evidence a year on undermines the interim government’s stated commitment to protect press freedom,” said CPJ Regional Director Beh Lih Yi. “Real reform means breaking from the past, not replicating its abuses. All political parties must respect journalists’ right to report as the country is set for polls in coming months.”

A CPJ review of legal documents and reports found that journalists are often added to First Information Reports (FIRs) – documents that open an investigation – long after they are filed. In May, UN experts raised concern that over 140 journalists had been charged with murder following last year’s protests.

Shyamal Dutta’s daughter, Shashi, told CPJ the family has lost track of how many cases he now faces. They are aware of at least six murder cases in which he is named, while Babu’s family is aware of 10. Rupa and Ahmed’s family told CPJ that they haven’t received FIRs for five cases in which one or the other journalist has been named, which means that neither can apply for bail.

Shafiqul Alam, Yunus’s press secretary, and police spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagor did not respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment. 

Violence and threats

In 2025, reporters across Bangladesh have faced violence and harassment while covering political events, with CPJ documenting at least 10 such incidents, most of which were carried out by members or affiliates of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its student wing, Chhatra Dal. In several instances, journalists sustained serious injuries or were prevented from reporting after footage was deleted or phones seized, including Bahar Raihan, Abdullah Al Mahmud, and Rocky Hossain.

Responding to the allegations, Mahdi Amin, adviser to Acting BNP Chair Tarique Rahman, told CPJ that while isolated misconduct may occur in a party of BNP’s size, the party does not protect wrongdoers. 

Others have faced threats from supporters of different political parties and the student groups that led the protests against Hasina. Reporters covering opposition groups like Jamaat-e-Islami or its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, have come under particular pressure. On June 9, Hasanat Kamal, editor of EyeNews.news, told CPJ he’d fled to the United Kingdom after being falsely accused by Islami Chhatra Shibir of participating in a violent student protest. Anwar Hossain, a journalist for the local daily Dabanol, told CPJ he’d been threatened by Jamaat supporters after publishing negative reports about a local party leader. 

CPJ reached out via messaging app to Abdus Sattar Sumon, a spokesperson for Jamaat-e-Islami, but received no response.

Since Hasina’s ouster, student protesters from the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM) have increasinglytargeted journalists they accuse of supporting the former regime, which in one case led to the firing of five journalists. Student-led mobs have also besieged outlets like Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. 

CPJ reached out via messaging app to ADSM leader Rifat Rashid but received no response.

On July 14, exiled investigative journalist Zulkarnain Saer Khan, who fled Bangladesh after exposing alleged high-level corruption under Hasina and receiving threats from Awami League officials, posted on X about the repression of the media: “The more things change, the more they stay the same.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Kunal Majumder/CPJ India Representative.

“It is a grave injustice that Sandra Muhoza remains behind bars two months after an appeal court effectively invalidated her earlier trial and conviction,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “Authorities must do the right thing and release Muhoza without further delay.”

In December 2024, Mukaza High Court, in eastern Bujumbura province, convicted Muhoza of undermining the integrity of Burundi’s national territory and inciting ethnic hatred, in connection with comments she made in a journalists’ WhatsApp group, and sentenced her 21 months in prison.

The Bujumbura Mairie Court of Appeal, in a May 30, 2025judgment reviewed by CPJ, said that it and the lower court lacked the jurisdiction to hear Muhoza’s case. It cited a law on judicial procedures, which stipulates that a defendant should be tried by a court in the region where they were arrested, live, or where the crime was allegedly committed. 

Muhoza was arrested in the northern Ngozi region where she lived. The appeal court ordered that the case be referred to a competent court.

Burundian authorities have previously convicted other journalists for anti-state crimes, such as Floriane Irangabiye, who in 2023 was sentenced to 10 years in prison on charges of undermining the integrity of the national territory. She was released in August 2024, following a presidential pardon.

CPJ’s emails to the justice ministry, and text messages to justice minister Domine Banyankimbona, interior ministry spokesperson Pierre Nkurikiye, Prosecutor General’s Office spokesperson Agnès Bagiricenge, and government spokesperson Jérôme Niyonzima did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Amaglobeli, founder and director of award-winning independent news outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, has been unjustly detained since January on the charge of attacking a police officer, for which she faces up to seven years in jail. The charge has been widely condemned as disproportionate and politically motivated.

The organizations condemned the smear campaigns against and degrading treatment of Amaglobeli, who has become a symbol of the resilience of Georgian independent media.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The unwarranted seizure of Batumelebi and Netgazeti’s bank accounts confirms what has been clear from the start of Mzia Amaglobeli’s trumped-up trial – that authorities’ goal is to silence two of Georgia’s most respected news outlets and the courageous woman who runs them,” said CPJ Chief Global Affairs Officer Gypsy Guillén Kaiser. “Georgian authorities should lift all undue restrictions on media outlets’ accounts, release Amaglobeli, and end their campaign against the independent press.”

Batumelebi reported that Georgia’s Revenue Service seized the accounts of the outlets’ legal entity, Gazeti Batumelebi, on July 17, after previously giving it just five days to pay accumulated tax debts, interest, and penalties totaling around US$100,000.

CPJ and international partners monitored the July 14 trial of Amaglobeli, who was jailed over an altercation with a local police chief, and denounced the charges against her as “disproportionate and politicized.” A verdict is expected on August 1, with the prominent media manager facing between four and seven years in prison and declining health.

The measures “appear aimed at breaking [Amaglobeli] personally and, ultimately, destroying the media organization she founded,” Batumelebi said in its statement.

The outlet, which is known for its coverage of human rights issues and scrutiny of authorities, said it had been paying off the debt and pointed to the much higher arrears of pro-government media as a “telling example” of “the selectivity of this pressure.”

The Revenue Service said in a July 22 Facebook post that the seizure of Gazeti Batumelebi’s accounts was carried out “automatically” and it was ready to lift the measure and allow the company to cover its debts “in the event of a tax agreement.” 

Batumelebi said the Revenue Service repeatedly declined its proposed payment plans both before and after the seizure.

In recent weeks, two independent broadcasters have reported similar account seizures over tax arrears, alleging political pressure. The moves come amid an unprecedented media crackdown and authoritarian turn by the ruling Georgian Dream party, with a series of repressive new laws on the press and extensive police violence against journalists. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

A state judge ruled Tuesday that any article published by Tribuna in which the governor is mentioned must be approved by the court.

In addition, the judge directed González, who was the editorial director of the newspaper for 30 years until his retirement in 2017, to submit to the court for review any future material in which Sensores is mentioned.

“The verdict against Jorge Luis González and Tribuna is nothing less than a gag order that constitutes a clear case of the courts siding with a state governor in overt efforts to silence any critical reporting of her administration,” said Jan-Albert Hootsen, CPJ’s Mexico representative. “CPJ is alarmed by the sharp increase in lawfare against critical media in Mexico, where journalists continue to be attacked with almost complete impunity.”

The ruling by the Campeche state court is only the latest episode in the ongoing legal assault by Sansores on Tribuna and González, both of whom she sued on June 13, 2025, accusing them of spreading hatred and causing moral damages in coverage of her administration.

It is unclear which specific reports caused the governor to sue Tribuna, González told CPJ. It is also unclear why the lawsuit targets González, as he is no longer with the paper after his retirement in 2017. 

A previous ruling ordered González to pay “moral damages” of $2 million pesos (about USD$110,000) to Sansores and prohibited both the reporter and Tribuna from mentioning the governor in any reports, according to news reports. That sentence was suspended on July 9, after González successfully filed an injunction, which CPJ has reviewed, citing the Mexican Constitution’s prohibition of censorship before publication.

González said he planned to appeal, but it wasn’t immediately clear what strategies were available to him.

Several calls by CPJ to Sansores’ office for comment were unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Jan-Albert Hootsen/CPJ Mexico Representative.

“Malawi’s Constitutional Court has taken a monumental step towards protecting press freedom and affirmed that criticism and dissent are essential to democracy by ruling criminal defamation to be unconstitutional,” said Muthoki Mumo, CPJ’s Africa program coordinator, in Nairobi. “Authorities should immediately comply with the judgment, and other laws that may unduly restrict the work of journalists must also be reformed.” 

In a unanimous decision, three constitutional court justices ruled that the defamation law was a “disproportionate and unjustifiable limitation on constitutional freedom,” according to a summary of the judgment reviewed by CPJ.

The ruling follows social media influencer and activist Joshua Chisa Mbele’s 2022 legal challenge of criminal defamation charges for his remarks about a military official.

In its decision, the court ordered that no further prosecutions on criminal defamation charges be brought under the law.

The Malawian chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa and other civil society organizations urged the government not to appeal the ruling and to reform other laws that restrict free expression. Section 60 of Malawi’s penal code criminalizes publishing false news, with penalties of fines or up to two years in jail, and the 2016 Electronic Transactions and Cyber Security Act makes unauthorized transmitting data or information punishable by a fine of 2,000,000 Malawian kwacha (USD $1,153) and a 5-year imprisonment. 

In 2022, Malawi amended its Protected Flag, Emblems, and Names Act of 1967, to decriminalize insults against the president but retained prison time for those convicted of insults to flags or protected emblems.

Malawi Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda did not respond to CPJ’s calls or text messages for comment on the court’s decision.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The forcible transfer of journalist Comlan Hugues Sossoukpé by Côte d’Ivoire to Benin, despite his refugee status in Togo, sends a worrying message to journalists across the region,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “He must be released immediately and unconditionally. Such aggressive, transnational tactics illustrate a cross-border collaboration to muzzle a critical journalist.”

On July 14, 2025, a judge at Benin’s Court for the Repression of Economic Offences and Terrorism (CRIET) upheld Sossoukpè’s detention in the southern city of Ouidah, pending a judicial investigation on charges of inciting rebellion, inciting hatred and violence, harassing through electronic communication, and apology for terrorism, according to a copy of the decision seen by CPJ.

Sossoukpè was in Côte d’Ivoire to cover a government conference when he was arrested. He has been living in Togo since 2019 and has held refugee status there since receiving threats in Benin, where he is from, related to his work.

Sossoukpè told Maximin Pognon, his lawyer, who spoke to CPJ, that four people identifying themselves as Ivorian law enforcement officers and a fifth as a “colonel of the gendarmerie” asked him to respond to a summons. But Sossoukpè recognized two of them as Beninese police officers, Pognon said.

Sossoukpè said he demanded that they bring him before a judge, which they agreed to, but did not. Instead, they seized his phone and computer, took him briefly to an Ivorian law enforcement headquarters, and then escorted him aboard a plane that took him to Benin.

Two people close to the case who asked not to be named for privacy reasons said that during the days before his arrest, Sossoukpè had alerted his friends that there were kidnapping plans against him.

CPJ’s calls and WhatsApp messages to Andy Kouassi, public relations director of the Ivorian ministry of communication, and to Wilfried Léandre Houngbédji, spokesperson for the Beninese government, as well as CPJ’s email to the Ivorian gendarmerie, went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The letter notes the persistence of serious issues in Greece, including surveillance, threats, harassment, physical attacks, and murders of journalists. It also cites government pressure on editorial and media independence, including Greece’s public broadcaster, as well as legal threats, such as Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and criminal defamation.

The organizations asked national authorities to provide, in writing, an overview of the steps being considered to address the concerns, and to establish a national action plan.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The new regulations establish fines of 20,000 soms (US$230) for individuals, and 65,000 soms (US$740) against outlets found to have violated the law.

“The new law on so-called fake news is just one element of a broader legislative campaign under President Japarov aimed at restricting media, civil society, and public discourse in Kyrgyzstan,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kyrgyz authorities should repeal the law and reverse their escalating legal assault on the independent press.”

The new false news legislation follows similar amendments that went into force in February. These introduced identical administrative fines for defamation and insult. In both cases, complaints are handled by the police and adjudicated in brief administrative court hearings, which journalists fear will allow authorities to swiftly fine media and avoid a thorough judicial review.

Since Japarov came to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have dramatically expanded their arsenal of laws targeting the press while shuttering critical outlets and jailing journalists. A 2021 law empowers the government to extrajudicially block news websites for what it deems false news, and in 2024, Japarov enacted a Russian-style foreign agent law.

On June 25, parliament passed a controversial mass media that allows the government to determine which individuals and organizations are permitted to publish news. The law has sparked criticism from journalists and international organizations such as CPJ, which urged Japarov to veto the bill. 

The president stated earlier this month that he has not yet reviewed the mass media law and will decide whether to sign or return it after careful consideration.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Senegal’s special cybersecurity division (DSC) arrested Gadiaga over his remarks during a July 4, 2025, broadcast about Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. On July 14, 2025, a judge opened a judicial investigation and charged Gadiaga with spreading false news, immoral speech, insulting a person exercising the prerogatives of the head of state, and receiving or soliciting donations in order to engage in propaganda likely to disturb public order, his lawyer, El Hadji Omar Youm, told news outlets.

During the broadcast on private television channel Télé Futurs Médias (TFM), Gadiaga responded to criticism from a ruling party official by saying that the party should not give lessons in ethics because its leader, Sonko, had been “convicted of sexual abuse.” Sonko was sentenced in absentia in June 2023 to two years in prison for the “corruption of youth.” 

In April, Sonko said his opponents were using journalists and “so-called news commentators” to spread false news and defame authorities.

“These charges represent an escalation in the government’s punitive attitude toward the media and promote a dangerous conflation between the press and the political opposition,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “Senegalese authorities must release news commentators Badara Gadiaga, Abdou Nguer, and Bachir Fofana, and refrain from reprisals against the media for their criticism. Alleged press offenses should not be criminalized.”

On July 10, Sonko alluded to the TV debate during a meeting with his party’s leadership and recommended that party members “stop going to television stations that fight [the party]. …I fight those who fight me, and let those who use their tools to fight me know that I will go to the end.” He also called for a boycott of “television stations that fight him.”

L’Observateur, a newspaper owned by the same parent company as TFM, Groupe Futurs Médias, responded to Sonko’s comments with an editorial saying: “We are not a media affiliate of a party, nor a propaganda battalion, nor an instrument of validation. We are a newsroom.”

Separately, deliberation of the trial of commentator Bachir Fofana, detained for allegedly spreading false news, has been postponed to July 16, and another commentator, Abdou Nguer, has remained in prison since April on various charges.

CPJ’s calls to Sonko’s office and the justice ministry went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

In response to the hearing, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), International Press Institute (IPI), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) – called on Monday for Amaglobeli’s immediate release. Ambassadors and diplomats from the European Union mission and seven countries also attended the hearing, in which Amaglobeli provided detailed testimony for nearly three hours.

A prominent  journalist and founder of the online news outlets Gazeti Batumelebi and Netgazeti, Amaglobeli has been unjustly held in pretrial detention since her arrest on January 12.

“Today’s proceedings show that the trial of Mzia Amaglobeli is shrouded in a shocking smear campaign to destroy her credibility, personally and as a journalist. This, along with her deteriorating health, is deeply troubling and must end. Amaglobeli’s powerful testimony reflects her deep commitment to Georgia and to a free and independent media. Journalism is not a crime.”  

— Gypsy Guillén Kaiser, Chief Global Affairs Officer, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

“The proceedings we witnessed today only confirm our position that this charge against Mzia Amaglobeli is entirely disproportionate and must be dropped. We are also deeply concerned by what appears to be an effort to smear her and to call into question her credibility as a journalist. Mzia is a highly respected, veteran journalist known for her commitment to journalistic ethics and independence. We fully stand by her as an IPI member.”

 — Amy Brouillette, Director of Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI).

“This hearing once again underlined the lack of foundation in this case. The defense pointed to serious procedural irregularities, including politically charged that should have no place in an ongoing trial. Video footage also called into question the credibility of the alleged victim. Mzia Amaglobeli gave a calm and determined testimony, recalling her arrest and reaffirming her commitment to independent journalism — values for which she is now being prosecuted.”

— Jeanne Cavelier, Head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk

Amaglobeli has been charged under the criminal code with attacking a police officer – a charge widely viewed as excessive and politically motivated – which carries a sentence of up to seven years in prison. She has been held in pre-trial detention since January 12, during which time her health has declined and she has been struggling with deteriorating vision.

She is being held at the Rustavi Women’s Prison No. 5, south of the capital Tbilisi. CPJ, IPI, and RSF visited the prison site and stood outside in a gesture of solidarity on July 13. The court’s verdict on this case could be announced at a subsequent hearing, set for July 28.

Amaglobeli is the first woman journalist to be jailed since the country gained its independence in 1991. A widely respected figure known for upholding the highest journalistic standards, her arrest and detention are seen by many in the journalism community in Georgia as a deliberate attempt to intimidate and silence the independent press amidst a broader crackdown on civil society and dissent. Last week, 17 European foreign ministers and the European Union’s High Representative, expressed deep concern regarding “increasing repression” in Georgia.

The outlets founded by Amaglobeli nearly 25 years ago, have reported on human rights violations and corruption, serving the public with impartial, trustworthy news. These outlets have endured four political regimes in Georgia’s post-independence era, despite their journalists and editors being attacked, threatened, blackmailed and detained by authorities. 

Amaglobeli’s detention this January comes amid growing harassment of independent media in Georgia and a broader scaling back of democratic freedoms under the Georgian Dream ruling party. Over the past year, journalists in Georgia have been beaten, harassed, detained, jailed, smeared, and fined. Impunity for attacks on journalists, including those perpetrated by police, remains widespread. A wave of repressive legislation – such as the foreign agents law as well as amendments to the Law on Grants and the Law of Broadcasting – deliberately aims to prevent independent media from operating in Georgia. 

As members of the Media Freedom Coalition’s Consultative Network, CPJ, IPI and RSF have urged robust action regarding Amaglobeli’s detention, along with broader concerns about escalating attacks on press freedom that can weaken democracy in Georgia. 

Read more: CPJ’s remarks during a site visit to Rustavi Women’s Prison on July 13, 2025

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In response to the hearing, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), International Press Institute (IPI), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) – called on Monday for Amaglobeli’s immediate release. Ambassadors and diplomats from the European Union mission and seven countries also attended the hearing, in which Amaglobeli provided detailed testimony for nearly three hours.

A prominent  journalist and founder of the online news outlets Gazeti Batumelebi and Netgazeti, Amaglobeli has been unjustly held in pretrial detention since her arrest on January 12.

“Today’s proceedings show that the trial of Mzia Amaglobeli is shrouded in a shocking smear campaign to destroy her credibility, personally and as a journalist. This, along with her deteriorating health, is deeply troubling and must end. Amaglobeli’s powerful testimony reflects her deep commitment to Georgia and to a free and independent media. Journalism is not a crime.”  

— Gypsy Guillén Kaiser, Chief Global Affairs Officer, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

“The proceedings we witnessed today only confirm our position that this charge against Mzia Amaglobeli is entirely disproportionate and must be dropped. We are also deeply concerned by what appears to be an effort to smear her and to call into question her credibility as a journalist. Mzia is a highly respected, veteran journalist known for her commitment to journalistic ethics and independence. We fully stand by her as an IPI member.”

 — Amy Brouillette, Director of Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI).

“This hearing once again underlined the lack of foundation in this case. The defense pointed to serious procedural irregularities, including politically charged that should have no place in an ongoing trial. Video footage also called into question the credibility of the alleged victim. Mzia Amaglobeli gave a calm and determined testimony, recalling her arrest and reaffirming her commitment to independent journalism — values for which she is now being prosecuted.”

— Jeanne Cavelier, Head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk

Amaglobeli has been charged under the criminal code with attacking a police officer – a charge widely viewed as excessive and politically motivated – which carries a sentence of up to seven years in prison. She has been held in pre-trial detention since January 12, during which time her health has declined and she has been struggling with deteriorating vision.

She is being held at the Rustavi Women’s Prison No. 5, south of the capital Tbilisi. CPJ, IPI, and RSF visited the prison site and stood outside in a gesture of solidarity on July 13. The court’s verdict on this case could be announced at a subsequent hearing, set for July 28.

Amaglobeli is the first woman journalist to be jailed since the country gained its independence in 1991. A widely respected figure known for upholding the highest journalistic standards, her arrest and detention are seen by many in the journalism community in Georgia as a deliberate attempt to intimidate and silence the independent press amidst a broader crackdown on civil society and dissent. Last week, 17 European foreign ministers and the European Union’s High Representative, expressed deep concern regarding “increasing repression” in Georgia.

The outlets founded by Amaglobeli nearly 25 years ago, have reported on human rights violations and corruption, serving the public with impartial, trustworthy news. These outlets have endured four political regimes in Georgia’s post-independence era, despite their journalists and editors being attacked, threatened, blackmailed and detained by authorities. 

Amaglobeli’s detention this January comes amid growing harassment of independent media in Georgia and a broader scaling back of democratic freedoms under the Georgian Dream ruling party. Over the past year, journalists in Georgia have been beaten, harassed, detained, jailed, smeared, and fined. Impunity for attacks on journalists, including those perpetrated by police, remains widespread. A wave of repressive legislation – such as the foreign agents law as well as amendments to the Law on Grants and the Law of Broadcasting – deliberately aims to prevent independent media from operating in Georgia. 

As members of the Media Freedom Coalition’s Consultative Network, CPJ, IPI and RSF have urged robust action regarding Amaglobeli’s detention, along with broader concerns about escalating attacks on press freedom that can weaken democracy in Georgia. 

Read more: CPJ’s remarks during a site visit to Rustavi Women’s Prison on July 13, 2025

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The ruling was the result of a lawsuit filed against the outlet by Kyrgyz prosecutors in April, which alleged “negative” and “destructive” coverage of the government. 

“The Kyrgyz authorities must allow Aprel TV to continue its work unhindered and should not contest any appeal of the court’s Wednesday order to shutter the independent broadcaster and terminate its broadcasting and social media operations,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kyrgyzstan’s international partners – particularly the European Union, whose parliament and member states are in the process of ratifying a new partnership agreement – must hold Kyrgyzstan to account for its spiraling press freedom abuses.” 

The judge accepted prosecutors’ arguments that the outlet’s reporting, which often included commentary and reports critical of the government, could “provoke calls for mass unrest with the aim of a subsequent seizure of power,” according to CPJ’s review of the verdict. 

Aprel TV’s editor-in-chief Dmitriy Lozhnikov told privately owned news website 24.kg that criticizing the government isn’t a crime, but one of the core functions of the press. CPJ was unable to immediately confirm whether the outlet would appeal.

Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS) summoned 10 current and former Aprel TV staff for questioning on July 1 in connection with a separate, undisclosed criminal investigation. 

The journalists’ lawyer told Radio Azattyk, the local service of U.S. Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), that investigators’ questions appeared to indicate that authorities will open a case on allegations of incitement of mass unrest or acts against the constitutional order.

CPJ’s email to the SCNS for comment on the criminal investigation did not immediately receive a reply.

Aprel TV is highly critical of the government, often adopting an irreverent tone as it broadcasts via oppositional broadcaster Next TV and reports to its 700,000 followers on several social media accounts.

Following President Sadyr Japarov’s ascent to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have launched an unprecedented assault on the country’s previously vibrant media, shuttering leading outlets and jailing journalists on the grounds that their critical reporting could lead to social unrest.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Media freedom is often a casualty of war, and Israel’s recent war with Iran is no exception. We have seen Israeli authorities use security fears to increase censorship, while extremist right-wing politicians have demonized the media, legitimizing attacks on journalists,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “Despite hopes that we will see a ceasefire in Gaza this week, Israel’s government appears relentless in its determination to silence those who report critically on its military actions.”

After Haaretz newspaper published an interview with Israeli soldiers who said they were ordered to shoot at unarmed Gazans waiting for food aid, a mayor in southern Israel threatened to shut shops selling the popular liberal paper. This follows the government’s decision last year to stop advertising with Haaretz, accusing it of “incitement.”

Authorities are also pushing ahead with a bill to dismantle the public broadcaster, Kan, and shutter its news division, the country’s third-largest news channel. Meanwhile, government support has seen the right-wing Channel 14 grow in popularity.

The hostile climate fueled by Israel’s right-wing government has emboldened settler violence against journalists. On July 5, two Deutsche Welle (DW) reporters wearing press vests were attacked by Israeli settlers in Sinjil, West Bank — an incident condemned by Germany’s ambassador and the German Journalists’ Association, which called it “unacceptable that radical settlers are hunting down media professionals with impunity.” Reporters from AFP, The New York Times, and The Washington Post were also present. Palestinian journalists had to flee.

“War is a dangerous time for civil rights – rights that Netanyahu’s government is actively undermining as it moves toward dismantling democracy,” Haaretz Editor-in-Chief Aluf Benn told CPJ.

‘Broadcasts that serve the enemy’

During the Israel-Iran war of June 13 to 24, anti-press government actions included:

• A June 18 military order requiring army approval before broadcasting the aftermath of Iranian attacks on Israeli military sites. Haaretz reported that this order was illegal as it was not made public in the official government gazette or authorized by a parliamentary committee.

• On June 19, security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Israelis who see people watching “Al Jazeera broadcasts or reporters” to report their sightings to authorities. Israel shut down the Qatari-based outlet in May 2024, and six of its journalists have been killed while reporting on Israel’s war in Gaza. Many Arabs in Israel still watch Al Jazeera broadcasts, and former Israeli officials have appeared on the network since the shutdown. 

“These are broadcasts that serve the enemy,” Ben-Gvir said. 

• On June 20, Ben-Gvir and communications minister Shlomo Karhi issued a directive that broadcasting from impact sites without written permission would be a criminal offense.

When Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara demanded that the ministers explain the legal basis for their announcement, the ministers said she was “trying to thwart” their efforts to ensure that foreign media “don’t help the enemy target us.”

• On June 23, Haaretz reported that the police’s legal adviser issued an order giving officers sweeping powers to censor journalists reporting from the impact sites.

“This directive, which primarily targets foreign media and joins a wave of police and ministerial efforts to obstruct news coverage, is unlawful and infringes on basic rights,” Tal Hassin, an attorney with Israel’s biggest human rights group, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), told CPJ.

ACRI petitioned the Attorney General, arguing that the police adviser did not have the legal authority to issue such an order. It has not received a response.

Journalists censored, detained, and abused

CPJ subsequently documented at least four incidents involving journalists who were abused and blocked from reporting.

• On June 20, police stopped a live broadcast from Tel Aviv by Turkish state-owned broadcaster TRT’s correspondent Mücahit Aydemir, although he told the officers he had the required permits, including authorization from the military censor. For several days afterwards, Aydemir received “unsettling phone calls” from unknown Hebrew-speakers, he told CPJ.

• On June 21, privately owned Channel 13’s journalist Ali Mughrabi and a camera operator, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisals, were expelled from a drone crash site in Beit She’an, northern Israel, despite showing their press accreditation. During a live broadcast, Deputy Mayor Oshrat Barel questioned their credentials, shoved the cameraperson, and ordered them to leave. She later apologized.

“What we’re experiencing isn’t just about the media — it’s about citizenship,” Mughrab, an Israeli citizen of Palestinian origin, told CPJ.

• On June 22, a civilian police volunteer squad, led by far-right activist and rapper Yoav Eliasi, known as “The Shadow,” detained three Jerusalem-based, Arab Israeli journalists and one international journalist, after separating them from their non-Arab colleagues outside a building in Tel Aviv that had been damaged by an Iranian strike.

Mustafa Kharouf and Amir Abed Rabbo from the Turkish state-owned Anadolu Agency, Ahmad Gharabli, with Agence France-Presse news agency, and another journalist who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisal, were held for three hours.  

Kharouf told CPJ, the unit asked them who was “Israeli” and allowed the non-Arab journalists to leave. 

“One officer accused us of working for Al Jazeera, even though we showed official press credentials,” said Kharouf.

“When I showed my ID, they told me I wasn’t allowed to film because I’m not Israeli – even though they treat us like Israelis when it comes to taxes,” Gharabli told CPJ.

Armed volunteer squads have rapidly grown from four before the October 2023 Hamas attack to around 900 new units, an expansion that “had negative effects on Arab-Jewish relations,” Dr. Ark Rudnitzky of Tel Aviv University told CPJ in an email. Squad members “tend to suspect an Arab solely because they are Arab,” he said.

“It was clear they targeted the journalists because they were Arab,” said Israeli journalist and witness Oren Ziv, who wrote about the incident.

The Central District Police told CPJ via email that the journalists were “evacuated from the building for security reasons related to their safety and were directed to alternative reporting locations.”

• On June 24,  Channel 13 correspondent Paz Robinson and a camera operator who declined to be named were reporting on a missile strike in southern Israel’s Be’er Sheva when a woman shouted that he was a “Nazi” and “Al Jazeera” and blocked him from filming, screaming, “You came to celebrate over dead bodies.”

“After I saw the woman wasn’t backing down, I decided to leave. I’m not here to fight with my own people. I’m not a politician. I came to cover events,” Robinson told CPJ.

Earlier in the war with Iran, CPJ documented eight incidents in which 14 journalists faced harassment, obstruction, equipment confiscation, incitement, or forced removal by the police.

The Israel Police Spokesperson’s Unit told CPJ via email that police “made significant efforts to facilitate safe, meaningful access for journalists” during the war with Iran.  “While isolated misunderstandings may occur…case was addressed promptly and professionally.”

CPJ’s emails to the Attorney General, Israel Defense Forces’ North America Media Desk, Ben-Gvir, and Shlomo requesting comment did not receive any replies. 

Kholod Massalha is a CPJ consultant on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and a researcher with years of experience in press freedom and freedom of expression issues.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Mohamed Mandour.

Telemundo Atlanta reported on Monday morning that the activist group Indivisible had scheduled a protest for 6 p.m. that day at the jail.

“We are dismayed that immigration officials have decided to ignore a federal immigration court order last week granting bail to journalist Mario Guevara,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Guevara is currently the only jailed journalist in the United States who was arrested in relation to his work. Immigration authorities must respect the law and release him on bail instead of bouncing him from one jurisdiction to another.”

The journalist, who was initially arrested while covering a June 14 “No Kings” protest in the Atlanta metro area and charged with three misdemeanors, which local officials declined to prosecute due to insufficient evidence. A local judge ordered Guevara to be released on bond, but he remained in custody after ICE opened a detainer against him.

The Department of Homeland Security headquarters and the department’s Atlanta field office did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“This case sends the message that Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his administration are so fragile that they are easily threatened by a critical column,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “It’s also a reminder of this government’s willingness to waste public resources by throwing journalists behind bars. Authorities in Zimbabwe must release Faith Zaba unconditionally and without delay.”

Police summoned Zaba to appear at the central police station in the capital, Harare, on July 1, where they charged her over the June 27 satirical column about Mnangagwa’s government published in her newspaper, the business weekly Zimbabwe Independent, according to her lawyer, Chris Mhike. Mhike told CPJ that Zaba has been unwell and was “severely ill” at the time of her arrest.

On July 2, Zaba appeared at the magistrate’s court in Harare, where her bail hearing was deferred to July 3 after the state requested more time to verify her medical history, according to multiple local news reports.

The “Muckracker” column linked to Zaba’s arrest said that Zimbabwe was a “mafia state,” citing the administration’s alleged interference in the politics of neighboring countries, and said that the current government was “obsessed with keeping itself in power.” Under Zimbabwe’s  Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, Zaba could face a $300 fine or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, if convicted.

CPJ has documented an ongoing crackdown on dissent in Zimbabwe, amid political tension. In February, authorities arrested Blessed Mhlanga, a journalist with Alpha Media Holdings, and held him for over 10 weeks on baseless charges of incitement in connection with his coverage of war veterans who demanded Mnangagwa’s resignation. The Zimbabwe Independent is a subsidiary of Alpha Media Holdings.

A spokesperson for the Zimbabwe Republic Police, Paul Nyathi, did not answer CPJ’s calls and a query sent via messaging app requesting comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

The state news agency has announced a “season of traitor-killing,” with hundreds of people arrested and at least six executed since the war ended on June 25. Parliament approved a law on June 29 that mandates the death penalty for collaborating with Israel, the United States, or other “hostile” countries – a charge often used to describe media that report critically.

London-based Iran International TV spokesperson Adam Baillie said the new law would “widen the legal dragnet” against journalists and criminalizes contact with media outlets based abroad.

Journalists trying to report within Iran also face internet restrictions.

“We technically have internet, but access to the global web has been cut by half,” Hassan Abbasi, a journalist with Rokna news agency told CPJ from the capital Tehran on July 1, referring to reduced speeds and frequent disruptions.

Abbasi said internet access was selectively granted during the war. The communications ministry restricted access on June 13, the first day of the conflict, citing “special conditions.” Connectivity was largely restored after the ceasefire.

“Only large media outlets aligned with the government’s narrative were allowed to stay online,” Abbasi said. “Independent and local journalists like us couldn’t report – many agencies were effectively silenced, he said. “They wanted to cut off access to outside news and stop reports from inside.”

The June 29 law also banned the use or import of unauthorized internet communication tools like Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite internet service, punishable by up to two years in prison.

‘Journalists are not enemies of the state’

“The arrests, internet disruptions, and intimidation of journalists during and after the Iran-Israel war reflect a troubling continuation of Iran’s ongoing efforts to control the media,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “These acts of censorship undermine press freedom and create fear among those trying to report the truth. Journalists are not enemies of the state.”

Since the war began, CPJ has documented the following incidents:

• On June 15, journalist Saleh Bayrami was killed by an Israel airstrike on Tehran.

• On June 16, journalist Nima Rajabpour and media worker Masoumeh Azimi were hit by an Israeli airstrike on state-owned broadcaster IRIB’s headquarters and died the following day.

• On June 16, Shargh journalist Ali Pakzad was detained while covering airstrike damage in Tehran and released two days later.

• On June 17, freelance photojournalist Majid Saeedi was arrested in Tehran while photographing the aftermath of an Israeli airstrike on IRIB’s headquarters. He told CPJ he climbed to a high point to capture images of smoke when police detained him and later transferred him to Evin prison.

“The next day, a judge reviewed my case in the prison courtyard, where officials brought over a chair for him to sit on,” Saeedi added. “He said that because I had a valid press ID and authorization, there was no issue, and he ordered my release.”

• On June 21, Iran International TV reported that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had detained the mother, father, and younger brother of one of its presenters to pressure her into resigning.

In a June 27 email to CPJ, spokesperson Baillie confirmed that the family members had been released but described the incident as “a profoundly worrying turning point in the type of action taken by the IRGC and security forces against the families of Iranian journalists abroad.”

• On June 21, photographer and designer Reza Daryakenari was arrested in a Tehran café. His Instagram account went offline after June 26. As of July 1, he remained in detention on unknown charges.

• On June 23, Israeli forces bombed Evin prison, which houses at least six journalists, including Iranian-American Reza Valizadeh. Authorities reported 71 deaths, including prisoners, but did not release names. One person with knowledge of Evin prison told CPJ that all the detained journalists were safe and had been transferred to other prisons.

• On June 24, the online outlet Entekhab News was blocked for “disruptive wartime reporting.” The judiciary said the outlet was undermining public security through its critical coverage. On June 30, it was unblocked.

CPJ’s emails requesting comment from Iran’s foreign affairs and information ministries did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Soran Rashid.

“This is a major blow for press freedom in the United States: A network news outlet has just caved to groundless threats from the president over its coverage,” said CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg in New York. “This signals that the current administration–as well as any future administrations–can interfere with, or influence, editorial decisions.” 

In a lawsuit filed last year, Trump accused CBS, whose parent company is Paramount Global, of deceptively editing a ’60 Minutes’ interview with former Vice President Kamala Harris to interfere with the election. Paramount Global will pay the settlement amount, including legal fees, to Trump’s future presidential library, according to news reports.

Last month, CPJ wrote to the chair of Paramount Global, Shari Redstone, warning her that a settlement would signal that political figures can pressure news organizations into altering or censoring editorial decisions.

The FCC is investigating a merger deal between CBS parent company Paramount and Skydance, a deal that could have been endangered by the possibility of litigation from Trump. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) earlier this year re-opened a news distortion investigation into CBS.

CPJ’s request to Paramount Global for comment on the settlement’s editorial implications did not receive an immediate reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Dahmani’s lawyers withdrew from Monday’s trial to protest that the court was illegally trying her twice for the same act, the journalist’s sister, Ramla Dahmani, told CPJ, referring to the legal principle of double jeopardy.

“Handing Tunisian lawyer and media commentator Sonia Dahmani an additional two-year sentence, on top of her existing term for the same media commentary, is not only harsh, but appears to be a targeted effort to silence her personally,” said CPJ Chief Programs Officer Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Tunisian authorities must drop all charges against Dahmani and ensure that journalists can make political commentary without being targeted.”

In October 2024, Dahman, who is also a prominent lawyer, received a two-year sentence under Decree 54 on cybercrime on charges of spreading “false” news for commenting on the local independent radio station IFM about the mistreatment of sub-Saharan Africans in Tunisia.

The court said that the second sentence on June 30 was for her comments to a second outlet, the television channel Carthage Plus.

In September 2024, Dahmani was given an eight-month sentence following her May arrest over separate comments she made on Carthage Plus, where she criticized Tunisia’s living conditions and discussed immigration.

Her case is widely seen as part of a broader crackdown on journalists, opposition figures, and government critics that has intensified since President Kais Saied suspended parliament in 2021 and introduced a new constitution, giving himself nearly unchecked power.

According to CPJ’s latest annual prison census, at least five journalists were behind bars in Tunisia on December 1, 2024, the highest number since 1992.

CPJ’s email to the Presidency requesting comment did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page and other social media platforms, was arrested on June 14 while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest against the actions of the Trump administration in an Atlanta suburb. According to video footage of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement.

The initial charges that led to Guevara’s arrest were dropped by the DeKalb County solicitor-general on June 25 due to insufficient evidence. 

Guevara was transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody after the immigration authority issued a detainer against the journalist, who has authorization to work in the United States. At the time of the letter’s publication, Guevara was being held in the Folkston ICE Processing Center, his lawyer told CPJ.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Figueredo refused to comply with a June 23 police summons, reviewed by CPJ. On that same day she received three private number phone calls warning her that a police investigation had been opened against her and Correa for “dangerousness,” the journalists told CPJ. On June 16, a local police officer parked outside the journalists’ home told them that they weren’t allowed to leave in an incident witnessed by others in the neighborhood.

“The Cuban government must halt its harassment of journalists Yunia Figueredo and Frank Correa, and allow them to continue their work with the community media outlet, Amanecer Habanero,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Reporters should not be threatened into silence with legal orders.” 

Cuba’s private media companies have come under increased scrutiny from a new communication law banning all unapproved, non-state media and prohibiting them from receiving international funding and foreign training.

Amanecer Habanero is a member of the Cuban Institute for Freedom of Expression and the Press (ICLEP), a network of six community media outlets, which has strongly condemned the actions of Cuban authorities against Figueredo, who became director of the outlet earlier this year.

In a statement, ICLEP said Figueredo has been the victim of an escalating campaign of intimidation by Cuban law enforcement, including verbal threats by state security agents; permanent police surveillance without a court order; restriction of her freedom of movement; psychological intimidation against her family; and police summonses without legal basis in connection with her work denouncing government.

Cuba’s private media companies have come under increased threat from a new communication law banning all unapproved, non-state media and prohibiting them from receiving international funding and foreign training.

Cuban authorities did not immediately reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Protesters took to the streets in most of Kenya’s 47 counties to mark the one-year anniversary of anti-tax demonstrations, in which at least 60 people were killed.

Several people were killed in Wednesday’s violence.

“Restricting protest coverage sends a clear message that President William Ruto’s government is not committed to democratic values or the constitutional freedoms he has vowed to protect,” said CPJ Regional Director Angela Quintal. “Authorities must investigate attacks on journalists, ensuring accountability, rescind the ban on live coverage, and desist from further censorship.”

In a directive, reviewed by CPJ, the Communications Authority of Kenya ordered “all television and radio stations to stop any live coverage of the demonstrations” or face unspecified “regulatory action.” The information technology regulator cited constitutional provisions that prevent freedom of expression involving “propaganda for war” and “incitement to violence.”

Police and Authority officials then switched off the broadcast signal of several privately owned media houses, including NTV, K24, and KTN, which continued to share content online and on social media.

Civil society organizations including the Kenya Editors’ Guild challenged the ban, citing a November High Court ruling that the Authority did not have the constitutional mandate to set or enforce media standards.

Late Wednesday, the Law Society of Kenya secured High Court orders, reviewed by CPJ, directing broadcast signals to be restored immediately.

NTV reporter Ruth Sarmwei was treated in hospital after being hit on the leg by an unknown projectile while interviewing protestors in the city of Nakuru, Joseph Openda, chairperson of the Nakuru Journalists Association, told CPJ. Standard Media Group said its photojournalist David Gichuru was “struck by a stone hurled by a protestor” in the capital Nairobi. 

CPJ’s requests for comment via email to the Communications Authority of Kenya and via messaging app to its director general David Mugonyi did not receive replies.

Police spokesperson Muchiri Nyaga declined to comment by phone. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Mostafa has faced threats, surveillance, and online gender-based violence across several countries—including Germany, Switzerland, Kenya, and Lebanon—in connection with her reporting as documented by the UN Special Rapporteurs’ report (AL EGY 6/2024).

Egypt remains one of the world’s top perpetrators of transnational repression, employing tactics such as arresting journalists’ relatives, blocking exiled media outlets, targeting journalists with spyware, and denying consular services.

Read the full statement in English here and Arabic here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In a closed-door trial on Monday, columnist and peace activist Bahruz Samadov was sentenced by a court in the capital Baku to 15 years in prison for treason, after going on a hunger strike and attempting suicide the previous week.

On Friday, six journalists from Abzas Media, widely regarded as Azerbaijan’s most prominent anticorruption investigative outlet, were found guilty of acting as an organized group to commit multiple financial crimes, including currency smuggling, money laundering, and tax evasion, linked to alleged receipt of illegal Western donor funding:

• director Ulvi Hasanli, editor-in-chief Sevinj Vagifgizi (Abbasova), journalist Hafiz Babali – sentenced to 9 years
• reporters Nargiz Absalamova and Elnara Gasimova – sentenced to 8 years
• project coordinator Mahammad Kekalov – sentenced to 7 ½ years

In addition, journalist Farid Mehralizada from U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Azerbaijani service received a 9-year sentence as part of the same trial.

“The heavy sentences meted out to seven journalists in the Abzas Media case and to columnist Bahruz Samadov signal Azerbaijani authorities’ intent to wipe out what remains of independent coverage,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Reports that Samadov has attempted suicide are particularly concerning. Authorities should ensure Samadov’s wellbeing and immediately release all wrongly jailed journalists.”

Abzas Media told CPJ in a statement that the charges against their staff were “absurd and fabricated” and their “only ‘offense’ was exposing corruption, abuse of power, and informing the public of inconvenient truths.”

RFE/RL condemned Mehralizada’s sentence as a “sham” and “unnecessarily cruel.”

Treason case shrouded in secrecy

More than 20 leading Azerbaijani journalists have been jailed on charges of receiving funds from Western donors since late 2023, amid a decline in relations with the West and a surge in authoritarianism following Azerbaijan’s recapture of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, ending decades of separatist Armenian rule. 

Azerbaijan was the world’s 10th worst jailer with 13 journalists behind bars in CPJ’s latest annual prison census on December 1, 2024.

Full details of the charges against Samadov, who contributes to Georgia-based OC Media and U.S.-based Eurasianet and was detained by state security officers while visiting his family in Azerbaijan in 2024, have not been made public. Authorities classified as secret the case against Samadov, a prominent advocate for peace with neighboring Armenia and a doctoral student in the Czech Republic.

Pro-government media, which receive regular “recommendations” from authorities on what to publish, have denounced Samadov for writing “subversive” articles for the “anti-Azerbaijan” Eurasianet. His reporting, reviewed by CPJ, focuses on growing Azerbaijani militarism and authoritarianism.

‘Absurd’ charges in reprisal for corruption reporting

As the June 20 verdicts were read out, Abzas Media journalists turned their backs on the judges and held up posters of the outlet’s corruption investigations into senior officials, including the president’s family.

President Ilham Aliyev took over from his father in 2003 and won a fifth consecutive term in 2024.

Abzas Media continues to operate from exile.

Western-funded ‘spies’

Amid a major state media campaign against Western-funded “spies,” police raided Abzas Media’s office in November 2023 and said they found 40,000 euros (US$45,900), accusing U.S., French, and German embassies of funding the outlet illegally.

Police arrested the six journalists over the following three months. In 2024, Mehralizada was also detained, though he and Abzas Media denied that he worked for the outlet.

Azerbaijani law requires civil society groups to obtain state approval for foreign grants, which authorities accuse Abzas Media of failing to do.

Defense arguments, reviewed by CPJ, said that such an omission was punishable by fines, not criminal sanctions, and prosecutors did not provide evidence the journalists engaged in criminal activity. Rights advocates accuse Azerbaijan of routinely withholding permission for foreign grants and refusing to register organizations that seek them.

In February, Aziz Orujov, director of independent broadcaster Kanal 13, was sentenced to two years in prison on illegal construction charges. In December, Teymur Karimov, head of independent broadcaster Kanal 11 was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Five journalists from Toplum TV and 10 with Meydan TV face trial on similar foreign funding allegations.

Editor’s note: This text has been amended in the ninth paragraph to correct the number of journalists facing charges of receiving funds from Western donors.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“We are deeply concerned about the lack of transparency in the legislative process surrounding the Zambia Institute of Journalism Bill, which would place alarmingly restrictive controls on the media,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “We call on the government to ensure that this bill, which was publicly disavowed by President Hakainde Hichilema, does not become law.”

The bill would require journalists to obtain an annual license from a regulatory institute, which could be rescinded for misconduct; it has yet to be formally tabled in parliament. Those who impersonate journalists, work without a registration, or employ such individuals could face imprisonment of up to five years or fines of up to 200,000 Kwacha (US$8,000).

The justice ministry drafted the bill at the information ministry’s request, on behalf of the Media Liaison Committee, a media industry body, according to Modern Muyembe, media development director at the ministry of information. It was approved for legislative committee review in March.

The MLC’s acting chairperson, Felistus Chipako, did not respond to CPJ’s email requesting comment but was quoted by The Editor Zambia as saying that the bill sought to uphold professionalism and empower journalists.

Following an outcry from media rights and news organizations, Hichilema said he opposed the bill, saying it was not a government initiative, and that it risked undermining media independence.

Zambian media have been divided over regulation for many years. A similar bill was withdrawn in 2022 after a backlash. The High Court ruled in 1997 that compulsory registration was unconstitutional.

CPJ has recently expressed concern over the deterioration of press freedom in Zambia. In April, two cybersecurity laws giving the government broad surveillance powers were enacted amid concerns over Hichilema’s plans to amend the constitution ahead of next year’s elections.

Editor’s Note: Joan Chirwa, CPJ’s southern Africa researcher, is the founder of the Zambia Free Press Initiative, one of the organizations opposed to statutory media regulation.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Lauren Wolfe.

Guevara, an Emmy-winning, Spanish-language reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page and other social media platforms, was arrested on June 14 while livestreaming a “No Kings” protest against the actions of the Trump administration in an Atlanta, Georgia suburb. According to video footage of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement.

Guevara was transferred to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody after the immigration authority issued a detainer against the journalist, who has authorization to work in the United States. At the time of the letter’s publication, Guevara was being held in the Folkston ICE Processing Center.

Read the full letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

The statement warned that independent media in Georgia may only have months left before they are forced to close as outlets now require government approval for foreign grants, broadcasters face arbitrary fines, and journalists can be jailed for up to five years for violating the “foreign agent” law.

The group also called for the immediate release of prominent media manager Mzia Amaghlobeli, who has been in pre-trial detention since January and faces up to seven years in prison on charges widely perceived as retaliatory.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In a letter sent to Paramount Global chair Shari Redstone, CPJ emphasized that the lawsuit lacks merit and that CBS journalists acted lawfully and ethically. CPJ warned that the settlement could set a harmful precedent, signaling that political figures can pressure news organizations into altering or censoring editorial decisions, and threatening freedom of the press in the U.S. and around the world.

Read the letter here:

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

CPJ wrote a letter to DeKalb County Chief Executive Officer Lorraine Cochran-Johnson requesting that charges against Guevara be dropped and has not immediately received a reply from the office.

“We are deeply concerned by the ongoing detention of Spanish-language journalist Mario Guevara by authorities in DeKalb County, Georgia. He must be released immediately and the charges against him dropped,” said CPJ U.S., Canada and Caribbean Program Coordinator Katherine Jacobsen. “Guevara was doing his job and reporting the news at the time of his arrest. It is alarming that the charges he is now facing could be a pretext to begin deportation proceedings against him.” 

Guevara, an Emmy-winning reporter who covers immigration on his “MGnews” Facebook page, and other social media platforms was livestreaming the protest in the Embry Hills neighborhood northwest of Atlanta when he was detained by police. At the time of his arrest, Guevara was wearing a press pass and clearly identified himself as a journalist to law enforcement, according to video footage of his arrest.

Originally from El Salvador, Guevara has work authorization in the United States and has been in the process of obtaining a green card through his son, who is a U.S. citizen. 

Guevara was charged with improperly entering a roadway; obstruction of law enforcement officers; and unlawful assembly, according to reports. During a court appearance yesterday, a judge granted Guevara bond. However, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) issued a “detainer” against the journalist, which often precedes the deportation process, his lawyer, Giovanni Díaz, told reporters. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Government officials confirmed that Torres was detained May 13 but have since provided no information on the charges against him.

The letter calls on Venezuelan authorities to “guarantee that human rights defenders can carry out their work freely and safely, without fear of harassment, reprisals or imprisonment” and to allow Torres regular communication with family members and trusted lawyers.

Read the full letter in English here and Spanish here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Described as a local farmer and woodworker in reports, Loeuy was also ordered to pay a 55 million riel (US$13,500) fine to Chheng’s family.

“The conviction and sentencing of Chhoeung Chheng’s must herald an end to the chronic violence and intimidation faced by journalists in Cambodia,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Authorities should build on this rule-of-law milestone by protecting reporters who cover the environment.” 

Loeuy shot Chheng, a reporter for the local Kampuchea Aphivath news site, on December 4, 2024, while he was investigating reports of illegal logging in Siem Riep’s Boeung Per Wildlife Sanctuary. Chheng died of his injuries shortly after the attack.

CPJ has documented other cases in Cambodia in which environmental reporters have been killed and denied entry in connection with their work, as well as the arrest and temporary detention of reporter Ouk Mao last month.

Cambodia’s Ministry of Information did not respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The two men, part of a Maltese criminal gang, are due to be sentenced in the coming weeks.

The joint statement said that the June 5 verdict marks a vital step toward full justice — a crucial development in the fight against impunity that will hopefully strengthen the case against the alleged mastermind, businessman Yorgen Fenech, who is awaiting trial. To date, five individuals have been found guilty of involvement in Caruana Galizia’s murder.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Within days of publication last month, sources close to El Salvador’s attorney general’s office warned that arrest warrants were imminent for seven of the outlet’s journalists. The purported charges – “advocacy of crime” and “unlawful association” – are typically used against alleged gang members. Ten El Faro reporters have now left the country as a precaution.

Just days after the interviews were published, the government escalated the crackdown against both journalists and human rights organizations whose work includes supporting journalists. Ruth López, a prominent lawyer with the human rights group Cristosal, was abruptly arrested and charged with embezzlement. Two other activists remain in custody facing public disorder charges. International organizations have raised alarms over what they describe as the systematic use of the justice system to silence critics.

The Committee to Protect Journalists has documented years of harassment against the El Faro newsroom, from Pegasus spyware surveillance and baseless money laundering accusations to smear campaigns led by government officials. Today, in the aftermath of the publication of the gang interviews, the pressure has reached unprecedented levels.

In a conversation with CPJ, El Faro Editor-in-Chief Óscar Martínez – recipient of CPJ’s 2016 International Press Freedom Award – reflected on toll of the persecution.

This interview was conducted in Spanish and has been edited for length and clarity.

Can you talk about how you left the country and how you’re doing now?

We published the interview videos on May 1. We knew the material would have an impact, so four of us left the country before publication to ensure it could be shared freely and then return. Each of us went to different places, one to Mexico to engage with the media, I went to the U.S. for meetings and coverage, which turned into a sort of advocacy to protect the newsroom.

After we left, repression escalated: transport business leaders were arrested, one died in prison five days later. Then came arrests of community leaders protesting outside the president’s residence, and the detention of (human rights lawyer) Ruth López. Meanwhile, we kept receiving alerts about surveillance on our staff and pending arrest warrants. So we took three more colleagues out and then another four. Now there are 10 of us outside the country, not formally exiled, but staying out for safety. We’re planning our return.

Can you explain the charges brought against you or your newsroom?

One day after we published the interviews, the head of the State Intelligence Agency accused us on social media of five crimes, including human trafficking and sexual violence. He said, “You don’t throw rocks at someone who has bombs,” like a threat. Not long after, we confirmed through two separate, reliable sources that seven arrest warrants had been drafted against us. They (the sources) didn’t know each other but provided the same information: That we are being accused of “advocacy of crime” and unlawful association. Crimes that were used against criminal groups, so that’s when we decided to get everyone involved in the video out of the country.

How has El Salvador’s state of emergency, which the government says it imposed to combat gang violence, make it especially dangerous for journalists accused of gang ties?

The state of emergency began in March 2022 and brought a series of legal changes. For the first 15 days, authorities don’t need to present you before a judge. You can be arrested based solely on a police or military officer’s intuition. They also eliminated the two-year limit on pretrial detention; now you can remain in prison for five, ten, or even fifteen years without a conviction. There’s total secrecy over proceedings and what they call “mass trials,” where hundreds are charged without individualized evidence.

In practice, it’s even worse: warrantless raids, anonymous judges, ignored release orders, and no prison visits. It’s a police state where the executive decides who’s arrested and for how long. And it all happens without checks or balances, because in El Salvador today, there’s only one power: the president.

What do you think the government aims to achieve by accusing you of being gang members or sympathizers?

It’s a tactic used in other dictatorships, like Cuba or Nicaragua, to turn critics into “non-citizens.” Bukele knows how to tap into fear. He’s pushed the narrative that we defend gangs, even though we’ve covered gang violence long before he entered politics, back when he was running a nightclub.

What we’re doing is questioning criminals who allied with the government — that’s journalism. His persecution of us and the arrest of Ruth López is a message to all he considers visible opposition: the press, civil society, community leaders, environmentalists, and political parties. His message is clear: he’s going to crush us. We’ve received the message. Some of us may get arrested, others may go into exile. That’s Bukele’s plan: destroy us by turning the public against us.

Is there any legal or institutional path you can take to challenge the accusations or seek protection?

No. None.

How would you compare the press environment now to what existed before Bukele took office? What’s changed politically and legally?

Before, there was a public information access law — it worked poorly, but it worked. There were press conferences. The labor ministry wasn’t used to attack the media. There was no state of emergency. If you were charged with a crime, you had a right to a public, open trial and the ability to appeal. There were still independent judges, and the Constitutional Chamber had some diversity. The attorney general’s office had a degree of autonomy.

All of that is gone now. El Salvador was never an easy country for journalism, but it’s never been this bad.

How has all this affected your ability to report and build sources?

Drastically. We’ve lost many sources, especially after it was revealed that Pegasus spyware had infiltrated our phones for 17 months. Nobody wants to talk to journalists who are being surveilled. The government uses polygraphs to question officials about whether they’ve spoken to El Faro. We know that ministries and the presidency specifically ask about this. Some sources who spoke to us are now in prison, one died there, with signs of torture.

Doing journalism is also much more expensive. To meet a source, we might need to rent an Airbnb with underground parking or travel abroad. What once cost a reporter’s [time] now can cost $10,000. Publishing can lead to arrest warrants. We’ve lost talented journalists who left out of legitimate fear and that’s a huge loss for journalism.

How are you coping with all of this, personally and professionally, under so much pressure and risk?

We’re trying to stay calm, to avoid losing perspective or compromising our journalistic rigor. It’s hard, but we’re doing it by relying on our editorial board and years of experience. We’ve had to adapt quickly, shift resources, and do everything we can to make the budget work.

You plan your finances for a year, and then suddenly you have to take 10 journalists out of the country. Then five audits arrive, trying to fine you thousands of dollars for things you’ve already proven you didn’t do. You have to regularly scan all phones for Pegasus. You also need an emergency fund in case you need to evacuate journalists and their families.

We’re focused on staying steady, leaning on our international allies, showing them what’s happening, and asking for one specific thing: time. We know what’s coming: exile or prison. We’re not asking anyone to stop the inevitable, just to help us delay it. As long as we have time, we’ll keep reporting.

How do you think what’s happening to you, to El Faro, and to independent media in El Salvador can serve as a warning or lesson for journalists in other countries, even the United States?

It’s deeply instructive; it cuts to the core of what journalism is. People can do what they want with the information we report, but a lot simply wouldn’t be known if we didn’t exist.

People wouldn’t know that Bukele negotiated with gangs, or that victims of gangs are now imprisoned, or that the prisons chief sold off 41,000 sacks of pandemic food aid for profit. They wouldn’t know that Bukele is expanding his private residence with public funds. We report, what people do with it is their choice. We answer to our readers and our principles, but above all, we report for them.

I also think of journalists like Alma Guillermoprieto and Susan Meiselas. If they hadn’t documented the El Mozote massacre in 1981, standing up to a coordinated campaign that denied it ever happened, there wouldn’t be a trial today. It’s terrible that those trials are only now happening, for the old and the dead, but it’s something. If they hadn’t done it, the world would be worse. And if we don’t do our part now, it will be worse again.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Dánae Vílchez.

Local press freedom groups said those abducted between May 21 and 23 included:

• Abduljabbar Zayad, freelance photographer
• Hassan Ziyad, journalist with London-based newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed
• Abdulaziz Al-Noum, Director of the Soorah Media Production Center,
• Walid Ali Ghalib, deputy head of the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate

On May 24, the Specialized Criminal Court in the capital Sanaa sentenced well-known Yemeni journalist Mohamed Al-Miyahi to 1½ years in prison for criticizing Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi online. Al-Miyahi was also ordered to sign a pledge not to resume his journalistic work and to pay a guarantee of 5 million riyals (US$20,500), which he would forfeit if he were to resume publication of material critical of the state.

“The kidnapping of at least four Yemeni journalists and media workers and the sentence issued against Mohamed Al-Miyahi exemplify the Houthis’ escalating assault on press freedom,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “We call on Houthi authorities to immediately release all detained journalists and stop weaponizing the law and courts to legitimize their repression of independent voices.”

The Iranian-backed rebels, who control Sanaa and govern more than 70% of Yemen’s population, have been fighting a Saudi-backed coalition since 2015. The group is designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

Al-Miyahi criticized the Houthis in his last article prior to his September abduction and enforced disappearance for over a month. In January, he appeared in court, accused of “publishing articles against the state.” 

Al-Miyahi’s prosecution violates Article 13 of Yemen’s press law, which protects journalists from punishment for publishing their opinions, unless these are unlawful.

CPJ has criticized the establishment of parallel justice systems by non-state groups, like the Houthis, as they are widely seen as lacking impartiality.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Local press freedom groups said those abducted between May 21 and 23 included:

• Abduljabbar Zayad, freelance photographer
• Hassan Ziyad, journalist with London-based newspaper Al-Araby Al-Jadeed
• Abdulaziz Al-Noum, Director of the Soorah Media Production Center,
• Walid Ali Ghalib, deputy head of the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate

On May 24, the Specialized Criminal Court in the capital Sanaa sentenced well-known Yemeni journalist Mohamed Al-Miyahi to 1½ years in prison for criticizing Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi online. Al-Miyahi was also ordered to sign a pledge not to resume his journalistic work and to pay a guarantee of 5 million riyals (US$20,500), which he would forfeit if he were to resume publication of material critical of the state.

“The kidnapping of at least four Yemeni journalists and media workers and the sentence issued against Mohamed Al-Miyahi exemplify the Houthis’ escalating assault on press freedom,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “We call on Houthi authorities to immediately release all detained journalists and stop weaponizing the law and courts to legitimize their repression of independent voices.”

The Iranian-backed rebels, who control Sanaa and govern more than 70% of Yemen’s population, have been fighting a Saudi-backed coalition since 2015. The group is designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

Al-Miyahi criticized the Houthis in his last article prior to his September abduction and enforced disappearance for over a month. In January, he appeared in court, accused of “publishing articles against the state.” 

Al-Miyahi’s prosecution violates Article 13 of Yemen’s press law, which protects journalists from punishment for publishing their opinions, unless these are unlawful.

CPJ has criticized the establishment of parallel justice systems by non-state groups, like the Houthis, as they are widely seen as lacking impartiality.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Following Kloop’s forced shutdown last year, the arrest of eight current and former Kloop staffers and incitement charges against journalists Aleksandr Aleksandrov and Joomart Duulatov is a grave escalation of Kyrgyz authorities’ vendetta against Kloop for its critical coverage of government corruption,” said Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s program director. “All press members swept up in these targeted raids must be released without delay.”

Between Wednesday and Friday, officers with Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS) raided Kloop’s offices and the homes of journalists and staffers in the capital of Bishkek and the southern city of Osh, seizing electronic devices, before taking them to SCNS offices for questioning, according to multiple reports.

Kloop founder Rinat Tuhvatshin called the arrests “abductions,” stating that the SCNS conducted searches and questioned the journalists without lawyers present and did not allow them to make any phone calls. 

In a May 30 statement, the SCNS accused Kloop of continuing to work despite the liquidation of its legal entity and said its “illegal work” was “aimed at provoking public discontent … for the subsequent organization of mass unrest.”

With Aleksandrov and Duulatov, an unnamed Kloop accountant detained Friday also remained in SCNS custody. If found guilty on the incitement charges, Aleksandrov and Duulatov could face up to eight years in prison.

A local partner in the global investigative network Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), Kloop regularly reports on alleged corruption and abuses by government officials. The outlet’s website has been blocked in Kyrgyzstan since 2023.

The charges against Aleksandrov and Duulatov echo those brought last year against 11 current and former staffers of investigative outlet Temirov Live. 

CPJ’s email to SCNS for comment did not immediately receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The Supreme State Security Prosecution released Qandeel the same day on bail of 50,000 Egyptian pounds (about US$1,004).

“Accusing Qandeel after questioning her journalistic integrity is another example of Egypt’s legal harassment and use of vague charges to silence independent voices,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “We urge Egyptian authorities to drop all charges against her and stop targeting independent journalism.”

Qandeel, a well-known former BBC Arabic presenter, said she has faced increased verbal attacks from pro-regime Egyptian media presenters after publishing articles last month criticizing the Egyptian army’s arms purchases amid the country’s economic hardships.

If convicted, Qandeel could face up to five years in prison, a fine up to half a million Egyptian pounds, or both, under Article 80(d) of the Penal Code—a provision that raises penalties for spreading “false news” abroad.

Qandeel told Cairo-based news outlet Al-Manassa that the charges followed 31 citizen complaints filed over two weeks in May—all related to investigative reports she published last year.

Egypt ranked as the sixth-worst country globally for press freedom last year, with 17 journalists behind bars.

CPJ’s request for comment from the Egyptian Public Prosecutor’s Office regarding Qandeel’s case did not receive an immediate response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On May 15, the Tamaulipas Electoral Institute (IETAM) ordered de Mauleón – one of Mexico’s most well-known investigative journalists – to take down his May 1 column, which mentioned corruption allegations against a relative of a candidate, Tania Contreras, in the northern state and to refrain from publishing articles linking her to criminal individuals or acts. The woman sued de Mauleón and his newspaper El Universal on May 15 for slander and political violence based on gender. De Mauleón was found guilty, but the dates of the verdict and his sentencing were not made public.

Such vexatious lawsuits are an increasingly popular tool for Mexican politicians to censor critical journalism, and CPJ has documented their use since 2016, when a court in Mexico City eliminated the maximum compensation plaintiffs could sue for in moral damages suits. Over the past five years, at least 158 journalists faced libel suits, according to the office in Mexico of Article 19, a London-based advocacy group and CPJ partner organization.

It’s a global trend. In Europe and the United States, Strategic Lawsuits against Public Participation, commonly known as SLAPPs, are widely used as retaliatory measures to intimidate journalists and suppress public interest reporting.

Political violence based on gender

The crime of political violence based on gender, introduced in 2020, was designed to protect female candidates in a country where gender violence is among the highest in the world, including against women running for or holding public office, numerous studies found.

Reporter Arturo Ángel Arrellano Camarillo of Al Calor Político news site has been found guilty of the same crime in the eastern state of Veracruz. In January of this year he was ordered to pay an unspecified fine and reparations to Mara Chama, a woman he named in a 2021 article about politicians’ relatives running for office, according to the court ruling, reviewed by CPJ.

Arellano’s name will also be added to a register of Persons Sanctioned for Political Violence against Women held by the National Electoral Institute, which organizes Mexico’s federal elections.

“The rulings against journalists Héctor de Mauleón and Arturo Arellano are clear examples of judicial harassment, with politicians abusing the law to silence critical reporting – an increasingly common phenomenon in Mexico,” said CPJ Mexico Representative Jan-Albert Hootsen. “We call on Mexican politicians to stop bringing meritless cases to court to prevent the publication of news that is in the public interest.”

In both cases, lower courts rejected the charges, but their rulings were overturned.

The charges against the two journalists appear to be baseless, as there was no evidence of political violence or of the journalists singling out the women because of their gender, human rights lawyer Jorge Ruiz del Ángel told CPJ. “There appears to be little merit in these cases”, he said. “In either one the damage the articles would have caused is not clear, nor the specific component of gender.”

At risk

De Mauleón did not withdraw the article, despite the risk of arrest. He told CPJ that retracting it would create a dangerous precedent of self-censorship for journalists in Mexico.

He is used to being harassed over his work. For the last decade, De Mauleón been threatened multiple times for his reporting on organized crime, extortion, drug trafficking, and corrupt networks involving politicians and celebrities.

But this case concerned him because the court order was handed to him at his Mexico City home.

“I was told that my personal information was given to the IETAM, which I believe places me at risk,” De Mauleón told CPJ.

Mexico is the deadliest country in the Americas for journalists, according to CPJ research. Since 2020, 40 journalists and media workers were killed in work-related, or possibly work-related incidents, according to CPJ research. Mexico ranked eighth on CPJ’s 2024 Global Impunity Index.

CPJ made several attempts to reach Tania Contreras via calls to her campaign’s office in Tamaulipas and to Mara Chama via the Teocelo municipal government in Veracruz for comment, but none of the calls were answered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Public consultations for the proposed Shield, which European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced in 2024, closed on May 26.

The Commission has stated that defense of the press will be an “important part” of the initiative, which seeks to address foreign interference online, and counter disinformation and information manipulation, as well as other threats to democratic processes. 

During its 2019 to 2024 term, the European Commission stepped up its defense of media freedom, with actions including: 

• The 2024 European Media Freedom Act to stop media capture by vested interests;
• A 2022 Directive and Recommendation to limit the use of vexatious lawsuits filed to censor critical reporting, known as SLAPPS, or Strategic Lawsuits against Public Participation;
• The 2021 Recommendation on journalists’ safety, which guides member states on how to protect journalists.

“Brussels has created the tools for strengthening media freedom in Europe, but journalists need to see that they work,” said CPJ Deputy Advocacy Director, EU, Tom Gibson. “The European Democracy Shield should provide a clear roadmap to push existing reforms forward. EU member states should respond with both financial commitments to ensure its success and renewed political will to save journalism in Europe.”

The impact of recent initiatives has yet to be seen. As CPJ noted in its 2023 report, “Fragile Progress: The struggle for press freedom in the European Union”, improved and sustained action from Brussels is needed to ensure member states deliver on the reforms.

The question of Europe’s political will coincides with a dire financial outlook for the media worldwide, including a shift to digital platforms and declining advertising revenues. The Trump administration’s withdrawal of U.S. financial support has plunged many independent media outlets in Europe into crisis.

Negotiations over the EU’s 2028 to 2034 budget, the Multiannual Financial Framework, are likely to be tense, in part because of diverging outlooks from member states and economic pressures. 

Read CPJ’s full recommendations to the European Commission on the European Democracy Shield here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP), InMedia, The Witness, ReNews, and Boomhead are among the outlets that have received backdated tax demands from the Inland Revenue Department (IRD) since November 2023, according to the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA), the city’s main press union. The HKJA said it is also under audit.

“Hong Kong is taking a page out of the playbook of authoritarian regimes elsewhere that are using similar intimidation tactics,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Targeting journalists with tax audits without sufficient evidence not only rings alarm bells for press freedom but also raises concerns more broadly about Hong Kong as a safe and reliable location to do business.”

Tax authorities claimed that the news outlets, journalists and some of their family members had not reported their full income from 2017 to 2019, according to HKJA chairperson Selina Cheng, who said the audits contained errors and were “unreasonable.” Cheng and her parents are among those under tax probes.

The HKJA said the IRD sent separate back tax demands to each media outlet and to the association itself, with a combined total of around HK$700,000 (US$89,450), based on the union’s calculations. It added that more than 20 individuals — including journalists, former board members, and some of their family members — also received tax demands, with the total amount requested reaching up to HK$1 million (US$127,900).

In a statement, the HKFP said that it is undergoing a seven-year audit after being “randomly selected” by the IRD.

Hong Kong has seen a dramatic decline in press freedom since the enactment of the Beijing-imposed national security law in 2020. Several independent media outlets, including Apple Daily and Stand News, have been forced to shut down, while journalists have been assaulted, arrested and imprisoned. 

In response to CPJ’s request for comment on the audits, an IRD spokesperson said the department follows “established procedures” and the industry or background of a taxpayer “has no bearing” on such audits.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Abdelfattah has spent nearly a decade in prison and now faces an additional two years of detention—despite Egyptian legal provisions that should have guaranteed his release last September. On May 20, the journalist’s 69-year-old mother, Laila Soueif, resumed a near-total hunger strike in protest.

On March 4, CPJ led a joint letter signed by 50 prominent human rights leaders, Nobel laureates, writers, and public figures, urging President el-Sisi to issue a presidential pardon for Abdelfattah.

Read the full letter in English here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The charges against Landry Ulrich Nguéma Ngokpélé over a publication in his newspaper sends a chilling signal across the media sector in the Central African Republic,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa representative. “Central African Republic authorities must secure his immediate release and ensure journalism is not criminalized.”

Ngokpélé’s was arrested by a man in civilian clothes, who pointed a gun at him and threatened to shoot if the journalist refused to cooperate, according to his lawyer, Roger Junior Loutomo, who spoke with CPJ.

On May 14, an investigating judge ordered Ngokpélé’s transfer to Ngaragba prison in Bangui from a gendarmerie office, where he had been held since his arrest.

On May 19, the judge charged Ngokpélé with complicity in rebellion, spreading information likely to disturb public order, inciting hatred andrevolt, and subversion against the constitution and the state, according to Loutomo and copies of the charge sheet, which CPJ reviewed.

Loutomo told CPJ the case was related to a report published in the paper’s April 22 edition, which said that the former president, who has been living in exile in Guinea Bissau, had returned to the capital.

Bozizé, who is sought by the International Criminal Court for possible crimes against humanity, seized power in 2003 and was toppled in 2013. In 2020, he set up a rebel group seeking to overthrow the government, for which Central African authorities sentenced him in absentia in 2023 to life in prison.

The charge sheet cites sections 11, 12, 292, 295, 381, and 382 of the penal code, so Ngokpélé would face time in prison if found guilty. However, the country’s press law holds that offenses involving journalism should fall under that law, which would only carry fines.

Ngokpélé was previously detained for more than two months in 2021.

Government spokesperson Maxime Balalou told CPJ via messaging app that he was “closely” following Ngokpélé’s case. Balalou asked to be sent questions via email, but when CPJ requested his email address, he did not respond.  

CPJ’s calls to the gendarmerie and the Bangui court went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The prosecution of Öznur Değer is yet another example of the witch hunt against critical journalists in Turkey. Reporting on sensitive issues does not equate with promoting violence,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Turkish authorities should quickly free Değer, drop the charge against her, and put an end to such vindictive prosecutions.”

Değer, news director for the pro-Kurdish site JİNNEWS, was taken into police custody during a February 7 raid on her home in the southeastern city of Mardin and put under arrest by a court.

The court subsequently charged her with making propaganda for the PKK, which Turkey recognizes as a terrorist organization.

The PKK, which has been fighting Turkish security forces since 1984, announced in May that it was planning to disband as part of a new peace process.

In the four-page indictment, reviewed by CPJ, prosecutors said PKK-related news, photographs, and videos that Değer posted on the social media platform X between 2021 and 2024 were terrorism propaganda.

The indictment also said Değer was under investigation for “insulting a public officer,” who filed a complaint about comments Değer made at a funeral wake in December.

Değer is appealing a six year and three month sentence issued against her and seven other journalists in June 2024 for membership of a terrorist organization. She spent almost seven months in jail, from October 2022 to May 2023, awaiting trial.

CPJ’s email requesting comment from the chief prosecutor’s office in Mardin did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Later Thursday, an Istanbul court arrested Karabay, pending trial, on suspicion of “making targets of those who were tasked to combat terrorism” and “insulting” Turkish President Recep Tayyip. The arrest order, which CPJ reviewed, cites the journalist’s social media posts in April about the prosecution of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the arrested opposition mayor of Istanbul, according to the arrest order.

Karabay’s posts on X after March 21 have been deleted. CPJ couldn’t confirm when these posts were deleted or by whom. On May 16, his account on X was blocked in Turkey “in response to a legal demand.”

“Courts in Turkey keep arresting reporter Furkan Karabay on similar suspicions year after year, which points to a pattern of making him an example of due to his reporting,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Turkish authorities should free Karabay without delay and end the chokehold they have on the flow of the news in the country.” 

In a separate trial last month, Karabay was found guilty of defamation and “insulting” Erdoğan. He received a delayed prison sentence of 25 months in total due to reporting on the main opposition party’s claims of corruption against the president’s family.

On November 9, 2024, an Istanbul court arrested Karabay, pending trial, on a similar charge of suspicion of “making targets of those who were tasked to combat terrorism,” “insulting a public servant,” and “knowingly distributing misleading information to the public,” due to reporting on the arrest of an opposition mayor. He was released on the next day, and that trial is yet to begin.

On December 28, 2023, another Istanbul court arrested Karabay on suspicion of “making targets of those who were tasked to combat terrorism,” as well as defamation, due to his reporting on allegations of corruption in the judiciary. He was released pending trial in January 2024, and acquitted from both charges in October.

Journalists in Turkey who report on members of the judiciary or judicial developments are frequently charged with “making targets of those who were tasked to combat terrorism.”

CPJ’s email to the Istanbul chief prosecutor’s office did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Blocking journalist Ahmad Noorani’s YouTube channel and filing a criminal case against him is indicative of Pakistan’s relentless campaign against exiled journalists,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “It also appears that the journalist’s family is being targeted back home in Pakistan. The brutal intimidation of journalists and their families must stop, and the Pakistan government must allow the media to report freely.”

On May 12, YouTube told Noorani that it had blocked his channel, with 173,000 followers, in Pakistan based on a legal complaint from the government, according to the journalist and a copy of YouTube’s email, reviewed by CPJ.

On May 13, Pakistan’s National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency opened an investigation into Noorani, accusing him of running hate campaigns against the armed forces, under the controversial Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, for which he could face up to three years imprisonment.

The investigators cited two of Noorani’s posts on the social media platform X that criticized Pakistan’s army during last week’s conflict with India, according to a copy of the First Information Report (FIR), reviewed by CPJ.

On March 18, about two dozen individuals identifying themselves as police forcibly entered and searched Noorani’s family home in the capital Islamabad and took his two brothers to an undisclosed location for 30 days.

U.S.-based Noorani told CPJ that he believed his brothers’ forced disappearance was because of his March 17 investigative report, which said the military was misusing its influence over civilian institutions.

CPJ’s text message to information minister Attaullah Tarar requesting comment received no response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

After his April 23 arrest in eastern Somali Region, Ahmed, the founder of Jigjiga Television Network, appeared in court on incitement charges on April 25, and was remanded in custody pending investigations, the journalist’s relative, who declined to be named, citing fear of retribution, told CPJ.

In the interview, Abdikarim Ali Ahmed demanded justice for his son’s death, saying that an officer kicked the teenage boy’s head, while wearing boots, after which he was hospitalized and died from his injuries. Regional police commander Abdi Ali Siyad told the BBC’s Somali service, “The boy simply died. There is no one to be held accountable.”

Meanwhile, on April 17, parliament passed a widely criticized amendment to the 2021 media law, increasing government control over the regulatory Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA), which is responsible for issuing sanctions against news outlets that violate press ethics, including by revoking their licenses. Press and human rights groups have warned that this shift in power “opens the door to undue influence” from politicians. 

“Ethiopia’s hostility to the press has been evident in the frequent arrests of critical journalists, and now the country is well on its way to reversing the gains it made in passing its 2021 media law, once considered progressive,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “Authorities should release journalists detained for their work and amend or repeal laws that can be used to undermine press freedom.”

More April arrests

In the month of April, in addition to Ahmed’s detention and the brief arrest of three Addis Standard employees as part of a raid on their newsroom, CPJ also confirmed:

• On April 5, police arrested Muhyidin Abdullahi Omar, an editor at the state-owned Harari Mass Media Agency and founder of the YouTube channel Biyyoo Production, in eastern Harari Region, his wife Helen Jemal and a person with knowledge of the case, who declined to be named, citing fear of reprisal, told CPJ.

On April 28, Omar was charged with defamation and disseminating disinformation in connection with two Facebook posts, according to the charge sheet, reviewed by CPJ, in which he alleged mismanagement at a local mosque and corruption at the regional attorney general’s office.

He could face up to three years imprisonment for defamation under a 2016 law and another three years for incitement under an anti-hate speech law, which broadly defines the crime.

Muyhidin had been on administrative leave from Harari Mass Media Agency since 2022, following an arrest over his social media activity, but on April 7, 2025 — two days after his latest arrest — his employer suspended his salary pending a disciplinary meeting, according to Helen and documents reviewed by CPJ.

• On April 10, Fanuel Kinfu, founder of the online outlet Fentale Media, was taken from his home in the capital Addis Ababa. The journalist told CPJ that police questioned him over alleged defamation in relation to commentary videos, published between April 2023 and June 2024. On April 13, he was released on bail of 15,000 birr (US$113).

• On April 23, Abebe Fikir, a reporter with the weekly newspaper The Reporter, was arrested. Abebe told CPJ that he was seeking comment from city officials about a housing dispute but the police accused him of filming without permission — an allegation he denied. On April 25, he was released on bail of 10,000 birr (US$75), without charge.

Increased government power over the press

Ethiopia’s 2021 media law won praise for progressive provisions, including for reclassifying defamation as a civil rather than criminal offence. But the amended law, passed with only one dissenting vote, increases the government’s power over the press. Sections that allowed the public to nominate candidates to the media authority’s board and four slots reserved for media and civil society representatives have been repealed, with board members instead being chosen from “relevant” bodies.

It also removed a ban on board members being members of a political party — a rule that the government had been criticized for breaking in parliament and transferred power to nominate the authority’s director general from the board to the prime minister.

Ethiopia is sub-Saharan Africa’s second worst jailer of journalists, after Eritrea, according to CPJ’s latest annual prison census, with six behind bars on December 1, 2024. One of these, Yeshihasab Abere, was released in January.

In March, seven journalists from the privately owned Ethiopian Broadcasting Service were detained. All have since been freed. Two are awaiting trial on charges of dissemination of hateful disinformation.

CPJ did not receive any responses to queries sent via email and messaging app to federal, Harari and Somali regional police and government spokesperson Legesse Tulu.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ruling Fidesz party introduced the bill on Tuesday in Parliament on the heels of Orbán’s pledge to crack down on a “shadow army” of critical voices, including journalists and activists, in a “spring cleaning.”

“The introduction of this Russian-style ‘foreign agent’ bill is a chilling signal that Orbán’s government is prepared to eliminate the last remnants of Hungary’s independent media in its pursuit of unchecked power ahead of next year’s parliamentary elections,” said Tom Gibson, CPJ’s deputy advocacy director, EU. “This measure amounts to Hungary’s complete abandonment of its responsibilities as a member of the European Union and would fundamentally undermine democracy. European leaders must act swiftly.”

The bill would grant Hungary’s Sovereignty Protection Office more power to establish “a register of organizations that threaten Hungary’s sovereignty with foreign aid,” according to an analysis by Médiafórum, the Association of Independent Media Outlets. 

Listed organizations would face severe restrictions, including: mandatory public asset declarations from senior officers, founders, and oversight committee members; a requirement to obtain anti-money laundering approval for foreign funding; loss of eligibility for 1% tax donations from citizens; classification of leaders as “politically exposed persons”; and a mandate to secure proof from all donors that funds did not originate abroad. 

The bill classifies any funding from outside Hungary as a potential sovereignty threat, including EU grants or donations as low as €5.

A joint statement signed by Hungarian NGOs and independent media outlets called the bill “an unprecedented attack on the country’s still-independent institutions” and “an authoritarian attempt to maintain power” that aims to “silence all critical voices and dismantle the remaining traces of Hungarian democracy.”

CPJ’s email to the office of Zoltán Kovács, the Hungarian government’s international spokesperson, did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Zhang was first detained on May 14, 2020, while reporting on the COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan, China. Zhang completed a four-year prison sentence for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”, but was arrested again in August 2024 on the same charges, three months after her release. Prior to her latest arrest, Zhang continued to report on the harassment of Chinese activists on her social media. If convicted, she could face up to five more years in prison.

Zhang has been hospitalized twice in detention due to intermittent hunger strikes. In January 2025, detention center authorities subjected her to forced nasogastric feeding after she began another hunger strike to protest her second arrest. The date of her trial is still unknown.

Read the joint statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Bulavinskaya is one of hundreds of journalists who went into exile after President Aleksandr Lukashenko intensified his jailing and persecution of the press following 2020 protests calling for his ouster. Increasingly, they face the long arm of the state. According to CPJ research, more than 60 journalists in exile are under investigation or facing criminal charges in cases that were opened after they left Belarus, constituting a massive campaign of transnational repression against those who continue to report from abroad.

Journalists are being charged under so-called “special proceedings,” a 2022 addition to the criminal procedure code that allows Belarusian authorities to convict people in absentia. At first, the proceedings were mostly used against dissidents, politicians, and activists; in 2024, authorities began charging journalists in an escalation against the exiled press, according to the Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), a trade group operating from abroad since 2021. (Four of BAJ’s own employees face criminal cases according to the organization.)

CPJ spoke with 15 journalists facing criminal cases and found that the legal process typically follows the same pattern: Journalists learn that they are under investigation, or facing charges, when law enforcement officials pay intimidating visits to relatives still in Belarus or when they spot their names on Russia’s online database of wanted suspects, which since a 2010 regional treaty includes Belarusians. (Belarus’s own “wanted” database is not frequently updated.) Journalists’ remaining property in the country is seized pending a trial, which virtually always results in a conviction. The journalists are then sentenced and ordered to pay heavy fines, which serve as a pretext for the full confiscation of their property.

“Having repressed virtually everyone inside the country they could, the authorities have now turned their attention to those abroad,” said Barys Haretski, deputy head of BAJ, in an interview with CPJ. “The authorities have no intention of reducing the number of repressive acts; they want to keep not only those inside the country in fear, but also those who have been forced to emigrate.”

Journalists have little recourse once placed under “special proceedings,” which are nontransparent by design. According to BAJ, journalists are typically unaware of what might have triggered the criminal cases against them until the trial begins. (Bulavinskaya, for example, still does not know the nature of the investigation or any charges against her.) Journalists are represented by government-appointment lawyers who virtually never communicate with them. If they are sentenced to prison, such as three of the 15 CPJ spoke with, they can technically appeal, but it’s practically impossible as most never see a sentencing document, said Haretski. Once sentenced, they have to be extremely cautious about travel. If they enter a country with an extradition treaty with Russia or Belarus, they can be deported to serve their jail time.

CPJ emailed the Belarusian Investigative Committee, the agency in charge of pretrial proceedings, requesting comment on the use of “special proceedings” against journalists but received no response.

Journalism equated with extremism

Journalists facing “special proceedings” are typically charged with extremism. Since Belarus tightened its extremism laws in 2021 in response to nationwide protests, authorities have been steadily using them to erode press freedom by fining and imprisoning independent journalists and blocking outlets labeled as “extremist.”

Freelance journalist Zmitser Lupach, who is in exile in Poland, learned that he was charged with “promoting” extremism, among other criminal charges when acquaintances sent him a photo of himself in a display of accused criminals in Belarus’ northwestern city of Hlybokaye. Later, authorities seized his apartment and a police officer paid a visit to his 81-year-old mother to ask if Lupach was planning to come back to Belarus.

“I can’t imagine how one can equate journalistic work with extremist activity… I cannot explain it by anything other than revenge on the part of the Lukashenko regime,” he told CPJ. “It is impossible to keep silent about this. Because the state, which should protect its citizens regardless of their political beliefs, is behaving like the ultimate criminal.”

Another journalist in exile, Tanya Korovenkova, is facing a criminal case that she suspects is related to her previous work for independent news website Pozirk, which the Interior Ministry declared an “extremist” formation in December. The ministry also published a list of people affiliated with Pozirk that included her name, she told CPJ.

Her property was seized in October. In February, Belarusian KGB officers asked Korovenkova’s relatives about her activities. “I regard such actions against me, as well as against my other journalist colleagues, as persecution for our work,” she said.  

Families impacted

Journalists told CPJ that family members in Belarus are harassed, with sometimes devastating consequences. In December 2023, Iryna Charniauka’s 74-year-old mother was summoned for questioning about her daughter by the Belarusian Investigative Committee; months later, law enforcement officers visited the elderly woman’s home to inform her that the journalist was charged with promoting extremist activity over a July 2023 interview she gave to Belsat TV about the conviction of her husband, journalist Pavel Mazheika. Soon after, Charniauka’s property was seized.

“My mother is an old person, and she ended up in the hospital due to a heart attack and this is the direct consequence of all those things,” Charniauka told CPJ.

She said the legal process has been a black box.

“It is likely that a lawyer was assigned to me, but I don’t know who and I don’t know how to find out. When my colleague journalists had such special proceedings [opened against them], they found out that their government-assigned lawyers admitted their guilt… I cannot go back to Belarus, because I know what will be next,” she said.

Siarhei Skulavets, a former journalist with Belsat TV who is facing an extremism case, told CPJ that in 2024 officers twice searched the homes of his 64-year-old mother and his 85-year-old grandmother.

“Two weeks after the second search, which took place on December 31, my grandmother died. The cause of death was a heart attack. I believe that the law enforcement is indirectly to blame for this, as they inflicted severe trauma on her,” he said, adding that the home he left behind in 2023 was also searched.

“The authorities are waging a war against free speech in the country. Journalists who have not [left the country] are in jail. Law enforcement officers in turn have lost their conscience and are conducting an all-out sweep, destroying people’s lives, their destinies and families,” he said.

Self-censorship in exile

Exiled journalists told CPJ they made the difficult choice to leave in part to continue in the profession, but the use of “special proceedings” has forced them to question the safety of their work.

“Special proceedings and repression against relatives in Belarus are a crucial factor in why the vast majority of independent journalists in exile work anonymously and often refuse to work on camera in order to maintain their anonymity,” Haretski told CPJ.

“Close people with whom I had contact asked me to stop communicating with them,” another journalist facing criminal proceedings told CPJ under condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal. “They were very afraid of hurting me and themselves of course [by maintaining communication]. They were induced several times to ‘cooperate,’ in other words, to find out information from me and pass it on to the authorities. …This is a powerful lever of pressure, and of course it hurts a lot, but I hope that it is temporary,” she said.

“I would really like to continue to stay in the profession. But unfortunately, all the things I have built up, year after year, have been taken away from me,” she said.

Another journalist told CPJ under condition of anonymity that law enforcement came to his parents’ workplace before he realized he was on Russia’s wanted list. The journalist said “special proceedings” have succeeded in making exiled journalists think twice about continuing to cover the country they left behind.

“This is repression of journalists, an attempt to stop their activity,” he told CPJ. “And it does work – journalists go into self-censorship mode.”

The long arm of the state: Three exiled journalists facing criminal cases

Olga Loiko, a former editor of now-shuttered news website Tut.by, was sentenced in absentia this year on charges of inciting hatred, tax evasion, organizing a protest, and calling for sanctions. She has not been able to determine the exact sentence.  

“There is no doubt that I and the rest of the Tut.by staff are being persecuted for our journalistic work, for our exceptionally accurate and professional coverage of the events on the eve of and after the 2020 presidential election,” she said. “And the brutality of the persecution … is exclusively because of Lukashenko’s personal trauma, who believes that the West ordered [the protests], paid journalists and opponents, spies, etcetera, because otherwise he would have to believe that Belarusians hate him — and quite massively. And journalists are not the reason, nor the instigators of this hatred.”

Uladzimir Khilmanovich, a freelance journalist and human rights activist, was sentenced last August to five years in prison and a fine of 40,000 Belarusian rubles (US$12,224) on extremism charges. In January, court bailiffs confiscated his TV, washing machine, and refrigerator, and he anticipates that all of his property, including other household appliances, a rural plot of land, and a two-room apartment, will eventually be confiscated.

“The whole judicial system in today’s Belarus is built exclusively on repressiveness and persecution on political grounds for dissent,” he said.

Fyodar Pauluchenka, editor-in-chief of Reform.news, learned he was placed on Russia’s wanted list in March, about six months after his parents and daughter were summoned for interrogation by the Belarusian KGB.

“The authorities are trying to put pressure through my parents on me for my professional activities… They were forced to sign a non-disclosure document, and I cannot find out the details. They are scared,” he said. “This is a common practice of pressure on Belarusian journalists. Fortunately, I don’t have any property in Belarus, otherwise it would be confiscated.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Anna Brakha.

The arrests bring the total number of journalists jailed in Azerbaijan since late 2023 to at least 25, with several others facing major criminal charges. Most are from some of Azerbaijan’s last remaining independent outlets and have been detained over alleged funding from Western donors amid a decline in relations with the West and surge in Azerbaijani authoritarianism following the country’s military recapture of the Nagorno-Karabakh region in September 2023.

“The latest arrests of journalists Ulviyya Ali and Ahmad Mammadli underline how intent Azerbaijani authorities are on wiping out any trace of independent reporting,” said CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia Senior Researcher Anna Brakha. “Azerbaijani authorities should release Ali and Mammadli and swiftly investigate disturbing allegations of police mistreatment against them.”

Exiled media advocate Emin Huseynov told CPJ that after the crackdown forced the exile of outlets like Toplum TV and Abzas Media and the closure of the Turan news agency, journalists like Ali and Mammadli have become the only sources of independent in-country reporting.

Police arrested Ali, whose legal name is Ulviyya Guliyeva, as part of a criminal case against independent Germany-based outlet Meydan TV, nine of whose journalists have previously been jailed on allegations of bringing Western funding into the country illegally.

Ali, considered one of the most prominent independent journalists continuing to work in Azerbaijan amid the crackdown, worked as a freelance reporter for U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America (VOA) prior to Azerbaijan’s cancellation of the broadcaster’s accreditation in February and the Trump administration’s funding cuts, after which she continued publishing on her personal social media accounts.

Huseynov told CPJ that journalists affiliated with international media were usually afforded a certain measure of protection in Azerbaijan, but that VOA’s effective closure “100% made Ulviyya more vulnerable” to arrest.

Law enforcement officers in the capital, Baku, arrested Ali overnight on May 6-7 and searched her apartment, where they claimed to find more than 6000 euros (US$6800). Gulnara Mehdiyeva, a friend of Ali’s, told CPJ that police severely damaged the journalist’s apartment and repeatedly struck Ali on the head, pulled her by the hair, and threatened to sexually assault her to force her to give them her phone password.

Later on May 7, a court ordered Ali to be held in pretrial detention for two months on currency smuggling charges, punishable by up to eight years in prison.

In a Facebook post written in anticipation of her arrest and posted by colleagues on May 7, Ali denied any affiliation with Meydan TV or bringing any funds into the country illegally, writing, “If you are reading this post, it means that I have been defamed and illegally arrested for my journalistic activity.” Ali was previously interrogated in connection with the Meydan TV case in January and banned from travel.

On the evening of May 6, Baku police arrested Mammadli, founder of independent social media-based outlet Yoldash Media, over an alleged stabbing, according to pro-government media reports.

Exile-based independent journalist Elmaddin Shamilzade told CPJ that at least two plainclothes police officers shared a taxi with Mammadli and began beating him. They then took him to an unmarked car, beat him, and shocked him with an unknown weapon when he refused to provide his phone’s password, Shamilzade said.

On May 8, a court ordered Mammadli to be held in pretrial detention for four months on charges of hooliganism and causing serious bodily harm, subject to a prison term of up to 11 years. He has denied the charges and linked them to his journalism.

Shamilzade told CPJ that the charges were false and that Mammadli, a former activist who recently switched to journalism, had been arrested as “one of the few individuals left in Azerbaijan with the audacity to cover sensitive topics,” such as political trials.

CPJ’s email requesting comment to Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, which oversees the police, did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Treating journalism as a criminal act deprives Salvadorans of essential information,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator. “Prosecutors should abandon these cases now and ensure El Faro journalists can safely report on matters of public interest.”

On May 3, El Faro reported that sources close to the attorney general’s office had warned of imminent warrants for seven of its reporters on two possible charges: apología del delito (“advocacy of crime”), which is punishable by six months to two years in prison, and agrupaciones ilícitas (“unlawful association”), which carries a five- to 10-year prison term. Both statutes are commonly used against suspected gang members.

Salvadoran authorities have detained some 85,000 people since March 2022, when Bukele announced a crackdown on gangs under a state of emergency, suspending constitutional rights and civil liberties.

El Faro editor-in-chief Óscar Martínez, a 2016 recipient of CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award, told CPJ that the warrants followed a smear campaign by government officials accusing the outlet of being financed by gangs. On Tuesday, human rights lawyers with the Salvadoran Journalists Association formally requested that the prosecutor’s office provide information on the alleged investigation into El Faro’s journalists. 

CPJ emailed El Salvador’s attorney general’s office and the president’s office but did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“It is deeply worrying that René Capain Bassène’s life sentence has been upheld despite all the flaws in the investigation that led to his imprisonment and the documented abuses he suffered behind bars,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s representative for Francophone Africa. “Senegalese authorities must clarify the current conditions of detention of René Capain Bassène and implement all possible means to ensure his release.”

Following the Supreme Court’s ruling, Bassène was transferred overnight on May 3 to the Senegalese capital of Dakar, where he was placed in a special ward for sick detainees at Aristide Le Dantec Hospital.

Bassène was arrested in 2018 in connection with the deaths of 14 loggers shot to death in the Bayotte Forest in the southern Casamance area of Senegal. In 2022, he was sentenced to life in prison for complicity in murder, attempted murder, and criminal association. 

A 2025 CPJ investigation found that the case against Bassène was severely flawed, as the journalist’s co-accused were forced to implicate him or sign inaccurate interview records. CPJ also found that the case relied on inconsistent evidence and that the journalist was mistreated behind bars. 

CPJ’s calls and messages to Ousseynou Ly, spokesman for the Senegalese presidency went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“CPJ urges Indian authorities to ensure that responses to national security concerns remain firmly grounded in democratic principles and constitutional protections for press freedom,” said Kunāl Majumder, CPJ’s India Representative. “We call on the government to uphold transparency in content regulation, adhere to due process, and avoid using national security as a blanket justification to suppress independent journalism.”

On April 29, the Indian government ordered the blocking of the YouTube channel 4PM News Network, which has about 7.3 million subscribers, citing national security and public order. On May 1, 4PM Editor-in-Chief Sanjay Sharma filed a petition with the Supreme Court challenging the government’s order. The Supreme Court has asked the government to respond to Sharma’s petition.

Separately, on April 24, Rakesh Sharma, a senior journalist with the Dainik Jagran newspaper, was physically assaulted by supporters of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party while covering a protest in Kathua, Jammu and Kashmir, following the terrorist attack. Local police have filed a first information report (FIR), a document that opens an investigation, but there are no reports of arrests.

Meanwhile, police in Uttar Pradesh launched criminal investigations last week into political commentators and satirists Neha Singh Rathore and Madri Kakoti, who publishes under the name Dr. Medusa, for allegedly inciting unrest and threatening national unity through their online posts about the tourist attack, with potential prison sentences of three years to life if convicted.

In addition, Supreme Court lawyer Amita Sachdeva filed a complaint with the Cyber Crime South Division in New Delhi on April 29, accusing satirist Shamita Yadav, also known as “The Ranting Gola,” of anti-India propaganda after her video critiquing the government’s response to the attack was reposted by a Pakistani user.

On April 28, the Ministry of External Affairs sent a letter to Jackie Martin, the head of BBC India, expressing strong disapproval of the BBC’s use of the term “militant attack” to describe the event.

The Indian government has also blocked 16 Pakistani news, sports, and commentary YouTube channels following the attack, citing national security concerns.

These developments coincide with a Ministry of Information and Broadcasting advisory, reviewed by CPJ, that prohibits live coverage of anti-terrorist operations, citing security risks.

CPJ emailed India’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the police departments overseeing the investigations for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“These systematic attacks are clear examples of censorship, media repression, and obstruction of the free flow of information,” said Sara Qudah, CPJ’s regional director. “We condemn the Iranian authorities’ ongoing persecution of journalists and media outlets, which creates an environment of fear and intimidation.”

Between April 14 and April 21, six media directors and founders were convicted by political-press courts in Iran, according to the U.S.-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA). The convictions involved both private and state-affiliated outlets, including:

• Mehdi Rahmanian, director of the private reformist Shargh Daily on unknown charges
• A director of the state-run Fars News Agency, on charges of disclosing confidential information
• The director of the reformist newspaper Ebtekar, on charges of spreading rumors
• The director of the official state-run Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA), on charges of insult, slander, and dissemination of falsehoods
• The director of the independent Eslahat News platform, on charges of publishing false content
• The director of the economic news website Nabze Bazaar, on charges of disseminating fabricated material

The campaign of intimidation by Iranian authorities has continued to escalate. On April 22, security forces in Tehran threatened Kerman-based photojournalist Hassan Abbasi with arrest. Abbasi, the director of the banned news website Ashkan News, was summoned on charges of spreading false information.

On April 27, Karaj-based freelancejournalist and media activist Omid Faraghat, who focuses on political affairs, was also summoned.

That same day, security forces raided the home of journalist Mohammad Parsi, editor-in-chief of Kandoo magazine and director of two other media outlets, and seized his electronic devices. He was charged with offenses that include “propaganda against the state” and “spreading false information.”

In the wake of the April 26 explosion at a port near Bandar Abbas, in southern Iran, authorities have aggressively sought to suppress independent reporting, with an aim to control public discourse through the intimidation and censorship of media professionals.

Meanwhile, Nasrin Hassani, a journalist being held at Bojnourd Prison in Iran’s eastern Khorasan province, is enduring inhumane and degrading conditions, according to the recent report by press freedom group Defending Free Flow of Information in Iran (DeFFI). Hassani, a reporter for the state-run local newspaper Etefaghyeh and editor-in-chief of the social media-based outlet East Adventure Press, is serving the 15th month of her 19-month sentence in the general crimes ward, with inadequate access to medical care, poor sanitation, and denial of regular visits with her teenage son.

CPJ emailed the Iranian mission to the United Nations in New York requesting comment on the suppression and detention of journalists but did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The law requires such outlets to register their journalistic plans, projects and programs in a state-run registry, a violation of the right to professional secrecy, and puts disproportionate sanctions on activities described in vague terms. 

More than 270 organizations and journalists have signed the statement, which rebukes the law as a mechanism of censorship and “the result of a political coalition that has seized control of nearly all branches of the state.”

Read the full statement in Spanish here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“There has been a systematic erosion of press freedom in Macao, with the denial of entry to journalists and restricted access to public events. The detention of two reporters simply for attempting to cover a legislative session marks a disturbing escalation in the suppression of independent journalism,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “Authorities must drop any potential charges against All About Macau’s reporters and allow journalists to work without interference.”

Macao, or Macau, is a former Portuguese colony, which reverted to Chinese rule in 1999 under a “One Country, Two Systems” framework that promised a high degree of autonomy and wider civil liberties than the Chinese mainland.

On April 17, All About Macau’s editor-in-chief Ian Sio Tou and another reporter were barred from entering the Legislative Assembly chamber to cover a debate on the government’s annual Policy Address. Ian is also president of the Macau Journalists Association.

Police said the case would be transferred to the Public Prosecutions Office for investigation as the journalists were suspected of violating Article 304 of the Penal Code relating to “disrupting the operation” of government institutions, for which the penalty is up to three years in prison.

All About Macau is recognized for its critical and in-depth reporting on political and social issues.

Two days earlier, three All About Macau reporters were barred from entering the chamber to hear Macao Chief Executive Sam Hou Fai’s Policy Address, outlining government proposals for the year.

In a video posted by All About Macau, which quickly went viral online, Ian Sio Tou displayed her Legislative Assembly-issued press card to numerous officials who physically blocked the journalists from the hall.

Police did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Kyrgyz authorities continue a deplorable pattern of shuttering news outlets on illegitimate grounds that their ‘negative’ reporting could spark unrest,” said CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia Senior Researcher Anna Brakha. “In a democratic society, critical news coverage is not a grounds to shutter media. Kyrgyz authorities must allow Aprel TV to operate freely.”

According to the prosecutors’ filing, reviewed by CPJ, authorities seek to close down Aprel TV by revoking its broadcast license and terminating its social media operations on the basis of an investigation by Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security.

The filing alleges that the outlet’s critical reporting portrays the authorities “in an unfavorable light” and “undermines the authority of the government,” which “could subsequently be aggravated [by] other social or global triggers and provoke calls for mass unrest with the aim of a subsequent seizure of power.”

In a statement, Aprel TV rejected the accusations, saying it is the function of journalism to focus on “sensitive issues of public concern,” in the same way “state media constantly report on government successes.”

Aprel TV has around 700,000 subscribers across its social media accounts and broadcasts via Next TV, which reports say is owned by an opposition politician. In 2019, authorities seized Aprel TV’s assets and its reporters have since been harassed by law enforcement officials.

The channel, whose flagship news show is highly critical of the government and often adopts an irreverent tone, was previously owned by former Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambayev but the outlet said in its statement that it is no longer affiliated with any politicians or political forces.

Following current President Sadyr Japarov’s ascent to power in 2020, Kyrgyz authorities have launched an unprecedented assault on the country’s previously vibrant media, shuttering leading outlets and jailing journalists often on the grounds that their critical reporting could lead to social unrest.

CPJ’s emails to the office of the prosecutor general and the State Committee for National Security for comment but did not receive any replies.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The journalists could be jailed for up to three years for violating the law on gatherings and demonstrations. In the indictment, reviewed by CPJ, prosecutors argue that the journalists were participating in an illegal meeting as protesters. Photographs in which their press credentials and cameras were not visible were submitted as evidence to support this charge.

“This trial has been invented as a scare tactic to intimidate and deter all journalists in Turkey from reporting from the field. Experienced journalists should not be forced to explain in court why they were photographing Turkey’s biggest protests in a decade, in its biggest city,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Authorities should drop the charges against the five photojournalists who already suffer enough in trying to capture images of historic events while repeatedly being beaten, tear gassed and shot with rubber bullets.”

On March 24, Istanbul police raided the homes of Agence France-Presse’s Yasin Akgül, local NOW Haber TV channel’s Ali Onur Tosun, and freelancers Bülent Kılıç, Zeynep Kuray, and Hayri Tunç, as well as two photographers employed by local municipalities, Kuruluş Arı and Gökhan Kam.

All seven were arrested and then released on March 27, pending their April 18 trial.

Unrest broke out on March 19 following the detention of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, who is seen as a potential challenger to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

CPJ’s email to Istanbul’s chief prosecutor requesting comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The journalists could be jailed for up to three years for violating the law on gatherings and demonstrations. In the indictment, reviewed by CPJ, prosecutors argue that the journalists were participating in an illegal meeting as protesters. Photographs in which their press credentials and cameras were not visible were submitted as evidence to support this charge.

“This trial has been invented as a scare tactic to intimidate and deter all journalists in Turkey from reporting from the field. Experienced journalists should not be forced to explain in court why they were photographing Turkey’s biggest protests in a decade, in its biggest city,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Authorities should drop the charges against the five photojournalists who already suffer enough in trying to capture images of historic events while repeatedly being beaten, tear gassed and shot with rubber bullets.”

On March 24, Istanbul police raided the homes of Agence France-Presse’s Yasin Akgül, local NOW Haber TV channel’s Ali Onur Tosun, and freelancers Bülent Kılıç, Zeynep Kuray, and Hayri Tunç, as well as two photographers employed by local municipalities, Kuruluş Arı and Gökhan Kam.

All seven were arrested and then released on March 27, pending their April 18 trial.

Unrest broke out on March 19 following the detention of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, who is seen as a potential challenger to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

CPJ’s email to Istanbul’s chief prosecutor requesting comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The Cuban government continues to engage in a campaign of harassment and intimidation against the country’s non-state media in an apparent effort to force them into silence or exile,” said Katherine Jacobsen, CPJ’s U.S., Canada, and Caribbean program coordinator, from Washington, D.C.

Hernández, 33, was arrested January 24 while reporting on drug trafficking in a school in the city of Matanzas, according to 14yMedio. He is currently being held at the Combinado del Sur prison, accused of “propaganda against the constitutional order”.

Barrenechea, 53, has been detained for five months awaiting trial on a “public disorder” charge after he participated in a protest on November 8, 2025, in Encrucijada, Villa Clara, after power blackouts caused by Hurricane Rafael. He faces a potential sentence of three to eight years in prison. His family is concerned about his deteriorating health.

Cuba has intensified repression against journalists under a new Law of Social Communication, which came into force on October 4, 2024. virtually outlawing the practice of journalism outside the official state media. The new law was promulgated after anti-government demonstrations swept the island in July 2021, resulting in the prosecution of people who reported or shared videos of the events online.

In recent months, Cuban state security agents have questioned at least eight journalists and media workers from non-state media outlets, many in connection with alleged crimes against the state, leading several to flee the country. El Toque reported that between 2022 and 2024, at least 150 Cuban journalists went into exile due to harassment by state security agents.

Several journalists told CPJ that officers warned them to stop working as journalists outside of official state media, and told them it was a crime to participate in foreign-funded training and support programs, or to receive grants from foreign governments.

Cuban authorities did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The Cuban government continues to engage in a campaign of harassment and intimidation against the country’s non-state media in an apparent effort to force them into silence or exile,” said Katherine Jacobsen, CPJ’s U.S., Canada, and Caribbean program coordinator, from Washington, D.C.

Hernández, 33, was arrested January 24 while reporting on drug trafficking in a school in the city of Matanzas, according to 14yMedio. He is currently being held at the Combinado del Sur prison, accused of “propaganda against the constitutional order”.

Barrenechea, 53, has been detained for five months awaiting trial on a “public disorder” charge after he participated in a protest on November 8, 2025, in Encrucijada, Villa Clara, after power blackouts caused by Hurricane Rafael. He faces a potential sentence of three to eight years in prison. His family is concerned about his deteriorating health.

Cuba has intensified repression against journalists under a new Law of Social Communication, which came into force on October 4, 2024. virtually outlawing the practice of journalism outside the official state media. The new law was promulgated after anti-government demonstrations swept the island in July 2021, resulting in the prosecution of people who reported or shared videos of the events online.

In recent months, Cuban state security agents have questioned at least eight journalists and media workers from non-state media outlets, many in connection with alleged crimes against the state, leading several to flee the country. El Toque reported that between 2022 and 2024, at least 150 Cuban journalists went into exile due to harassment by state security agents.

Several journalists told CPJ that officers warned them to stop working as journalists outside of official state media, and told them it was a crime to participate in foreign-funded training and support programs, or to receive grants from foreign governments.

Cuban authorities did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

A Dakar court judge charged Zik Fm editor-in-chief Simon Pierre Faye with spreading false news on April 14 and released him under judicial control. On the same day, the Dakar gendarmerie questioned for several hours online broadcaster Source A TV’s journalists Omar Ndiaye and Fatima Coulibaly, and freelance news commentator Abdou Nguer, over their comments on the death of a local official. Nguer’s lawyer told local media that the gendarmes detained the journalist on false news charges related to a TikTok post that does not belong to him. The post called for an autopsy of the official. Ndiaye and Coulibaly were released without charges.

“Senegalese authorities must drop all charges against journalist Simon Pierre Faye, release news commentator Abdou Nguer, and end their judicial harassment of journalists,” said Moussa Ngom, CPJ’s Francophone Africa Representative. “Authorities should instead focus their efforts on advancing promised reforms to decriminalize press offenses.”

Police arrested Faye on April 10 for a post on his outlet’s Facebook page, later deleted, republishing another article on the alleged distrust of President Faye’s leadership.

Responding to a parliamentarian’s question about Faye’s detention, Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko said that “penal policy will now be zero tolerance” for spreading “false news.”

CPJ has documented detentions of Senegalese journalists on false news charges, an offense punishable by one to three years in prison. In his campaign, President Faye promised to replace imprisonment for press offenses with fines. 

Separately, on April 13, police and gendarmes stopped and questioned Al Jazeera Qatar journalist Nicolas Haque and his camera operator, Magali Rochat, upon their arrival in the southern Ziguinchor city, where they sought to report on the return of people displaced by the region’s conflict. The journalists were sent back to Dakar the day after, Haque told CPJ.

CPJ’s email to the government’s information and communications office was not answered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The journalists were all accused of association with the anti-corruption movement of the late opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who died last year in a Russian prison colony in the Arctic at age 47. All four denied the charges.

“The sentencing of four journalists at once to 5.5 years in prison is blatant testimony to Russian authorities’ profound contempt for press freedom,” said CPJ Chief Programs Officer Carlos Martinez de la Serna. “Russian authorities should immediately release Antonina Favorskaya, Artyom Krieger, Konstantin Gabov and Sergey Karelin, drop all charges against them, and stop jailing journalists in retaliation for their work.” 

The court also banned them from publishing any content on the internet for three years after they complete their prison sentences.

Russian authorities detained Favorskaya, a journalist with the independent news outlet SOTAvision, in Moscow on March 17, 2024, and charged her 11 days later with making and editing videos and publications and collecting material for Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), which Russian authorities have banned as extremist.

Favorskava’s case was later combined with the cases against Krieger, another SOTAvision journalist, as well as freelance journalists Karelin and Gabov, who are also accused of cooperation with Navalny’s FBK. The trial of the four started behind closed doors on October 2, 2024.

Krieger was detained in Moscow on June 18, 2024. SOTAvision rejected the charges against him, saying that he “has never been an activist and was not affiliated with any parties or movements.”

Karelin, a freelance videographer who has worked for The Associated Press  and German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW), was detained in the northern region of Murmansk on April 26, 2024. Gabov, a freelance journalist who has worked with Reuters, German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle, and U.S. Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), was detained the next day in Moscow.

CPJ emailed the branch of Russia’s Investigative Committee in Moscow for comment but received no response.

Russia is the world’s fifth-worst jailer of journalists, with CPJ’s most recent prison census documenting at least 30 journalists in prison on December 1, 2024.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The Venezuelan government’s crackdown on the press has persisted for months, intensifying following the July 28 disputed reelection of President Nicolás Maduro,” said CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, Cristina Zahar, in São Paulo. “Public scrutiny is a crucial component of democratic accountability and a free press, and Nakary Mena Ramos and Gianni González must be freed without condition.”

A criminal court on April 10 ordered Mena, a reporter with the independent news site Impacto Venezuela, to remain in detention at a women’s prison on the outskirts of the capital city of Caracas on preliminary charges of “hate crimes” and “publishing fake news,” according to the National Press Workers Union (SNTP).  

Impacto Venezuela posted that Mena, 28, and González, who is being held at El Rodeo II prison near Caracas, were denied access to private lawyers but assigned public defenders.

A pro-government journalist criticized Mena’s report on rising crime in Caracas – a sensitive issue for the government –a day before she and González went missing on April 8 near a public square in downtown Caracas. Minister Diosdado Cabello has also criticized the report, calling it “a campaign to instill fear in people.” 

Impacto Venezuela defended Mena’s report as based on interviews with average citizens and supported with government information.

The arrests of Mena and González come amid a sharp rise in oppression against Venezuelan journalists by Maduro’s authoritarian government, which has created a heightened environment of fear, stigmatization, and criminalization of independent voices. 

CPJ’s calls to the attorney general’s office in Caracas did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The Venezuelan government’s crackdown on the press has persisted for months, intensifying following the July 28 disputed reelection of President Nicolás Maduro,” said CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, Cristina Zahar, in São Paulo. “Public scrutiny is a crucial component of democratic accountability and a free press, and Nakary Mena Ramos and Gianni González must be freed without condition.”

A criminal court on April 10 ordered Mena, a reporter with the independent news site Impacto Venezuela, to remain in detention at a women’s prison on the outskirts of the capital city of Caracas on preliminary charges of “hate crimes” and “publishing fake news,” according to the National Press Workers Union (SNTP).  

Impacto Venezuela posted that Mena, 28, and González, who is being held at El Rodeo II prison near Caracas, were denied access to private lawyers but assigned public defenders.

A pro-government journalist criticized Mena’s report on rising crime in Caracas – a sensitive issue for the government –a day before she and González went missing on April 8 near a public square in downtown Caracas. Minister Diosdado Cabello has also criticized the report, calling it “a campaign to instill fear in people.” 

Impacto Venezuela defended Mena’s report as based on interviews with average citizens and supported with government information.

The arrests of Mena and González come amid a sharp rise in oppression against Venezuelan journalists by Maduro’s authoritarian government, which has created a heightened environment of fear, stigmatization, and criminalization of independent voices. 

CPJ’s calls to the attorney general’s office in Caracas did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The reclassification of imprisoned commentator Sonia Dahmani’s charges as a felony is yet another alarming escalation in the Tunisian government’s use of cybercrime Decree Law 54 to intimidate and punish critical voices,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Tunisian authorities must immediately release Dahmani, drop all charges against her, and put an end to the ongoing judicial harassment against journalists and commentators in the country.”

Dahmani, a lawyer and political commentator on IFM radio and Carthage Plus TV, was arrested in May 2024 and is currently serving a 32-month prison sentence on charges in connection with televised remarks about the state of Tunisia’s prisons. The case was filed by the General Directorate of Prisons under Article 24 of the cybercrime Decree-Law 54 on spreading false news charges. 

On Thursday, April 10, the Tunis Court of Appeals upheld felony charges against Dahmani and referred her case to the criminal court, ignoring a February 3 Court of Cassation ruling that found the cybercrime law should only apply to crimes committed via digital systems and not to opinions expressed through traditional media. 

Dahmani faces five charges for her media commentary; four are classified as misdemeanors. 

According to CPJ’s December 1, 2024, prison census, at least five journalists were behind bars in Tunisia, the highest number recorded since 1992. The crackdown has intensified since President Kais Saied’s 2021 power grab—when he dissolved parliament, took control of the judiciary, and gave himself powers to rule by decree.

CPJ’s email requesting comment on Dahmani’s prosecution from the Tunisian presidency did not receive any response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Mhlanga, a journalist for privately owned Heart and Soul Television, has been detained since February 24 on incitement charges for interviewing a war veteran who called for President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s resignation. 

“The repeated denial of bail is yet another example of the injustice that Blessed Mhlanga has been forced to endure for simply doing his job as an independent journalist covering all sides of Zimbabwe’s political story,” said CPJ Africa Regional Director Angela Quintal in New York. “Zimbabwean authorities should stop hounding Blessed Mhlanga and withdraw the charges against him, so that he can be free to report the news.” 

The journalist has been behind bars over offenses allegedly committed in his interview in November 2024 and further coverage in January 2025 of Blessed Geza, a veteran of Zimbabwe’s war for independence from white minority rule, who also accused Mnangagwa of nepotism, corruption, and failing to address economic issues.

On February 28, the Harare Magistrates Court denied Mhlanga bail. After several delays, the High Court dismissed an appeal of the bail ruling on March 21. Mhlanga’s lawyer, Chris Mhike, renewed the bail application in the magistrates court on April 4, but Magistrate Donald Ndirowei dismissed the appeal on Monday. Mhike told CPJ they will appeal the latest ruling.

If found guilty, Mhlanga could be jailed for up to five years and fined up to US$700 under the 2021 Cyber and Data Protection Act.

Zimbabwe’s government, in an effort to silence the press, has been jailing independent journalists and introducing laws to restrict freedom of expression, according to a recent CPJ report.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

In a 33-page ruling dated March 18, Regional Trial Court Judge Michael Ajoc acquitted three suspects — Jolito Mangompit, Reynante Saja Bongcawel, and Boboy Sagaray Bongcawel — due to lack of evidence to prove their guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, according to multiple news reports.

“When the legal process fails to convict those responsible for the killing of journalists, impunity becomes more deeply entrenched,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Philippine prosecutors must leave no stone unturned in identifying and prosecuting the real killers of journalist Juan Jumalon.”

Jumalon was killed by an unknown assailant on November 5, 2023, in the city of Calamba, on the southern island of Mindanao. The attacker stole Jumalon’s gold necklace before escaping on a motorcycle driven by a waiting accomplice.

The court said none of the accused’s fingerprints matched those found at the crime scene and prosecutors failed to link Mangompit to the shooting directly.

The ruling ordered the release of the Bongcawels and called on authorities to find the “real killers and mastermind” to give Jumalon’s family “the justice they deserve.” Mangompit remained in detention in relation to a separate case.

The Philippines ranked ninth on CPJ’s 2024 Impunity Index, a per capita ranking of countries where journalists are murdered and the killers habitually go free. The Philippines has featured on the index for 17 consecutive years.

The Department of Justice’s Prosecution Office did not immediately reply to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Belarusian authorities continue to target members of the press in a reign of terror that has plagued the country since President Aleksandr Lukashenko’s disputed 2020 reelection,” said Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s programs coordinator. “Authorities should drop all charges against journalist Anatol Sanatsenka, release him immediately, and ensure that no journalists are jailed for their work.”

Sanatsenka, former editor-in-chief of the now-shuttered Babrujski Kurier independent news site, was detained on March 28 after police searched his home in the eastern city of Babruysk. A court in Babruysk sentenced Sanatsenka to 15 days of administrative arrest on March 31 and the same day authorities searched the home of Sanatsenka’s nephew, the former owner of Babrujski Kurier.

A Belarusian Association of Journalists representative told CPJ, on condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal, that Sanatsenka’s detention was “most likely” connected to his journalism.

Authorities previously held Sanatsenka for 30 days under similar charges in 2022. Babrujski Kurier’s website was blocked and labeled “extremist” in September 2022.

CPJ emailed the Belarusian Investigative Committee, the country’s law enforcement agency, for comment but did not receive any response.

Belarus is the world’s fourth-worst jailer of journalists, with at least 31 journalists behind bars, on December 1, 2024, when CPJ conducted its most recent prison census.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Turkey was a haven for foreign journalists covering the region just a decade ago. Swedish journalist Joakim Medin’s arrest upon traveling to Istanbul is a chilling reminder that the country has gravely changed,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Turkish authorities should release Medin without delay in order to avoid further tarnishing the country’s reputation in international media circles.” 

Medin, a reporter for the Swedish newspaper Dagens ETC, was immediately taken into police custody upon his arrival in Istanbul to cover civil unrest amid the government’s crackdown on the city’s opposition municipalities.

Turkish authorities have accused Medin of being involved in a January 11, 2023, anti-Erdoğan protest in Stockholm, according to multiple reports. Authorities claim the gathering was organized by people with ties to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, which Turkey recognizes as a terrorist organization. Prosecutors in the capital city of Ankara have initiated a criminal investigation against 15 suspects, including Medin, in connection with the event, according to a statementfrom the directorate of communications at the president’s office. 

Sweden’s Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergard told Dagens ETC that his case is of the “highest priority,” and she is working with Sweden’s consulate general in Istanbul to get the journalist released. 

Separately, BBC correspondent Mark Lowen, who was covering Istanbul’s civil unrest was detained and deported by the authorities last week. Turkish authorities said he wasn’t accredited to work in the country.

CPJ’s email to the chief prosecutor’s office in Ankara and Istanbul regarding Medin and Lowen respectively but did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Together with a revamped ‘foreign agent’ law nearing enactment, repressive amendments to Georgia’s broadcast law look tailor-made to muzzle the country’s vibrant and defiant independent press,” said Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s programs coordinator. “Georgian authorities should withdraw these restrictive media laws and reverse their deepening press freedom crackdown.”

The first bill would allow complaints over broadcasters’ ethics and impartiality to be heard by the Communications Commission (ComCom), a nominally independent regulatory body elected by parliament with the power to fine broadcasters up to 3% of revenue or suspend and revoke their licenses for infractions. At present, disputes over ethics and impartiality are adjudicated by broadcasters’ own self-regulatory bodies.

Ruling party officials argue that the changes introduce a “British model” of broadcast regulation. But analyses by local rights groups say the bill contains vaguer clauses than the UK’s Broadcasting Code and will be used to further government authoritarianism.

CPJ has previously criticized the expansion of ComCom’s powers to regulate and sanction broadcasters over content due to fears of partisan use.

A second bill would ban broadcasters from receiving “direct or indirect” funding from a foreign source.

The government’s move shuts off a potential avenue of survival for government-critical national broadcasters, who are already facing acute financial problems.

CPJ’s email seeking comment from the ruling Georgian Dream party did not immediately receive a reply.

Separately, on March 31, Georgian authorities denied entry to French photojournalist Jérôme Chobeaux, who has been reporting on ongoing anti-government protests. Authorities have previously denied entry to several Western photojournalists covering the protests, as well as multiple journalists from Russia, Belarus, and elsewhere.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

A lawsuit by several lawyers against Daraj and Megaphone, before the Public Prosecutor’s Office, accused the outlets of “undermining the financial standing of the state” and “receiving suspicious foreign funds with the aim of launching media campaigns that would shake confidence in Lebanon,” among other allegations.

The statement calls on Lebanese authorities to protect independent media outlets and support the country’s economic recovery by ending the weaponization of baseless charges to silence independent media.

Read the full statement here. 

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The groups said in a joint statement, led by CPJ, that the 26-year-old journalist’s case raises “serious concerns” over unjustifiably long pretrial detention and allegations that authorities had planted the weapons that led to Cumpio’s arrest in February 2020.

The journalist concluded her testimony on Monday at a local court, defending herself against charges of illegal firearms possession and terrorism financing, which she denies. If convicted, she faces up to 40 years in prison. 

No verdict date has been set while a trial continues for those co-accused with Cumpio. CPJ has been monitoring the journalist’s trial.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On March 19, police took Saymaz, a freelance journalist and TV commentator who formerly worked for pro-opposition critical outlets such as Halk TV and Sözcü, into custody in a raid on his home in Istanbul. A court placed him under house arrest on March 21 on the charge of “assisting an attempt to overthrow the government” during the 2013 nationwide protests.

“İsmail Saymaz is among the most well-known journalists in Turkey. Putting him under house arrest for attempting to overthrow the government 12 years ago can only be seen as an absurd attempt to prevent him from reporting,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Turkish media should be able to provide reporting and commentary without fear of judicial retaliation.

Authorities’ plans in 2023 to redevelop Istanbul’s Gezi Park, triggered civil unrest across Turkey, which led to several people being killed and thousands injured during protests.

Saymaz’s lawyer said the journalist was questioned while in custody about his journalistic activity, contacts, and social media activity while reporting on the Gezi protests, including his communication with some of those convicted on charges of organizing the unrest, such as businessman Osman Kavala, lawyer Can Atalay, film producer Çiğdem Mater, and architect Mücella Yapıcı

Saymaz won an award for his reporting on the death of 19-year-old protester Ali Ismail Korkmaz in Gezi Park.

CPJ’s email to Istanbul’s chief prosecutor requesting comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“We urge Jordanian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release journalist Omar Al Zayood, which would send a clear signal that authorities respect the freedom of the press and stop criminalizing journalists,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna, in New York. “We reiterate our call for the repeal of the 2023 cybercrimes law, which has further stifled the independence of the media in Jordan.”

The public prosecutor in the capital Amman ordered Zayood’s arrest after questioning him on the charge of “inaccuracy and insulting the dignity of individuals.” Penalties under the law include prison sentences of three months to three years, and fines of 5,000 to 20,000 Jordanian dinars (US$7,000 to 28,000).

CPJ was unable to confirm which Al Hashmiyah News report the lawsuit referred to or for how long Zayood was ordered detained.

Al-Khasawneh served as prime minister from 2000 until September 2024, when he resigned following parliamentary elections. King Abdullah II appointed Jjafar Hassan to replace him.

CPJ has criticized the Cybercrime Law, which criminalizes vaguely defined online activities, including social media posts deemed to be “fake” or that undermine national unity. Since its introduction, numerous journalists have been arrested and prosecuted for their critical online commentary on sensitive topics.

At least two journalists were imprisoned in Jordan at the time of CPJ’s latest annual prison census on December 1, 2024. Both have since been freed.

CPJ’s email to Al Hashmiyah News requesting comment did not receive a reply. CPJ was unable to find contacts for Amman’s public prosecutor or Al-Khasawneh.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Reddy, who is a member of the Congress party, made the comments on March 15, while condemning two Pulse News journalists who were arrested on March 12 for an interview with a citizen who criticized the chief minister. Police described the social media-based outlet’s interview as “abusive” and said it could incite social divisions and unrest.

On March 17, reporter Thanvi Yadav and managing director Revathi Pogadadanda were granted bail after being held for five days, their lawyer Jakkula Laxman told CPJ. The journalists, expected to be released on Tuesday, could face jail if found guilty on charges of criminal conspiracy, publishing a statement with intent to promote hatred, and intentional insult likely to break the peace under India’s criminal law Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and publishing obscene material under the Information Technology Act.

“The bail for the two Pulse News journalists is a relief, but the criminal case against them is completely unreasonable, as are Chief Minister Anumula Revanth Reddy’s obscene threats to use violence against his critics and to muzzle the press,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “The Congress party’s national leadership must take a clear stand against such attacks in order to defend the press freedom that it vows to respect.”

Reddy told the state assembly that it was time “to define who is a journalist” by getting media organizations to submit a list of names to the government. Those not on the list would be “treated as criminals,” he said.

On March 12, Hyderabad Police posted mugshot photographs of Yadav and Pogadadanda on the social media platform X, treatment usually reserved for hardened criminals, as well as detailing the charges they faced, one of which was struck down by the court.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

CPJ condemns a Trump executive order issued Friday that resulted in more than 1,300 employees being put on leave at VOA alone, and contract terminations at Radio Free outlets that would effectively end operations, and access to independent news for millions of citizens around the world, creating, as RFA President and CEO Bay Fang put it, “a reward to dictators and despots.”

In reiterating its call for congressional leaders to restore support for the parent funder of these outlets, the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM), CPJ emphasized the dire consequences of Trump’s action for many journalists.

“This suffocation of independent media is already putting the lives of journalists – who have often withstood enormous challenges to bring news to millions living in censored countries – in grave danger,” said CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg. “It is really dystopian that the U.S. administration is now posing an existential threat to these historical organizations. We express our solidarity with the journalists put on administrative leave and urge congressional leaders to restore USAGM before irreparable harm is done.”

USAGM, an independent agency chartered by Congress, funds VOA, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Radio Free Asia. The networks reach an estimated 427 million people.

CPJ research shows that journalists for USAGM networks often put themselves at risk by reporting in highly censored countries and frequently face retribution for their reporting.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The letter highlights the urgency of Abdelfattah’s case as he began a hunger strike in prison on March 1, 2025. His 69-year-old mother, Laila Soueif—a respected Egyptian professor—conducted a hunger strike for more than 150 days, which led to severe health deterioration and hospitalization. 

On March 4, CPJ led another joint letter, signed by 50 prominent human rights leaders, Nobel Prize laureates, writers, and public figures, calling on Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to grant a presidential pardon to Abd El Fattah.

Read the full letter in here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

Judge Erick García ordered Zamora’s return to prison on March 10, executing a appeals court order that revoked the journalist’s house arrest. At the hearing, García reported threats and intimidation, raising concerns over judicial independence and press freedom in Guatemala.

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention ruled in July 2024 that Zamora’s continued imprisonment violated international law. A TrialWatch report detailed severe due process violations in Zamora’s case, concluding that his prosecution was likely retaliation for his investigative journalism.

Zamora, founder of the now-defunct elPeriódico, was arrested in July 2022 and faces money laundering and obstruction of justice charges that have been widely condemned as politically motivated. His defense has rejected all accusations.

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The decision to return journalist José Rubén Zamora to prison is a blatant act of judicial persecution. This case represents a dangerous escalation in the repression of independent journalism,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, in São Paulo. “We call on authorities to release him immediately, stop using the justice system to silence critical journalism, and to respect press freedom and due process.”

Zamora’s return to jail on money laundering charges that have been widely condemned as politically motivated was ordered by Judge Erick García, who had initially granted Zamora house arrest on Oct. 18, 2024. García said during Monday’s hearing that he and his staff had been threatened and intimidated by unknown individuals, according to a report by Guatemalan newspaper Prensa Libre.

Zamora, 67, was first arrested on July 29, 2022, and spent more than 800 days in pretrial detention before being placed under house arrest. A pioneering investigative journalist, Zamora has faced decades of harassment and persecution for his work, which CPJ has extensively documented. He received CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award in 1995 for his commitment to independent journalism. His newspaper, elPeriódico, was forced to shut down in 2023.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“The decision to return journalist José Rubén Zamora to prison is a blatant act of judicial persecution. This case represents a dangerous escalation in the repression of independent journalism,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, in São Paulo. “We call on authorities to release him immediately, stop using the justice system to silence critical journalism, and to respect press freedom and due process.”

Zamora’s return to jail on money laundering charges that have been widely condemned as politically motivated was ordered by Judge Erick García, who had initially granted Zamora house arrest on Oct. 18, 2024. García said during Monday’s hearing that he and his staff had been threatened and intimidated by unknown individuals, according to a report by Guatemalan newspaper Prensa Libre.

Zamora, 67, was first arrested on July 29, 2022, and spent more than 800 days in pretrial detention before being placed under house arrest. A pioneering investigative journalist, Zamora has faced decades of harassment and persecution for his work, which CPJ has extensively documented. He received CPJ’s International Press Freedom Award in 1995 for his commitment to independent journalism. His newspaper, elPeriódico, was forced to shut down in 2023.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

The statement said the bill’s “overbroad and vague provisions” could be misused to target human rights defenders, journalists, and critics. It noted that parliament introduced the bill and founded the council within weeks of each other, raising “serious concerns about the government’s move to exert control over freedom of expression and access to information.”

Read the full statement here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

In a March 4 pretrial hearing, Georgia’s western Batumi City Court rejected motions to release Amaghlobeli, director of independent news outlets Netgazeti and Batumelebi, and to dismiss the charge against her of assaulting a police officer. If convicted, Amaghlobeli faces a minimum four-year prison sentence, in a case that is widely seen as disproportionate and in retaliation for her journalism.

“Georgian authorities’ prosecution of media manager Mzia Amaghlobeli is clearly punitive and is all the more jarring given rampant impunity for brutal police attacks on journalists,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Authorities should release Amaghlobeli immediately.”

The trial is due to begin on March 18, local journalist Irma Dimitradze told CPJ.

Amaghlobeli has been behind bars since her January 11 arrest, when she began a hunger strike that lasted 38 days.

Amaghlobeli was not covering the protests when she was arrested, but human rights groups calling for her release believe she is being punished for her outlets’ reporting on alleged abuses by authorities, including the police. 

The journalist’s lawyer Juba Katamadze told CPJ that Amaghlobeli had been unlawfully detained earlier that evening for putting up a poster on a police station wall to protest her friend’s detention, and that her slapping of Batumi police chief Irakli Dgebuadze did not warrant prosecution under the serious charge of assaulting an officer. 

Amaghlobeli’s case comes amid a sharp decline in press freedom in Georgia. Dozens of journalists covering anti-government protests have been violently obstructed or beaten by police. Last week, the government proposed to introduce prison terms for non-compliance with an amended “foreign agent” law and to tighten control over broadcasters.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Republika Srpska authorities should immediately suspend any plans to enforce this ‘foreign agent’ legislation, which mirrors restrictive measures used by authoritarian regimes to silence critics,” said Attila Mong, CPJ’s Europe representative. “Such laws are incompatible with democratic values, and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s aspirations for European integration.”

On February 27, the National Assembly of the Serb-dominated half of Bosnia and Herzegovina called Republika Srpska passed the Law on the Special Registry and Transparency of the Work of Nonprofit Organizations, requiring foreign-funded groups to register with the justice ministry as “foreign agents” and comply with strict financial oversight and reporting rules. Russia, Georgia, and Kyrgyzstan have used similar legislation to criminalize critical voices and the media.

The bill was among several passed by Serb lawmakers in response to the February 26 one-year sentence given to Republika Srpska’s President Milorad Dodik on charges that he disobeyed the top international envoy overseeing peace in ethnically-divided Bosnia. The court in the national capital, Sarajevo also barred pro-Russian Dodik from politics for six years.

Dodik has long advocated for Republika Srpska to separate from Bosnia and Herzegovina and join Serbia. The Bosnian Serb mini-state is one of two autonomous entities — the other is the Bosniak-Croat Federation — created under the 1995 Dayton accords that ended the Bosnian war.

In a statement, 41 local non-governmental organizations described the foreign agent law as “a revenge attack on all critical voices.”

CPJ emailed Dodik’s press office to request comment but received no reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The latest arrests in Azerbaijan’s unprecedented media crackdown show more clearly than ever that authorities’ real goal is to entirely stifle the work of independent media inside the country,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Azerbaijani authorities should immediately release Nurlan Gahramanli and Fatima Mövlamli, along with nearly two dozen other journalists currently jailed on clearly retaliatory charges.”

In separate hearings, the Khatai District Court in the capital, Baku, ordered Gahramanli into pretrial detention for one month and 17 days on February 21 and set a pretrial detention period of one month and nine days for Mövlamli on March 1.

The arrests bring the total number of Meydan TV journalists jailed on currency smuggling charges to nine. Police detained six of the outlet’s staff in December and arrested journalist Shamshad Agha in February. Pro-government media claimed Agha was entrusted with the “management” of Meydan TV’s in-country operations following the December arrests and “recruited” several journalists, including Gahramanli and Mövlamli.

The Meydan TV journalists are among at least 24 journalists and media workers currently jailed in Azerbaijan, one of the world’s top 10 jailers of journalists in 2024, according to CPJ’s annual prison census. Most of them hail from the country’s largest independent media and have been charged over allegations of bringing Western donor funds into the country illegally, amid a decline in relations between Azerbaijan and the West.

On February 26, a Baku court moved another journalist charged on funding accusations, Toplum TV presenter Shahnaz Baylargizi, from pretrial detention into house arrest on health grounds.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

An Istanbul court arrested Toktas on January 26 after pro-opposition Halk TV broadcast a conversation between its journalist Barış Pehlivan and an expert financial witness. The court said Halk TV had secretly recorded the two men’s telephone conversation and it had publicly named the witness to put pressure on him. Four other Halk TV staff were placed under judicial control and banned from foreign travel.

“Suat Toktaş and his four Halk TV colleagues must not be jailed for airing an interview that the government disagreed with. The public deserve to hear all sides of this story, which is of national importance and involves a top Turkish politician,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Authorities should immediately halt their prosecution of Halk TV and instead take a positive step towards improving Turkey’s dismal press freedom record.”

Pehlivan’s interview took place after Istanbul’s opposition Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu hosted a news conference where he named the witness, who he alleged had filed biased reports in numerous politically motivated lawsuits against opposition-controlled municipalities. The witness told Pehlivan that the mayor’s allegations were false.

The interview was aired on a program hosted by Seda Selek, with Serhan Asker as director and Kürşad Oğuz as program coordinator.

All five journalists were charged with violating the privacy of communication through the press and influencing those performing judicial duties, a crime for which the prosecution has requested up to nine years in prison. Pehlivan and Oğuz face an additional charge of recording non-public conversations between individuals and could be jailed for up to 14 years, according to the indictment, reviewed by CPJ.

CPJ’s email to Istanbul’s chief prosecutor requesting comment did not receive a response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On February 25, Ukrainian-born Barabash, a film critic for the independent outlet Republic, was detained and charged with spreading “fake” news. The following day, a Moscow court placed her under two months’ house arrest ahead of her trial. Barabash’s reporting frequently has a political and anti-war stance.

Also on February 26, a court in the Far East city of Khabarovsk fined Sergey Mingazov, a news editor with the Russian edition of Forbes magazine, 700,000 rubles (US$8,062) for publishing false information about the Russian army.

“The criminal cases against Ekaterina Barabash and Sergey Mingazov demonstrate how Russian authorities are weaponizing ‘fake’ news legislation to silence those who dare to contradict Kremlin-approved narratives on the Ukraine war,” said CPJ’s program director, Carlos Martínez de la Serna.

The charges against Barabash stem from four Facebook posts in 2022 and 2023, three of which have since been removed. In the fourth, she condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — a recurring theme in her commentary.

“While under house arrest, she is not allowed to publish anything or communicate via social media or a phone,” her son Yury Barabash told CPJ, adding that he believed the charges were “politically motivated” and linked to “her social media or/and her professional activities.”

Mingazov was put under house arrest in April for three reposts on his Telegram channel of news about the 2022 massacre in the Ukrainian town of Bucha. 

Russia was the fifth worst jailer of journalists worldwide, with at least 30 reporters behind bars on December 1, 2024, in CPJ’s latest annual global prison census. Of these, six were jailed for “fake” news.

CPJ did not receive a response to its request for comment sent to the Moscow branch of the Russian Investigative Committee, a federal body in charge of investigating crimes, via its website.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Palina Pitkevich’s detention is yet another grim reminder that President Aleksandr Lukashenko’s government is the worst jailer of journalists in Europe and Central Asia,” said CPJ’s program director, Carlos Martínez de la Serna, in New York. “Belarusian authorities must drop all charges against Pitkevich and repeal the country’s extremism legislation instead of using it to silence dissent.”

Pitkevich was arrested in June, shortly after authorities designated the Press Club Belarus’ media literacy project Media IQ as an extremist group and listed her among its members, a representative of the Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), an exiled advocacy and trade group, told CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisal.

If found guilty, she could be jailed for up to six years, according to the Criminal Code, which was amended to comply with a package of extremism legislation in 2021. Since then, the law to combat extremism has been used to ban more than 35 media outlets, according to BAJ.

CPJ is also investigating the case of freelance journalist Aleh Supruniuk, who has been missing since late January, and the detention of seven former journalists with the shuttered independent outlet Intex-Press, including reporter Ruslan Raviaka, on extremism charges in late 2024.

The BAJ representative confirmed to CPJ that Supruniuk was in detention. In 2021, Supruniuk was also briefly detained and his home was searched.

Belarus is the world’s fourth-worst jailer of journalists, with at least 31 journalists behind bars, on December 1, 2024, when CPJ conducted its most recent annual prison census. Pitkevich was not included at the time due to a lack of publicly available information on her detention.

CPJ emailed the Belarusian Investigative Committee, the country’s law enforcement agency, for comment but did not receive any response.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

San, a well-known political commentator and author also known by his pen names Huy Duc and Osin, was convicted under Article 331 of the penal code for 13 articles posted to his personal Facebook page between 2015 and 2024 and for independently collecting information, according to news reports.

“Journalist Truong Huy San was convicted and sentenced for gathering and publishing independent news, which Vietnam treats as a criminal offense,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “San and all independent journalists wrongfully held behind bars in Vietnam should be freed immediately and unconditionally.”  

CPJ was unable to immediately determine whether San intends to appeal his conviction. San has been in detention since his arrest in the capital Hanoi on June 1, 2024.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security, which manages the nation’s prisons and authorizes police to make political arrests, did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

Vietnam tied with Iran and Eritrea as the seventh worst jailer of journalists worldwide, with at least 16 reporters behind bars on December 1, 2024, in CPJ’s latest annual global prison census.  

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“It is absolutely shameful that Blessed Mhlanga has been thrown behind bars simply because he gave voice to a war veteran’s criticism of Zimbabwe’s government,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator, Muthoki Mumo, in Nairobi. “Zimbabwean authorities should free Mhlanga unconditionally and respond to their citizens’ concerns, rather than punishing the messenger.”

Mhlanga, who works with the privately owned Heart and Soul TV, said on the social media platform X that three armed men came to his office searching for him on February 17, soon after which the police phoned him to ask him to come in for questioning. On February 21, the police issued a statement seeking information about Mhlanga’s whereabouts. 

Mhlanga responded to the police summons on February 24 and was arrested on two counts of transmission of data messages “inciting violence or damage to property,” according to the Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights network, and Mhlanga’s lawyer Chris Mhike. 

On February 25, prosecutors opposed Mhlanga’s bail application, arguing that he was a flight risk, Mhike told CPJ. The court is due to decide on his application on February 27.

Authorities allege that the offenses were committed in Mhlanga’s November 2024 and January 2025 interviews with Blessed Geza, a veteran of Zimbabwe’s war for independence from white minority rule, who called on President Emmerson Mnangagwa to resign, accusing him of nepotism, corruption, and failing to address economic issues.

If found guilty, Mhlanga could be jailed for up to five years and fined up to US$700 under the 2021 Cyber and Data Protection Act.

Mhlanga was previously assaulted and arrested in 2022 while covering the attempted arrest of an opposition politician.

CPJ’s phone calls and messages to Zimbabwe’s National Prosecution Authority communications officer Angelina Munyeriwa and police spokesperson Paul Nyathi went unanswered.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Today’s Supreme Court ruling in the case of prominent investigative outlet Temirov Live was a chance for Kyrgyzstan to right the most egregious press freedom violation in the country’s modern history. Instead it serves to underline the apparently irreversible course towards authoritarianism under President Sadyr Japarov,” said Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s program director. “Kyrgyz authorities should immediately release Temirov Live journalists Makhabat Tajibek kyzy and Azamat Ishenbekov, withdraw all charges against them and Aike Beishekeyeva and Aktilek Kaparov, and end their attacks on the country’s once-free press.”

Kyrgyz police arrested 11 current and former staff of Temirov Live, a local partner of the global Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), in January 2024. In October, a court convicted Tajibek kyzy, Ishenbekov, Beishekeyeva, and former reporter Aktilek Kaparov and acquitted the remaining seven. Kaparov, who like Beishekeyeva was given a five-year suspended sentence with a three-year probation period, has yet to file a Supreme Court appeal. The four convicted journalists remained in detention pending the October verdict; the seven who were acquitted were previously moved into house arrest or released under travel bans in March and August.

A review of the case by TrialWatch, a global initiative of the Clooney Foundation for Justice, concluded that the convictions suggest “improperly that negative statements [in Temirov Live videos] about the government can serve as a basis for inciting mass unrest” under Kyrgyz law, and said the journalists’ right to a fair trial was violated, “as the court apparently relied almost exclusively on prosecution experts’ conclusions” and failed to address major gaps and inconsistencies in their testimony.

Temirov Live founder Bolot Temirov, who works from exile after being deported from Kyrgyzstan in retaliation for his reporting in 2022, told CPJ that Tajibek kyzy, Ishenbekov, and Beishekeyeva plan to file complaints against their convictions with the United Nations Human Rights Council.

In November 2024, CPJ submitted a report on Kyrgyz authorities’ unprecedented crackdown on independent reporting under Japarov to the Human Rights Council ahead of its 2025 Universal Periodic Review of the country’s human rights record in May.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

The government is prosecuting San under Article 331 of the penal code, which outlaws “abusing democratic freedoms to infringe on the interests of the State,” according to multiple news reports. He could face up to seven years in jail if found guilty.

“Vietnamese journalist Truong Huy San was exercising, not abusing, his democratic freedoms in his independent reporting on Vietnam’s Communist Party-dominated politics, and he should not be punished for doing so,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “These wrongheaded criminal charges should be scrapped and San should be freed unconditionally now.”

San, a well-known political commentator and author also known by his pen names Huy Duc and Osin, was arrested by police on June 1, 2024, in the capital, Hanoi, while traveling to an event where he was scheduled to speak. He has been held in pre-trial detention since his arrest. CPJ could not confirm if a date has been set for the case to be heard in Hanoi People’s Court.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security, which manages the nation’s prisons and authorizes police to make political arrests, did not immediately respond to CPJ’s emailed request for comment.

Vietnam was tied with Iran and Eritrea as the seventh worst jailer of journalists worldwide, with at least 16 reporters behind bars on December 1, 2024, in CPJ’s latest annual global prison census.  

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

Bangladesh’s interim government — established amid high hopes of political and economic reform— has drawn criticism from journalists and media advocates for its January introduction of drafts of two cyber ordinances: the Cyber Protection Ordinance 2025 (CPO) and Personal Data Protection Ordinance 2025.

While the government reportedly dropped controversial sections related to defamation and warrantless searches in its update to the CPO, rights groups remain concerned that some of the remaining provisions could be used to target journalists. According to the Global Network Initiative, of which CPJ is a member, the draft gives the government “disproportionate authority” to access user data and impose restrictions on online content. Journalists are also concerned that the proposed data law will give the government “unchecked powers” to access personal data, with minimal opportunity for judicial redress.

“Democracy cannot flourish without robust journalism,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “Bangladesh’s interim government must deliver on its promise to protect journalists and their right to report freely. Authorities should amend proposed laws that could undermine press freedom and hold the perpetrators behind the attacks on the press to account.”

CPJ’s calls and text messages to Nahid Islam, the information, communication, and technology adviser to the interim government, requesting comment on the ordinances did not receive a reply.

Meanwhile, CPJ has documented a recent spate of beatings, criminal investigations, and harassment of journalists for their work.

Attacks

A group of 10 to 12 men attacked Shohag Khan Sujon, a correspondent for daily Samakal newspaper, after he and three other journalists investigated allegations of medical negligence at a hospital in central Shariatpur district on February 3. 

Sujon told CPJ that a clinic owner held the journalist’s legs as the assailants hit his left ear with a hammer and stabbed his back with a knife. The three other correspondents — Nayon Das of Bangla TV, Bidhan Mojumder Oni of News 24 Television, and Saiful Islam Akash of Desh TV — were attacked with hammers when they tried to intervene; the attack ended locals chased the perpetrators away.

Sujon told CPJ he filed a police complaint for attempted murder. Helal Uddin, officer-in-charge of the Palang Model Police Station, told CPJ by text message that the investigation was ongoing.

In a separate incident on the same day, around 10 masked men used bamboo sticks to beat four newspaper correspondents — Md Rafiqul Islam of Khoborer Kagoj, Abdul Malak Nirob of Amar Barta, Md Alauddin of Daily Amar Somoy, and Md Foysal Mahmud of Daily Alokito Sakal — while they traveled to a village in southern Laximpur district to report on a land dispute, Islam told CPJ. 

The attackers stole the journalists’ cameras, mobile phones, and wallets and fired guns towards the group, causing shrapnel injuries to Mahmud’s left ear and leg, Islam said.

Authorities arrested four suspects, two of whom were released on bail on February 10, Islam told CPJ. Laximpur police superintendent Md Akter Hossain told CPJ by phone that authorities were working to apprehend additional suspects.

Threats

Shafiur Rahman, a British freelance documentary filmmaker of Bangladeshi origin, told CPJ he received an influx of threatening emails and social media comments after publishing a January 30 article about a meeting between the leadership of Bangladesh’s National Security Intelligence and the armed group Rohingya Solidarity Organisation.

Multiple emails warned Rahman to “stop or suffer the consequences” and “back off before it’s too late.” Social media posts included a photo of the journalist with a red target across his forehead and warnings that Rahman would face criminal charges across Bangladesh, leaving Rahman concerned for his safety if he returned to report from Bangladesh’s refugee camps for Rohingya forced to flee Myanmar.

“The nature of these threats suggests an orchestrated campaign to silence me, and I fear potential real-world repercussions if I continue my work on the ground,” Rahman said.

CPJ’s text to Shah Jahan, joint director of the National Security Intelligence, requesting comment about the threats did not receive a reply.

Criminal cases

Four journalists who reported or published material on allegedly illicit business practices and labor violations are facing possible criminal defamation charges after Noor Nahar, director of Tafrid Cotton Mills Limited and wife of the managing director of its sister company, Dhaka Cotton Mills Limited, filed a November 13, 2024, complaint in court against them. If tried and convicted, they could face up to two years in prison.

The four are:
* H. M. Mehidi Hasan, editor and publisher of investigative newspaper The Weekly Agrajatra.

* Kamrul Islam, assignment editor for The Weekly Agrajatra.

* Mohammad Shah Alam Khan, editor of online outlet bdnews999.  

* Al Ehsan, senior reporter for The Daily Post newspaper.

CPJ’s text to Nahar asking for comment did not receive a reply. 

Md Hafizur Rahman, officer-in-charge of the Uttara West Police Station, which was ordered to investigate the complaint, told CPJ by phone that he would send the latest case updates but did not respond to subsequent messages.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Arlene Getz/CPJ Editorial Director.

The White House barred an AP reporter from covering two official events at the White House following AP’s issuing of widely used style guidelines saying that Trump’s order changing the name to Gulf of America only carried authority in the U.S. and that as a global news agency it would continue to refer to the Gulf of Mexico by its 400-year-old name “while acknowledging the new name Trump has chosen.” 

Although there was nothing inaccurate or illegal in AP’s actions, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt – in explaining the decision to ban AP – said on Wednesday that the executive was tackling “lies.”

“Retaliating against AP – one of the world’s leading providers of fact-based news – for its content undermines the U.S. president’s stated commitment to free speech and prevents its audience in the U.S. and abroad from getting the news,” said CPJ CEO Jodie Ginsberg. “These actions follow a pattern of smearing and penalizing the press from the current administration and are unacceptable.”

Other specific areas of concern include: 

Retaliatory lawsuits: Despite his inauguration-day executive order stating his commitment to the First Amendment and freedom of speech, Trump has been involved in at least 29 defamation and media-related lawsuits since announcing his presidential candidacy in 2015, according to Axios. These types of lawsuits often involve lengthy and expensive litigation that can cripple an organization’s budget. CPJ’s research shows that these types of lawsuits from public figures can embolden local authorities to follow suit, and lead to self-censorship by news outlets. 

Punitive action by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC): CPJ is also concerned about the potential misuse of the Federal Communications Commission’s powers to grant and rescind licenses for local broadcasting. In the past several weeks, the FCC has opened investigations into stations including NPR and PBS. The regulatory body is also investigating the northern California radio station KCBS for informing listeners about where U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents would be conducting raids. These types of punitive actions undermine news organizations’ ability to do their work effectively. 

Suspension of U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funding: The freezing of USAID money – the legality of which is currently being challenged in the courts – is likely to have significant repercussions for a free press globally. CPJ is concerned about the sudden withdrawal of funding for a wide range of independent news organizations worldwide who cannot operate without external funding because of restrictions they face from non-democratic actors.

Targeted attacks against journalists and news organizations: CPJ is concerned about personal attacks on journalists directed by senior leaders of the current administration, including the president, against individual journalists and warns that this is likely to increase the likelihood of both online and physical attacks against members of the press. It is also worrying to see senior administration figures use derogatory language against Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/ Radio Free Liberty and others, which provide a critical defense against propaganda disseminated by non-democratic governments worldwide. As the U.S. seeks to pursue Trump’s stated goal of “hope, prosperity, safety, and peace,” the administration would be well served to accept, foster, and protect a pluralistic and free press as guaranteed under the First Amendment.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Arlene Getz/CPJ Editorial Director.

Lawyers representing the Dink family said they would appeal the February 7 verdict due to an “incomplete investigation and prosecution.”

Dink, founding editor of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, was shot in Istanbul in 2007 after receiving multiple death threats regarding his work.

“After almost 20 years of trials and retrials of those who allegedly murdered Hrant Dink, the latest verdict has once again failed to satisfy the journalist’s family, who desperately need closure,” said Özgür Öğret, CPJ’s Turkey representative. “Turkish authorities must stop ignoring the Dink family lawyers’ demands for a deeper investigation if they are to achieve full justice for Dink and expose those behind the conspiracy to murder him.”

The court handed down the following sentences:

• Muharrem Demirkale, life for “premeditated murder”
• Bekir Yokuş, life for “violating the constitution” and 10 years for “assisting in a premeditated murder”
• Yavuz Karakaya, 12 ½ years for “assisting in a premeditated murder”
• Ali Öz, Gazi Günay, and Okan Şimşek, life for “violating the constitution” and 25 years for “premeditated murder”
• Mehmet Ayhan, Hasan Durmuşoğlu, and Onur Karakaya, life for “violating the constitution” and 12 ½  years for “premeditated murder”
• Osman Gülbel, life for “violating the constitution” and 16 years and eight months for “premeditated murder”
• Veysel Şahin, 15 years for “manslaughter due to neglect”

The court also acquitted three defendants — Volkan Şahin, Şükrü Yıldız, and Mehmet Ali Özkılınç — in its retrial of 26 people who were found guilty of criminal conspiracy in 2021. 

The court ordered the arrests of Yokuş, Ayhan, and Onur Karakaya, who were free pending trial.

On January 9, the same court reached a verdict in a parallel trial regarding the murder conspiracy. In that trial, prosecutors had accused defendants with alleged ties to a recently deceased preacher, whom the Turkish government claims had run a terrorist organization, of playing a role in Dink’s murder. Two defendants in that trial received life sentences for “attempting to eliminate the constitutional order,” while lesser charges against some of them were dropped.

CPJ’s email to the chief prosecutor’s office in Istanbul for comment did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

CPJ raised concerns that the two bills would pose a significant threat to journalism in Zambia if enacted into law in current form, including numerous provisions that could undermine freedom of expression. In particular, the cybercrimes bill contains provisions that would amount to criminalization of defamation and could potentially undermine investigative journalism by prohibiting “unauthorized disclosure” of “critical information” in broad terms, without public interest safeguards. The bills would also give the state broad digital surveillance, search and seizure powers.

The bills, which would replace the Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act of 2021, were tabled at the National Assembly in November 2024 but decision-making was deferred, following concerns that the draft laws lacked adequate human rights safeguards. In December, Zambia’s President Hakainde Hichilema, who has previously promised to positively reform Zambia’s existing cyber crime legislation, said he was open to further dialogue with civil society on the two bills.

Read CPJ’s letter here.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Armed forces should not weaponize the judicial system to silence the press,” said Cristina Zahar, CPJ’s Latin America program coordinator, based in São Paulo. “Targeting journalists with defamation charges and coercing media to reveal sources threaten press freedom and undermine democracy. Honduran authorities must immediately end these intimidation tactics.”

Gen. Roosevelt Hernández ordered military lawyers to file criminal defamation complaints against the media outlets in November 2024, according to a report by Honduran newspaper La Prensa. 

Hondudiario’s editorial team told Reportar sin Medio, a Honduran news site, that the request came following its Oct. 30, 2024 report on internal divisions within the Honduran Armed Forces, including allegations that Hernández’s received government-funded medical treatment abroad for a heart condition.

The Honduras prosecutor’s office accepted the complaints, and law enforcement notified newsrooms that they were being investigated in late January 2025, La Prensa reported.

According to news reports, outlets under investigation include newspapers El Heraldo, La Prensa, La Tribuna, Hondudiario, Criterio HN, radio stations Radio Cadena Voces, Radio América, Abriendo Brecha, and TV outlets CHTV, Hable Como Habla, Q’Hubo TV, and Noticias 24/7.

Hernández confirmed that he had initiated the complaints but denied that they were meant to intimidate journalists, reported La Prensa.

Honduras’ penal code criminalizes defamation with prison terms up to one year and fines ranging from 200 to 1,000 days of salary for alleged false accusations in “reckless disregard for the truth.” The law imposes harsher penalties for statements made through print, television, radio, or digital platforms, a category referred to as “defamation with publicity.”

CPJ’s requests for comment from the Honduran Armed Forces, National Police, Public Ministry, and Security Ministry did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

• Charges against those jailed: 7 for “fake” news; 4 for extremism; 4 for terrorism; 1 for cooperation with a foreign agent organization; 1 for espionage; 1 for participating in an illegal armed group; 1 for illegally handling explosives; 3 undisclosed.

Source: CPJ, OVD-Info

(Editor’s note: These numbers are being updated periodically)

‘Foreign agent’ sanctions

Since 2017, Russian authorities have designated hundreds of media outlets and journalists as foreign agents, requiring them to regularly submit detailed reports of their activities and expenses to authorities and to list their designation on published content. Failure to comply can result in fines, prosecution, and up to two years in jail.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs regularly adds journalists with outstanding foreign agent fines to its wanted list for people sought on criminal charges, meaning they could be held in pretrial detention if they traveled to Russia or a country that might extradite them to Russia.

December 2024

• Exiled blogger Yury Dud fined 45,000 rubles (US$449) on December 27 for failing to list his designation.

• Criminal foreign agent case opened against Sergey Smirnov, exiled editor-in-chief of independent news outlet Mediazona, for failing to comply with the law.   

• Criminal foreign agent case opened against Dmitry Kolezev, exiled former editor-in-chief of independent media outlet Republic, already sentenced to 7 ½ years in prison in absentia on charges of spreading fake news about the army.

• Seyran Ibrahimov, founder of Crimean Tatar newspaper Qirim, and editor-in-chief Bekir Mamutov fined a total of 44,000 rubles (US$438) on December 23 for failing to list the foreign agent designation of two outlets named in a report. Six fines were imposed on Ibrahimov and Mamutov over Qirim’s work in 2024, an anonymous representative with human rights group Crimean Solidarity told CPJ. 

• Arrest warrant issued for Tatyana Felgenhauer, exiled producer and anchor for Mediazona YouTube channel, on December 20 for failing to list her designation.

• Criminal foreign agent case opened against Alesya Marokhovskaya, exiled editor-in-chief of investigative site IStories, for failing to provide mandatory reports to the Ministry of Justice. Her parents’ home in the far eastern city of Magadan was searched on December 5.

• Exiled journalists Maxim Trudolyubov, Andrey Malgin, and Ayder Muzhsabaev fined 45,000 rubles (US$449) each on December 4 for failing to list their designation.

November 2024

• Exiled journalist Ilya Davlyatchin, with the media project Mozhem Obyasnit, twice fined a total of 60,000 rubles (US$598) on November 29 for failing to submit information about a foreign agent to an authorized body. Under a Russia-Belarus treaty, Davlyatchin was also added to Russia’s wanted list on November 25 after Belarus charged him with “facilitating extremist activity” by appearing on independent Poland-based Belsat TV, for which the penalty is up to seven years in jail.

• Exiled journalist Kirill Nabutov, who runs YouTube channel Nabutovy, fined 30,000 rubles (US$299) on November 28 for failing to register as a foreign agent. 

• Criminal case opened against exiled blogger Ilya Varlamov on November 25 for failing to list his designation.

• Exiled Mediazona journalist Alla Konstantinova fined 30,000 rubles (US$290) on November 23 for failing to submit a report on her activities.

• Journalist Alena Sadovskaya removed on November 13 from reporting on a court hearing for the foreign agent media outlet Caucasian Knot on the grounds her work could “negatively affect” the case.

• Exiled Mediazona editor-in-chief Sergey Smirnov, fined 50,000 rubles (US$483) on November 12 for failing to list his designation. Smirnov was previously fined four times, totaling 230,000 rubles (US$ 2,220), for failing to include both his and Mediazona’s listing on their content.

October 2024

• Exiled blogger and journalist Natalia Sevets-Ermolina added to the wanted list on October 31 for failing to list her designation.

• Exiled blogger and former journalist with exiled broadcaster Dozhd TV (TV Rain), Ilya Shepelin, fined 40,000 rubles (US$386) on October 15 for failing to list his designation.

• Exiled journalist Mikhail Rubin of the investigative news outlet Proekt fined 40,000 rubles (US$386) on October 11 for violation of the procedure for the activities of a foreign agent.

• Exiled foreign agent Natalya Baranova, who runs the Telegram channel “Experiencing activism,” learned she was added to the wanted list on or before September 24.

‘Undesirable’ organizations

Since 2021, numerous media outlets have been labeled undesirable, which means they are banned from operating in Russia. Anyone who participates in or works to organize the activities of such outlets faces up to six years in prison. It is also a crime to distribute the organizations’ content or donate to them.

A key target is the Latvia-based news site Meduza, which was blocked in Russia following its condemnation of the Ukraine war. The popular outlet is also listed as a foreign agent. Meduza’s CEO Galina Timchenko won CPJ’s 2022 Gwen Ifill Press Freedom Award.

December 2024

• Exiled journalist Dmitry Kartsev fined 10,000 (US$98) rubles on December 26 for participating in a Meduza podcast.

• Exiled Vladislav Gorin fined 10,000 rubles (US$98) on December 17 for hosting a Meduza podcast.

November 2024

• Exiled Meduza journalist Andrey Pertsev fined 5,000 rubles (US$49) on November 27 for participating in a 2023 talk show by German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle.

• Meduza journalist Elizaveta Antonova fined 14,000 rubles (US$135) on November 25 for her April interview with the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America.

• Exiled Meduza journalist Anton Khitrov fined 10,000 rubles (US$100) on November 20 for taking part in a Meduza live stream about censorship.

• Maria Ivanova, editor-in-chief of local media outlet Yakutsk Vecherniy, fined 10,000 rubles (US$98) on November 19 for two posts with links to reports by an unspecified undesirable organization.

• Arrest warrant issued on November 6 for exiled journalist Kirill Martynov for running two undesirable organizations as editor-in-chief of independent news outlet Novaya Gazeta Europe and co-founder of the Free University.

• Exiled Meduza journalist Margarita Lyutova fined 5,000 rubles (US$48) on November 5 for appearing on the YouTube channel The Breakfast Show in 2023.

Sentenced to jail in absentia

Exiled journalists sentenced to jail in absentia would immediately be arrested if they traveled to Russia or a country that could extradite them to Russia.

2024

• Russian-American journalist and writer Masha Gessen sentenced on July 15 to 8 years on fake news charges.

• Former editor-in-chief of exiled Russian broadcaster Dozhd TV (TV Rain) Mikhail Zygar sentenced on July 23 to 8½ years on fake news charges.

• Former editor-in-chief of the independent media outlet Republic Dmitry Kolezev sentenced on August 6 to 7½ years on fake news charges.

2023

• Ilya Krasilshchik sentenced on June 28 to 8 years on fake news charges.

• Founder of investigative project Conflict Intelligence Team Ruslan Leviev sentenced on August 29 to 11 years on fake news charges.

• Video blogger Michael Nacke sentenced on August 29 to 11 years on fake news charges.

Legal action against international journalists

Russian courts issued arrest warrants in absentia for at least seven foreign journalists, previously charged with crossing into Russia’s Kursk region without permission as Ukrainian troops advanced on August 6, 2024. The penalty for illegal border crossings is up to five years in jail.

2025

• Australian Broadcasting Corporation correspondent Kathryn Diss and camera operation Fletcher Yeung, both U.S. citizens, on February 6.

• Britain’s The Sun newspaper’s defense editor Jerome Starkey on January 29.

2024

• German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle’s Nick Connolly on December 4.

• France 24’s Catherine Norris Trent on November 26.

• Romanian journalist Mircea Barbu who was on assignment for the news site HotNews on October 24.

• CNN’s Nick Paton Walsh on October 11.

• Italian public broadcaster RAI’s Stefania Battistini and Simone Traini on October 7.

The Federal Security Service (FSB) also filed criminal charges in 2024 against at least six other journalists for allegedly crossing into the Kursk region illegally:

• Swiss CH Media group correspondent Kurt Pelda on October 7.

• Ukrainian TV channel 1+1’s correspondent Natalia Nahorna on August 27.

• Ukrainian broadcaster Hromadske’s reporters Olesya Borovyk and Diana Butsko on August 22.

Denied international media accreditation

Since Ukraine’s full-scale invasion, Russia has revoked or failed to renew the media accreditation of at least seven international journalists:

2025

• French newspaper Le Monde’s correspondent Benjamin Quénelle on February 6.

2024

• German public broadcaster ARD’s Frank Aischmann and Sven Feller on November 27.

• Public broadcaster Austrian Radio and Television (ORF)’s Maria Knips-Witting on June 10.

• Spanish El Mundo newspaper’s correspondent  Xavier Colás on March 19.

2023

• Finnish newspaper correspondent Anna-Lena Laurén in May.

• Politico Europe Dutch journalist Eva Hartog on August 7.

2022

• Finnish newspaper Ilta-Sanomat’s correspondent Arja Paananen in October.

See also:

Russia fines 11 journalists, restricts 2 outlets with anti-state laws — July to September 2024

Russia seeks to arrest, prosecute, fine, and restrict 13 exiled journalists — June to July 2024

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

The 2025 law requires those listed by the justice ministry as “persons under foreign influence” to open special ruble accounts into which all their income from creative or intellectual activities, as well as the sale or rental of real estate, vehicles, dividends, and interest on deposits, must be paid.

So-called foreign agents will not be allowed to withdraw their earnings unless they are removed from the register. However, the government can withdraw money from agents’ accounts to pay fines imposed for failing to apply that label to their published material or to report on their activities and expenses to the government — a legal requirement since 2020.

While the new law’s full impact remains to be seen, it looms as yet another threat for exiled media outlets already rattled by the prospect of losing funding after U.S. President Donald Trump’s freezing of U.S. foreign aid.

“It is clear that the legal pressure on journalists who stay in Russia — and those who have relocated — will increase,” Mikhail Danilovich, director of The New Tab, an exiled online magazine founded in May 2022, which has been blocked inside Russia due to its coverage of the country’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, told CPJ.

Digging in

In addition to the new law, a parliamentary commission proposed on January 28 an increase in foreign agent fines and a ban on their teaching or taking part in educational activities, such as hosting lectures or seminars.

These moves signal an ongoing determination to crack down on independent journalists already grappling with a plethora of sanctions, from fines to arrest warrants and jail terms.

While hundreds have fled Russia due to authorities’ suppression of critical coverage of the Ukraine war, others continue to report from inside the country. Nadezhda Prusenkova, head of Moscow-based Novaya Gazeta’s press department, estimated that about half of the journalists designated foreign agents still live in Russia.

“We saw a greater focus on pressure on independent media and journalists in 2024, including pressure related to the legislation on foreign agents,” Dmitrii Anisimov, spokesperson for the human rights news site OVD-Info, told CPJ.   

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, CPJ has documented 247 journalists and media outlets branded as foreign agents and six exiled journalists sentenced in absentia to jail terms ranging from 7½ to 11 years on fake news charges.  

Although none of the journalists outside Russia have been taken into custody, the campaign against exiles has left many fearing for their safety – especially after three journalists who wrote critically about the war in Ukraine suffered symptoms of poisoning in 2022 and 2023.

Impact of the new law

Senior members of five independent media outlets that work with people designated as foreign agents told CPJ that it was unclear about how the new law will affect their journalists. 

Novaya Gazeta’s Prusenkova said that the newspaper had “very few” designated foreign agents on its staff, and Latvia-based Novaya Gazeta Europe CEO Maria Epifanova told CPJ that her exiled staff accessed their earnings from Western bank accounts. However, there were worries about losing revenue from the sale or rental of homes they left behind, she said.

Ivan Kolpakov, editor-in-chief of the Latvia-based independent outlet Meduza and one of the first Russians to be labeled as a foreign agent, told CPJ that, “Frankly speaking, we have not complied with foreign agent legislation in any form since 2023 [when Meduza was banned as an “undesirable” organization.]”  

Meduza is not alone in refusing to comply with the law, despite the risk of criminal prosecution. Media analysis of Russia’s judicial records found that only one-sixth of 620 fines issued in 2023 and the first half of 2024 were paid — 4 million rubles (US$40,453) out of a total of 25.8 million rubles (US$260,954). 

Sergey Smirnov, the exiled editor-in-chief of the popular outlet Mediazona, could be jailed for two years if convicted in a criminal case opened against him in December 2024 on charges of failing to note on his content that he was designated a foreign agent. Smirnov, who fled to Lithuania from Russia in 2022 after being jailed for a tweet the previous year, is one of 18 journalists — 16 of whom live in exile — prosecuted or fined under the foreign agent legislation in the last quarter of 2024.

“It’s very simple: I’m not paying,” Smirnov told CPJ, undeterred by the potential consequences on his assets back home. “Technically, they could seize the apartment I co-own.”

‘Plague-stricken’

The situation for such exiles can be perilous. In late 2024, Russian authorities continued their cross-border retaliation against the media by ordering the arrests in absentia of exiled journalists Tatyana Felgenhauer and Kirill Martynov.

Some media veterans say they have become too desensitized to focus on their government’s latest legal maneuvers.

“I’m not following these new developments,” said Roman Anin, exiled founder of the Latvia-based investigative website IStories, who is facing arrest for spreading “false information” about Russia’s armed forces in Ukraine.

“I’m already on the wanted list, and IStories has been declared an undesirable organization, which is much worse than being labeled a foreign agent — a status both I and IStories already have,” he told CPJ.

“Russia today is like a plague-stricken part of the world, similar to places like North Korea. There’s no point in seriously discussing what the so-called lawmakers in this system have come up with now.”

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Veteran journalist Shahnaz Baylargizi’s arrest underscores how Azerbaijani authorities are exploiting allegations of Western funding to silence leading independent voices,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Baylargizi suffers from acute health challenges, and each day she unjustly spends behind bars jeopardizes her life. Azerbaijani authorities must immediately release her along with all other unjustly jailed journalists.” 

Police arrested Baylargizi, whose legal name is Shahnaz Huseynova, on February 5 in the capital, Baku, and confiscated cells phones and a laptop from her home, according to reports.

The journalist’s lawyer, Bakhtiyar Hajiyev, told media that she was charged with the same economic crimes—including currency smuggling, tax evasion, and money laundering—brought against four other Toplum TV journalists following a March 2024 raid on the outlet’s office over alleged funding from major donor organizations based in the West. 

If convicted, Baylargizi faces up to 12 years in prison. 

Police called an ambulance for Baylargizi, who suffers from diabetes and high blood pressure, after her blood pressure spiked during arrest, her lawyer said. Reports stated that she has since been placed under medical observation in the detention center.

Baylargizi is among at least 23 journalists and media workers currently jailed in Azerbaijan in retaliation for their work. Most have been jailed over allegedly receiving Western funding amid a vast crackdown on dissenting voices since late 2023 and a decline in relations between Azerbaijan and the West.

CPJ’s annual prison census found that Azerbaijan was among the world’s top 10 jailers of journalists in 2024.

CPJ’s email requesting comment to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, which oversees the police, did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Veteran journalist Shahnaz Baylargizi’s arrest underscores how Azerbaijani authorities are exploiting allegations of Western funding to silence leading independent voices,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Baylargizi suffers from acute health challenges, and each day she unjustly spends behind bars jeopardizes her life. Azerbaijani authorities must immediately release her along with all other unjustly jailed journalists.” 

Police arrested Baylargizi, whose legal name is Shahnaz Huseynova, on February 5 in the capital, Baku, and confiscated cells phones and a laptop from her home, according to reports.

The journalist’s lawyer, Bakhtiyar Hajiyev, told media that she was charged with the same economic crimes—including currency smuggling, tax evasion, and money laundering—brought against four other Toplum TV journalists following a March 2024 raid on the outlet’s office over alleged funding from major donor organizations based in the West. 

If convicted, Baylargizi faces up to 12 years in prison. 

Police called an ambulance for Baylargizi, who suffers from diabetes and high blood pressure, after her blood pressure spiked during arrest, her lawyer said. Reports stated that she has since been placed under medical observation in the detention center.

Baylargizi is among at least 23 journalists and media workers currently jailed in Azerbaijan in retaliation for their work. Most have been jailed over allegedly receiving Western funding amid a vast crackdown on dissenting voices since late 2023 and a decline in relations between Azerbaijan and the West.

CPJ’s annual prison census found that Azerbaijan was among the world’s top 10 jailers of journalists in 2024.

CPJ’s email requesting comment to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Azerbaijan, which oversees the police, did not receive a reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The sentencing of journalists Chadha Hadj Mbarek and Chahrazad Akacha is a clear example of how the Tunisian government is using judicial harassment to crush press freedom and independent journalism,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna. “Tunisian authorities must immediately and unconditionally release Mbarek and ensure that journalists and media workers can work freely without fear of reprisal.”

A Tunis court convicted Akacha and Mbarek, a journalist and a social media content editor at local independent content firm Instalingo, of “conspiring against state security” and “committing an offense against the President of the Republic.” 

Mbarek and Akacha, who has fled the country, were among the 41 people prosecuted in connection with their work at Instalingo since September 2021 following accusations that Instalingo was hired by members of the Ennahda opposition party to distribute content critical of President Kais Saied’s government. All were convicted on anti-state charges and handed long prison sentences on February 5. 

Mbarek, in jail at the time of her sentencing, was initially arrested at her home in the city of Sousse on October 5, 2021, on anti-state charges. A judge dismissed the case and Mbarek’s charges on June 19, 2023, ordering her release, but she was arrested again after the state prosecutor filed an appeal.

According to CPJ’s December 1, 2024 census there are at least five journalists behind bars in Tunisia, the highest number since 1992.

CPJ’s email to the presidency requesting comment on Mbarek and Akacha’s sentences did not receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“Justice must be served in journalists’ killings,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “It is alarming Sri Lanka’s attorney general seeks to drop charges against three key suspects in journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge’s murder without any public explanation. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake must deliver on his pledge to bring attacks on the press to justice.”

On January 27, Sri Lankan attorney general Parinda Ranasinghe issued a letter stating that his office will not pursue further legal action against three suspects, including a former army intelligence officer and two police officials, in Wickrematunge’s death. [this link isn’t working for me]

Ranasinghe, previously appointed by President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s administration, directed the Criminal Investigation Department to report progress within 14 days after presenting the update to the magistrate court, which will decide on the attorney general’s recommendation.

The former army intelligence officer is out on bail following his 2016 arrest on allegations of abducting and threatening Wickrematunge’s driver, a key witness in the case. The two former police officials are out on bail following their 2018 arrests for allegedly concealing evidence in the murder.

In response to the letter, Sri Lankan media minister Nalinda Jayatissa said on Wednesday that the government will “study this matter” and “do justice by the citizens of this country.”

No one has been convicted for dozens of murders, enforced disappearances, and abductions of journalists during and in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war that ended in 2009. In January, CPJ joined 24 civil society partners in urging the recently elected government to ensure accountability for violence against the press.

Jayatissa did not immediately respond to CPJ’s text message requesting comment. CPJ also emailed the Dissanayake and Ranasinghe’s offices for comment but did not immediately receive any reply.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

“The incitement charges against Temirlan Yensebek raise concerns that he’s being targeted for his biting political satire,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kazakh authorities should release Yensebek, drop the charges against him, and free journalists Ruslan Biketov and Asem Zhapisheva, who were detained for protesting Yensebek’s arrest.”

Police in the southern city of Almaty arrested Yensebek on January 17. He was charged over a January 2024 Qaznews24 post, which has since been taken down, featuring a two-decade-old song with offensive lyrics about Russians, Kazakhstan’s largest ethnic minority. Authorities have since ordered the song be removed from social media.  

Yensebek’s lawyer, Zhanara Balgabayeva, told CPJ that the charges were inappropriate and “merely a pretext” to jail Yensebek. She said the post was clearly marked as satirical and Yensebek did not author or perform the song, which was not banned.

Balgabayeva’s view was echoed by journalists and activists who described it as a retaliatory response to a January 3 Qaznews24 post mocking Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.  

In a country with few independent media outlets, Yensebek has succeeded in using satire to comment on current affairs. With social media, he regularly publishes spoof news stories that criticize authorities.

Qaznews24’s political commentary has attracted more than 67,000 followers since its launch in 2021 — and the ire of authorities who swiftly arrested Yensebek on false information charges. The case was later dropped on the grounds that satire should not be prosecuted as false information.

On January 19 and 20, police detained independent journalists Biketov, of the online outlet Kursiv, and Zhapisheva, for separately protesting Yensebek’s arrest. They were sentenced to 15 days’ administrative detention for alleged violation of Kazakhstan’s strict public protest laws.

Almaty police did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment via email but were quoted as saying Yensebek was detained for publishing material “containing clear signs of incitement of ethnic hatred.”

(Editor’s note: The fourth paragraph of this alert has been updated to correct a typo.)

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Arlene Getz/CPJ Editorial Director.

“The incitement charges against Temirlan Yensebek raise concerns that he’s being targeted for his biting political satire,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Kazakh authorities should release Yensebek, drop the charges against him, and free journalists Ruslan Biketov and Asem Zhapisheva, who were detained for protesting Yensebek’s arrest.”

Police in the southern city of Almaty arrested Yensebek on January 17. He was charged over a January 2024 Qaznews24 post, which has since been taken down, featuring a two-decade-old song with offensive lyrics about Russians, Kazakhstan’s largest ethnic minority. Authorities have since ordered the song be removed from social media.  

Yensebek’s lawyer, Zhanara Balgabayeva, told CPJ that the charges were inappropriate and “merely a pretext” to jail Yensebek. She said the post was clearly marked as satirical and Yensebek did not author or perform the song, which was not banned.

Balgabayeva’s view was echoed by journalists and activists who described it as a retaliatory response to a January 3 Qaznews24 post mocking Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.  

In a country with few independent media outlets, Yensebek has succeeded in using satire to comment on current affairs. With social media, he regularly publishes spoof news stories that criticize authorities.

Qaznews24’s political commentary has attracted more than 67,000 followers since its launch in 2021 — and the ire of authorities who swiftly arrested Yensebek on false information charges. The case was later dropped on the grounds that satire should not be prosecuted as false information.

On January 19 and 20, police detained independent journalists Biketov, of the online outlet Kursiv, and Zhapisheva, for separately protesting Yensebek’s arrest. They were sentenced to 15 days’ administrative detention for alleged violation of Kazakhstan’s strict public protest laws.

Almaty police did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment via email but were quoted as saying Yensebek was detained for publishing material “containing clear signs of incitement of ethnic hatred.”

(Editor’s note: The fourth paragraph of this alert has been updated to correct a typo.)

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Arlene Getz/CPJ Editorial Director.

According to an unnamed source cited in the report, Budanov said that unless serious negotiations on ending the war are held by the summer, “dangerous processes could unfold, threatening Ukraine’s very existence.” Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence later denied the quote.

“CPJ is concerned about Ukraine’s opening of a criminal case for ‘disclosure of state secrets’ based on Ukrainska Pravda’s reporting,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “Ukrainian authorities must commit to respecting the confidentiality of sources and refrain from putting pressure on independent journalism.”

CPJ was unable to determine whether the SBU opened the case against specific persons. The penalty for disclosing state secrets is up to eight years imprisonment.

“We act within the law and strictly adhere to professional standards of journalism. Ukrainska Pravda, as always, stands by its sources of information, which is guaranteed by the current legislation of Ukraine and international law,” Ukainska Pravda editor-in-chief and 2022 IPFA Awardee Sevgil Musaieva said in a January 31 statement.

CPJ emailed the SBU and Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence for comment but did not immediately receive any replies.

In October 2024, Ukrainska Pravda published a statement saying it was experiencing “ongoing and systematic pressure” from Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s office.

Several Ukrainska Pravda journalists, including Musaieva, have been obstructed and threatened over their work. Ukrainian investigative journalists have also faced surveillance, violence, and intimidation in connection with their work about Russia’s full-scale invasion of the country.

In December 2024, CPJ sent a letter to Zelenskyy asking him to ensure that journalists and media outlets can work freely in Ukraine and that no one responsible for intimidating journalists goes unpunished. The letter was still unanswered as of February 2025.

This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

On January 30, police removed the independent online outlet Telex’s reporter Dániel Simor and camera operator Noémi Gombos from a car park outside a film studio in Fót, a city 15 miles north of the capital Budapest, before Orbán arrived to officially open it.

“Hungarian authorities should conduct a swift and transparent investigation into the detention of Telex journalists Dániel Simor and Noémi Gombos at an event attended by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán”, said Attila Mong, CPJ’s Europe representative. “It is unacceptable to use police force to obstruct reporters from asking questions of public officials. This marks a clear escalation of intimidatory tactics, previously unheard of in Hungary.”